White Socialization: Black Reality †.

Psychiatry Interpersonal and Biological Processes

ISSN: 0033-2747 (Print) 1943-281X (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/upsy20

White Socialization: Black Reality Joan E. Laurence To cite this article: Joan E. Laurence (1970) White Socialization: Black Reality, Psychiatry, 33:2, 174-194, DOI: 10.1080/00332747.1970.11023623 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00332747.1970.11023623

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White Socialization: Black Reality t Joan E. Laurence*

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RIOR to the development of democracy, the duty of the .citizen was to obey. With the rise of democracy asa viable political system, the role of the citizen shifted: the right to govern rested on the consent of the governed. In this light, public opinion took on new importance. Once the attitudes and values of citizens became a relevant area of study, interest also developed as to the process by which the citizens' attitudes and values are acquired. This process is what the involved disciplines term political socialization. It is viewed as a process which begins during childhood and occurs in varying degrees throughout the life of the citizen. The recognition that the process of political socialization is occurring long before the age at which the citizen is permitted to participate in the political system of his society has focused the attention of political scientists, among others, on the development of politically relevant attitudes in young children. 1 This paper presents data on political attitudes of black and white children and discusses possible implications of these attitudes, both for understanding political socialization and for efforts to reduce racial polarization. Before proceeding further with a discussion of political socialization, it is necessary to return to the problem of how the term is defined, and to the implications of the definition chosen upon the kind of research performed and subsequent findings of the research. The concept of political socialization abounds with definitions. Bender,for example, cites ten definitions to which he then adds his own. For the most part these definitions have been divided into two categories. The distinction

/

usually made is illustrated by the following definitions: ... a process through which the individual internalizes politically relevant attitudes, beliefs, cognitions and values. [Bender, p. 392; emphasis added] Political socialization refers to the learning process by which the political norms and behaviors acceptable to an ongoing political system are transmitted from generation to generation. [Sigel, p. 1; emphasis added]

The obvious distinction between these definitions is that the first employs only the broad term "politically relevant,"

• Miss Laurence (M.A., UCLA 67) is a Senior Partner, Applied Research Enterprises, Santa Monica, California. This research was conducted during the author's tenure as Research Associate to the UCLA Committee on Civic Education. t The research on which this article is based was funded by a grant from the Ford Foundation to the UCLA Committee on Civic Education. It was performed, under the direction of Professor David O. Sears, as part of the Committee's continuing progrlVD of curriculum development, teacher education, and I'ese.arch. The author wishes to express special thanks to the students and the staff of the Sacrllmento City Unified School District, whose cooperation made the research possible. She also thanks Wendy Heyel, Harry M. ScobIe, Diana TenHouten, and Charles N. Quigley for their invaluable assistance. 1 For discussion and general examples of political socialization research see: Easton and Den~ nls; Greenstein; Hess and Torney; Hyman; and Langton. ..

174


WHITE SOCIALIZATION: BLACK REALITY

while the second implies some agreedupon set of acceptable norms and behaviors to which the individual is being socialized. Both types of definition, however, share an assumption which has important consequences for research and policy. By using a singular noun ("a process" or "the learning process"), without discussing this usage, both imply the existence of a single socialization process within a given society. Thus, in application the first type of definition also results in assuming a single set of attitudes, beliefs, cognitions, and values' to which individuals are being more or less socialized within a given society. There is, however, a third type of definition which has somehow been either lost or lumped together with the above, but which in fact has very different implications. In his early work Political Socialization, Hyman, defines socialization of the individual as: . . . his learning of social patterns corresponding to his societal positions as mediated through various agencies of society. [po 25; emphasis added]

To narrow this definition from socialization in general to political socialization, it is only necessary to substitute "politically relevant social patterns" for "social patterns." If this definition is employed, any conceptual model of political socialization must take into account varying societal positions along with the usual focus on agents, content, and process of socialization. Since Americans do not like to view their society in terms of class or strata or "societal position/' it is not surprising that this definition has not been utilized by those doing political socialization research. And here we encounter the theoretical!empirical vicious circle. If either of the first two definitions is chosen, any sample should be adequate for examining the process of socialization. The researcher is free to avoid the problems

175

and expense of complex sampling procedures. If only a relatively homogeneous white middle-class population is then sampled, the data do not force questioning the definition. It is possible to explain differences merely in terms of deviation from a norm or quantity of socialization-some children are more socialized than others. At this point, it would be nice to be able to report that the selection of· the sample for th~s research on political attitudes, which was conducted by the UCLA Committee on Civic Education, was the direct result of careful consideration of definitions and an elaborate conceptual model, but to do so would be somewhat dishonest. Logic or common sense (or whatever one chooses to call it) indicated that if we were studying political attitudes of children in the United States in 1968, we had to include black children in the sample. 2 The data from these children forced a reexamination of the conceptualization of socialization, and resulted in a recognition of the third definition as the most appropriate for understanding these findings and for relating them to prior research. Without developing any elaborate stratification system or typology of societal positions relevant to the political system of the United States, it is possible to make certain general distinctions. The first distinction is between the norms and behaviors defined as acceptable by the ongoing political regime, which it attempts to inculcate through its institutions, and other sets of norms and behaviors which are shared by and may be functional for various segments of the citizenry. Much political socialization research has dealt only with the "regime • This is not to say that there were not specific' hypotheses to be tested concerning differences between the attitudes of black and white children, but only that such hypotheses were not directly tied to the question of whether socialization should be conceptualized in terms of a single process. .


176

JOAN E. LAURENCE

norms" and has not questioned whether they are in fact relevant to or functional for groups occupying different positions within the political system.s In addition, since actual political power in the United States is still virtually white power, regime norms and behaviors are essentially white norms and behaviors.4 With regard to categorizing individuals or groups, only the basic distinction of race is dealt with here. Despite any changes in race relations in recent years, black and white still occupy different positions in this society and the "politically relevant social patterns" related to being black are different from those related to being white. In obvious terms, the world in which the black child grows up is not the same as that in which the white child lives. The black child's position as a black in this society gives him a different reality and a different self-interest, even'if he attends an integrated school. The following data on black and white children indicate that their political attitudes differ and that differences between the groups increase with age. It is being hypothesized (1) that these differences occur because of selective socialization; and (2) that socialization of black and white children differs because they occupy different positions in society and different political attitudes correspond with or are relevant to these positions. METHOD

The data reported here are based on responses of 178 black and 821 white • Other existing data also appear to fit well into a model taking into account societal position as it relates to ,perceived reality. For examples, see McClosky's data on attitudes of political activists and general electorate samples; and Laurence and ScobIe's data on elite children. 'Which mayor may not correspond to black reality, and mayor may not be shared by various whit!.' groups in the society.

children to a written questionnaire administered in March, 1968;5 the children came from 48 fifth, sixth, and eighth grade integrated classes of the Sacramento City Unified School District. Both black and white groups have been dichotomized according to age, yielding a "young" group ranging from 8 to 11 years (mainly 10 and 11), and an "old" group ranging from 12 to 15 years (mainly 12 and 13). While the groups will be referre,d to as "old" and "young," it should be remembered that the age difference being considered is in reality quite small. Eighty-five percent of the children fall within a fouryear span of 10 through 13 years of age. These subsamples differ with respect to certain demographic variables which are summarized in Table 1. An examination of Table 1 reveals, first of all, that there are differences between the black and white children in terms of (1) the proportion who live with'twoparents; (2) all the indices of m9bility (birthplace, length of California residence, and residence in other states); (3) birthplace in southern states; and (4) religion (there are three times as many white as black • The study as a whole, consisted of over 300 items designed to measure approximately 50 variables. This paper reports on only a small portion of them. Many of, the, variables were included to 'examine the impact of an experimental social studies curriculum unit upon the children's political attitudes. Although the study utilized a classical pretest and posttest design, all of the data discussed here come from the pretest, and the experimental and control groups have been combined to yield a larger number of respondents. The variables which are discussed in this paper were selected because they had the highest degree of relevance to the issue of racial polarization in the United States. All items measuring a given variable are presented, even if they are not discussed in the text (as is the case in Table 7). The questionnaire was divided into several sections, all of which were not administered at one sitting. Thus, the actual number of respondents varies somewhat depending ,on the section of the questionnaire in which the item appeared. For this reason, the number of respondents upon which percentages are based is presented on each table. The total sample included children of Mexican-Amerkan ann oriental descent, but they are not included In this analysis.

177


Table 1 D.EMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS

OF

SUBSAMPLES

Young White %

Old Black

%

White

%

Black

%

Sex

Male Female

49 51

51 49

47 53

60 40

78 9 10 1

73 11 10 2

75 8 13

55 14 23

2

2

2

4

1

8

51 32 1

65 11 3

52 27 2

77 9 2

16

22

18

14

84 4 10 2

61 18 18 4

77 5 16 2

43 37 15 4

2 4 94

12 17 71

2 7 91

16 21 63

74 (408)

38 (110)

69 (413)

34 (68)


Major Adults in Home

Mother and father Parent and stepparent Mother only Father only Other (relatives or fos,ter parents) Religion

Protestant Catholic Jewish Other (includes mixed and none) Birthplace

California Southern state Other parts of U.S. Foreign country Length of California Residence

2 years or less 3 to 5 years 6 years or more Residence in Other States

Never lived in other state for more than one year Number of Respondents

Catholics). The first three areas of diff~ erence may be related to attitudinal differences' between the black and white children, but they also reflect the differences in the general black and white populations of the United States. Thus, they do not decrease the importance of observed differences in attitudes. 6 The differences between the two groups of black children are of greater concern, for, as we shall see, attitudinal • The fourth factor, religion, is reported for the benefit of anyone interested. We know of no data which indicate that Protestants and Catholics differ systematically with regard to the attitudes being discussed.

differences between black and white increase with age. It is possible that the fact that only 69 percent of the older black children, compared to 84 percent of the young, live with two parents contributes to the attitudinal differences between the two groups, but this does not seem to be the case. Comparing attitudes of single-parent versus two-parent black children yields no statistically significant differences. 7 Looking just at birthplace, the two black groups differ significantly in • Wherever statistical significance is discussed, it refers to a .05 level or greater on a chi-square test.

JOAN E. LAURENCE


178

terms of percentage born in California or a soutl).ern state, but looking at the comparative length of California residence-a more important variable in terms of socialization-the difference between the two groups decreases greatly. There is one important qualification to be made before turning to the data. Although the two age groups are discussed as though socialization had occurred over a period of time, this was not a longitudinal study and the discussion always refers to two or four discrete groups of children. Optimally, the way to examine any process of socialization is to follow the same children over time. Unfortunately, such longitudinal research is costly and difficult and has yet to be funded or performed.

share with the federal government," and "the basis of· representation in the United States House of Representa.;. tives." Each child was given a score of from one to nine points based on the number of correct answers he was able to select. As Table 2 shows, it is obvious that up through the age of eleven very little socialization has occurred and there is no significant difference between black and white in the acquisi. tion of information about the political system. Approximately three-fourths of black and white children fall in the range of one to three correct. Going from the younger to the older children, the situation is somewhat different. The older white children have continued to acquire information while, with few exceptions, the older black

Table 2 r

SCORES ON INFORMATION ABOUT THE POLITICAL SYSTEM

Percentage Distribution Correct Answers

r

1 to 3 4 to 6 7 to 9 Number of respondents

White

77 23 1 (378)

GENERAL POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION

This section explores some general areas of political socialization: information about the political system; political efficacy; political participation; and attachment to basic democratic ideology. A certain amount of factual knowledge is considered a necessary basis for effective political behavior, independent of attitudes or values. For this reason, information about the political system was included in the study. It was measured by nine mUltiple-choice items, ranging from elementary political facts, such as the correct Presidential term of office and the name of the Gov:ernor of California, to more complex issues, such as "a power the states

Young

BZack

White

75 25

45 40 15 (390)

(100)

Old

Black

79 18 4 (60)

children are at the same level as the younger children. Since these are multiple-choice questions, differences in number of correct responses may be influenced by "playing the game" and guessing more often, as well as by choosing the right answer on the basis of having correct information. s This is part of the story. Looking at the nine political information items, between the young groups there is an average difference of 2.1 percentage points in correct responses 8 With five alternative answers presented, without even reading the question, a totally random choice has a 20 percent probability of being correct. An experienced multiple-choice "game-player" can often eliminate at least two of the alternatives as totally unreasonable and increase the probability of a correct choice to 33* percent, still without knowing the exact right· answer.

179


Table 3 EFFICACIOUS RESPONSES TO POLITICAL EFFICACY ITEMS

Efficacy Items

Percentage of Efficacious Responses Young White

Old Black

White

Black

People in the government care about what people like my family think.*

39

32

43

29

My family doesn't have any say in what the government does.**

46

39

60

50

(110)

(413)

(68)

Number of respondents

(408)


• Agreement scored as efficacious. •• Disagreement scored as efficacious.

(whites higher), and an average difference of 1.33 percentage points (blacks higher) in response rate. Comparing the older children, there is an average difference of 15.8 percentage points in correct responses and 14 percentage points in response rate, with whites higher in both· cases. This is also illustrated by what happens with age within each racial group. Between the young and old white children there is an average increase of 15.8 percentage points in correct responses and 14.8 percentage points in response rate. The average increase between young and old for blacks, however, is only one percentage point in correct responses and .55 percentage point in response rate. Although guessing more does not account for all of the difference between older black and white children, it is apparent that the older black children do not choose to play the game. Along with the other data being presented, the content of these items makes it plausible to hypothesize that the older black children view this measure as a "white" one and therefore irrelevant to them. Table 3 presents the responses of the children to two items designed to measure a sense of political efficacy: the individual's belief that (1) the government is concerned about his wishes, and (2) he is able to influence government decisions. Independent of wheth-

er these concepts are accurate reflections of political reality, they are a part of democratic ideology which the system attempts to perpetuate, and traditionally this sense of political efficacy has been viewed as a necessary prerequisite to political involvement and participation. When one examines the responses of the younger children, feelings of efficacy are harder to find among black children than among white even prior to age eleven. Among the older children, the difference between the races has increased. On both measures, the proportion of black children selecting the efficacious response is significantly lower than for their white counterparts. Ignoring ideology, this difference in sense of efficacy is in keeping with the hypothesis that the black children are perceiving their own reality. Turning from an underlying sense of efficacy to actual political activity, we proceed to Table 4, which presents the children's reports of participation in selected forms of "democratic" political activity.9 It should be noted that these are only the traditional forms of participation in the political process. There are no measures of, for example, partic• On comparable items, all partiCipation reports by these children (white as well as black) are lower than those reported by the Hess and Torney white fifth-grade sample. Their figures are: 87.5% read about a candidate; 57% wore a campaign button; 22% helped a candidate (p.

88).

180

JOAN E. LAURENCE

Table 4 REPORTS OF PARTICIPATION IN POLI'l'ICAL AcTIVITIES

Political Activities

Percentage Distribution


White

Written letter to the President Helped a candidate by doing things like handing out buttons or papers Worn a button for a candidate Talked with parents about a candidate Talked with friends about a candidate Talked with parents about our country's problems Read about a candidate in newspapers or magazines Talked with parents or friends about the war in Vietnam Watched the President on television Number of respondents

Young

Old

BZack

White

6

7

6

9

10 22

12 23

18 40

14 29

49

30

65

41

51

31

64

46

57

47

69

47

54

43

70

52

55 70 (100)

77 74 (396)

59 65 (60)

73 80 (404)

ipation in boycotts, sit-ins, marches, or riots, all of which have become forms of political participation. lO Of the nine forms of activity included in Table 4, the differences between young black and white children are statistically significant on two items: talking with their friends about a candidate, and talking with parents or friends about the war in Vietnam. For the older children there are significant differences between black and white on all forms of political activity except having written a letter to the President or watched him on television. As measured by these items, the racial pattern for participation is somewhat different than that for acquiring political information (where black children stop playing the game while white children continue). Black children continue to play this game (for almost all activities, a larger proportion of older 10 There are several reasons for this omission. To some extent it is the result of a very real difficulty in asking "controversial" questions in the schOOls. To this problem of school approval is added the ever-present research problem of not enough time to cover everything one would like to include. Even more important (and perhaps less excusable) is the theoretical "time lag" problem discussed later in the text.

Black

than younger black children report having participated), but their participation increases at a lesser rate than does participation of white children. Whatever the pattern, the lower participation rate among older black children is in keeping with their lower sense of political efficacy.u Table 5 presents data on sixteen items concerning general principles of democratic procedure and specific applications of these principles. Research has focused on these attitudes because of the traditional assumption that the viability and stability of American democracy is dependent upon shared beliefs in democratic processes.12 In theory, therefore, these are some of the n From this type of data it is impossible to determine relative cause and effect. At least two opposite but not mutually exclusive models are plausible. It can be hypothesized that an individual must believe his actions will be effective in order to act. Conversely, it is possible that the fact that an individual has acted will result in a belief that action is effective. If a sense of political efficacy is simply an extension of general ego strength to specifically political situations, the first hypothesis is logical. It is also possible, however, that if the child grows up in an environment where political participation occurs, the fact that he has participated will lead him to rationalize his actions in terms of political effectiveness, independent of general self-esteem. .



basic norms and values which are "acceptable" to a democratic political system and to which it attempts to socialize citizens, in order that consensus rather than conflict will exist. Operationally, the arbitrary cutting point of 75 percent agreement with the "demo~ratic"· position has been used as the minimal requirement for consensus. 13 In these terms, the data may not inspire great confidence in the children's commitment to democracy, but comparing the age groups suggests a slight trend in this direction. Although the young children do not achieve consensus on any of the items, the older children . achieve or almost achieve "democratic" consensus on three of them, including abstract free speech. This "trend" does not hold for the application of free speech. Here the children are closer to an "antidemocratic" consensus at both age levels. Leaving the question of consensus and returning to a racial comparison, on none of the items are there significant differences between the young black and white children. For the older groups, there are significant differences between black and white children on five of the sixteen items. The first two items where significant differences appear are in the area of majority rule. When it comes to paying taxes as a criterion for. voting, the black children are more "democratic" than the white, but when it comes to the votes of the important person counting for more than those of the average man, the white children are more "democratic" (although the groups do not reach consensus on either item) . The first issue appears to be a case of correctly perceived self-interest. It is reasonable to hypothesize that the personal consequences of limiting the .. For related research (and comparable data) see McClosky; Prothro and Grigg; and Laurence and ScobIe. 18 For additional discussion of the operational meaning of consensus, see McClosky, p. 363.

181

franchise to taxpayers are immediately apparent to these black children. The second issue, giving more weight to the votes of an important person, conflicts with the objective self-interest of the black child. Viewed in historical and psychological perspective, however, the responses of the black children are understandable. For all children in this age range, responses to this item appear to have very little to do with abstract democratic values. They seem to be much more related to self-image, self-esteem, or sense of efficaey. Where self-esteem is low, a kind of subconscious counteridentification occurs: the child perceives himself as without knowledge, importance, or power, and, consequently, finds it logical that someone who. is important should have more power than he does. It is predictable, if this type of mechanism is in operation, that a larger proportion of black than white children will grant more power to "important" people. The first basis for this prediction is the lower measured sense of political efficacy among black children, which was discussed above. It is also based on the historical necessity of slavery to create an image of blacks as inferior to and dependent upon whites. This psychological stereotype has been maintained into the present and internalized by blacks as well as by whites.14 Additional support for this interpretation is found by considering the related issue of restricting the franchise to individuals who "know a lot about the problem" being voted on (Table 5). On this item, the same pattern is observed: a larger proportion of blacks sees knowledge as a legitimate criterion for voting (although the differences are not statistically significant) . Before continuing with a discussion of the remaining items on which the racial groups differ, it should be noted U For one of many discussions of this phenomenon, see Grier and Cobbs, esp. pp. 18-31.

JOAN E. LA URENCE

182

Table 5 RESPONSES TO "DEMOCRACTIC IDEOLOGY" 'ITEMS

"Democratic Ideology" ltlmUJ

Percentage Distribution* Young


White

White

BZack

69

64

83

6

6

4

76 5

27

41

23 36

30

27

40 27

34

30

DISAGREE AGREE

25 39

30 , 30

25

DISAGREE AGREE

42

46 21

36

34

48

57 26

DISAGREE AGREE

39 20

31 18

60 12

33 25

DISAGREE AGREE

47 18 65

43

25

52 23

Due Process of Law No matter what a person's political beliefs, he should have the same rights and protections as AGREE anyone else. DISAGREE It is better that a guilty person should go free than that an inAGREE nocent person should be unfairly punished. DISAGREE Rules of the Game There are times when it almost' seems better for the people to take the law into their own hands instead of waiting for DISAGREE the government to act. AGREE Majority Rule If a communist won an election for mayor, the people should not let him be mayor. In a city election deciding on things that are paid for by taxes, only people who pay taxes should be allowed to vote. When you have elections, the votes of the. important person should count for more than the votes of the average man. In a city election, only people who know a lot about the problem being voted on should be allowed to vote. In a democracy, all adults should be allowed to vote.

Old BZack

AGREE DISAGREE

47

48

46 32

48

29 35

72

6

70 5

47 28 80

9

3

56

57

Abstract Free Speech I believe in free speech for all no matter what their views AGREE might be. DISAGREE People who ih'ate our way of life should still have a chance AGREE to talk and be heard. DISAGREE Specific Applications of Free Speech** A person who wants to help the Vietcong: should be allowed to use a pubAGREE lic school auditorium for his meeting. DISAGREE

67

(Oont'd on p. 183)

35

42

67

8

14

70 8

68 12

65 14

74 12

78 5

16

19 62

19 69

26 58

17

183


Table 5 (cont'd) RESPONSES TO "DEMOCRATIC IDEOLOGY" ITEMS

"Democratic Ideology" Items

Percentage Distribution*


Young

(Cont'd) should be given a police permit to have a meeting on a street AGREE corner. DISAGREE should be able to buy time on AGREE television to make a speech. DISAGREE The head of the Nazi party: should be allowed to use a public school auditorium for his meetAGREE ing. DISAGREE should be given a police permit to have a meeting on a street AGREE corner. DISAGREE should be able to buy newspaper space for an advertiseAGREE ment attacking the President. DISAGREE Number of respondents

Old

White

Black

White

Black

21 59 26 56

29 54 30 48

29 55 29 57

24 53 32 44

10 65

5 65

10 73

14 55

11 67

20 57

16 65

11 57

10 65 (408)

10 67 (110)

17 66 (413)

11 48 (68)

• For each item, the first row of figures presented is the percentage of children who selected the "democratic" response. Totals for each item do not equal 100 percent because "not sure" and no response are not presented . •• These six items were presented in question form, with "yes," "not sure," and "no" as the alternative answers.

that on the items presented in Table 5, significant differences .in the distributions may occur because of differences in the proportion of children who express an opinion as well as because of differences in the direction of opinion. For example, the difference in the distribution on the item that says only taxpayers should vote is the result of differences in the direction of opinion, not in the proportion of children who express an opinion. On the item that says votes of important people should count for more, the difference is the result both of a difference in the direction of opinion and of a smaller percentage of black children expressing an opinion. There are many alternative hypotheses for why the proportion of individuals expressing an opmIOn varies, and for how this has bearing on the process of political socialization. For the purposes of the present discussion, however, it is sufficient to note

the distinction, and to hypothesize that neither expression of opinion nor direction of opinion are random occurrences. The other items on which significant differences between older black and white children occur concern applications of freedom of speech, specifically the three items measuring extending such rights to the head of the Nazi party. Opinions about extending the same rights to a supporter of the Vietcong exhibit a similar pattern but the differences are not statistically significant. Considering just the proportion of children giving the "democratic" response to each of the Nazi items, on two of the three items the older white children are more "democratic" than the older black children. However, looking only at the "antidemocratic" responses (the second row of figures for each item), one notes that the older black children are less "anti democrat-


184

JOAN E. LA URENCE

ic" than the white on all three items. to which the individual identifies with The largest source of difference be- and has positive feelings toward the tween the groups is in the proportion system. When one considers not only who express any opinion at all on the history but also such empirical data as items. From 13 to 24 percent fewer the smaller proportion of black chilblack than white children chose either dren who see Americans as like themthe "democratic" or "antidemocratic" selves (Table 7), identification with the alternative. The same pattern is obser- system and positive feelings toward it vable on the items regarding a Vi- appear to be less for blacks, and being etcong supporter, but here the differ- an "enemy" becomes a less relevant ences between black and white children basis for forming an opinion. This are only from 5 to 10 percent. would seem to account for the facts The salience of the specific situation that fewer of the black children exin which freedom of speech is being press an opinion-either positive or nemeasured, independent of democratic gative-about granting freedom of values, appears to be the most impor- speech to a Nazi (or to a Vietcong tant factor in understanding the chil- supporter) than do white children. In summary, for all the areas disdren's responses. Since the question of Vietnam has received considerably cussed in this section-political inmore exposure than Nazism in the past formation, efficacy, participation, and five years, one would expect Vietnam to democratic values-differences exist be the more salient issue for these chil- between the black and white children. dren. Thus, it is logical that a smaller These differences are understandable proportion of both white and black when historical forces and the present children express an opinion about the positions of the groups in American rights of a Nazi. However, salience of society are taken into account. the situation by itself does not account SPECIFIC ISSUES for the fact that the response differences between the two situations are In the previous section socialization smaller among the white children. was discussed with regard to certain In order to interpret these racial broad areas of the political process. In differences, it is necessary to posit a this section attention will be directed basis for opinion formation aside from to three specific issue areas: racial attidemocratic values or the general tudes; law and order; and Vietnam. salience of the situation. When one Because of the shortage of data on remembers, that all of the children in children's attitudes, even of a descripthis sample were born since 1953, it is tive nature, we cannot look at whether immediately apparent that (no matter (and, if so, how and why) socialization how clearly those over 30 remember the on racial issues has changed in recent "war to save the world for democra- history. Nonetheless, it is important to cy") for them World War II is only explore attitudes that presently exist. another historical event. It is hypothe- The next three tables present data in sized that the most salient information this area. (and, in some cases, the only informaTable 6, which presents the chiltion) these children have about the dren's evaluations of Negroes and Nazis is that they were our enemy. whites on three selected characterisTherefore, identification of the "enemy tics, indicates that neither black nor of the system" serves as a basis for white children at either age level have forming an opinion. One might expect achieved consensus in terms of the that the degree to which this basis is democratic norm of equality (as would relevant would be related to the degree be indicated if 75 percent of a group

185

WHITE SOCIALIZATiON: BLACK REALITY

Table 6 COMPARATIVE EVALUATI9NS OF NEGRO AND WHI'.!.'E 'CHARACTERISTICS Characteristics

Percentage ·Distribution* White

Young

Black

White

Old

Black

Behavior

Whites behave better Negroes behave better BoOth are 'about the same

35

9

1

13 63

22 1

57

6 12 65

33 1 41 (408)

5 15 58 (110)

47

43 45

10 7 66

InteUigence


Whites are smarter people Negroes are smarter people Both are about the same

30

9

1

15 57

35

7 13 50 (68)

53

Honesty

Whites are more honest Negroes are more honest Both are 'about the same Number of respondents

2

43 (413)

• Totals for each characteristic do not equal 100 percent because "don't know" responses are not presented.

chose "both the same" for the charac- white children see Negro people as teristics). In light of the public outcry "like me," and only about half of them that has labeled Black Power as the report liking Negroes. Table 8, which equal of a white supremacist doctrine, reports attitudes on racial issues, init is interesting to observe that the cludes the fact that 49 to 70 percent of black children are more egalitarian on white children believe Negroes blame all three items. Only in the area of too many of their problems on whites: intelligence do half or more of the In terms of immediate improvement white children see black and white as of race relations in the United States, a "about the same." program comparable to Head Start for Perhaps it is surprising, given the nonpoor white children might be adlong history of negative black stereo:. vantageous. At the same time that ty;pes and white supremacy, that only 5 Head Start is compensating for the to 10 percent of the black children and "cultural deprivation" of poverty, this 22 to 43 percent of the white children program could compensate for the see white as clearly superior. Neverthe- "equality deprivation" of our white suless, these data combined with those in premacist heritage. Tables 7 and 8 tend to confirm the One of the most striking things contention of the National Advisory about Table 8 as a whole is that for Commission on Civil Disorders (the these children opinion formation and Kerner Commission) that racial prob- direction do not occur uniformly on lems in the United States areprimarHy issues that superficially appear to be the result of white attitudes and ac- -closely related. This is illustrated, for tions. 15 Table 7, which presents atti- example, by the vast difference between tudes toward various ethnic groups, acceptance of the historic stereotype of shows that one-quarter or less of the Negroes as lazy and acceptance of the more current concept of Negroes as 1lI On items such as those in Table 8, the blli\.ming too many of their problems on apparent greater liberalism of the younger chilwhites. It appears that each time and dren may be only a lack of opinion formation.

JOAN E. LAURENCE

186

Table 7 "AGREE" RESPONSES TO ITEMS ON SIMILARITY WITH AND AFFECTION FOR ETHNIC GROUPS

Ethnic Statements

Percentage Distribution White

Young

Black

White

Old

BZack

Similarity with Group


American people are like me. Negro People are like me. African people are like me. Mexican people are like me. Russian people are like me Chinse people are like me.

98 20 17 24 16 23

69 91 46 17

94 55 41 67 32 67 (378)

81 85 52 62 24 61 (100)

11

14

89 25 22 29 27 31

76 89 49 28 22 22

89 51 38 62 39 72 (390)

88 95 60 84 29 77 (60)

Affection for Group I I I I I I

like American people. like Negro people like African people. like Mexican people. like Russian people like Chinese people.

Number of respondents

place finds its own "acceptable" expres- dream for Negroes as well as whites, as is illustrated by their agreement that sions of underlying prejudice. The other items in this table provide Negroes who want to work hard can a sketchy outline of how the children get ahead as easily as anyone else. For perceive certain aspects of the racial the white child this is a relatively easy situation. Over half the black and al- opinion to hold; for the black child it is most half the white children perceive a possibly a necessary emotional faith black/white conflict of interest with :that he as an individual really can regard to government action. 16 There "make it" despite the odds.1s With regard to black strategy, apis a relatively strong degree of acceptance for government action to ensure proximately one-fourth of the black fair employment practices, but less children and about one-eighth of the willingness to interfere with the white children see bloc voting for N e"right" of private property (as it is gro candidates as efficacious for Negro exemplified by a man's freedom to sell voters.19 In contrast, from 69 to 79 his house to whomever he chooses) .17 percent of black and 55 to 60 percent of white children agree with the less miliThrough the ages being considered here, over 80 percent of the white and tant statement, that "Negroes should over 75 percent of the black children do as much as they can to try to elect maintain a belief in (or at least give lip 1O.0ne possible explanation is that the children service to) the traditional American have not yet encountered any divergent reality ,. The differences between black and white at both age levels are significant, however. IV Such attitudes (enforced ·fair employment versus open housing) reflect adult opinion in this area. FEPC appeared with the New Deal (i.e., its later stages in the Truman era) and by now has achieved at least tacit acceptance. Op'en housing is still a fiery political (issue, as wItnessed for example by the Proposition 14 battle in California (1964-1968).

in this area; A second and related possibility is that this is a rote acceptance of an abstract principle which the children do not relate to application. We see this dichotomy in regard to abstract freedom of speech versus application of the principle, and in a citizen's abstract duty to defend his country versus agreeing to fight in Vietnam. 10 Disagreement with this item does not necessarily equal opposition to bloc voting. It may only indicate a lack of faith that bloc voting would do any good.

187


Table 8 II

AGREE" RESPONSES TO GENERAL RACIAL ITEMS

Percentage Distribution*

Statements on Racial Issues


White

What white people want the government to do and what Negro people want it to do are different things. Negroes should do as much as they can to try to elect people who will help Negroes. Negroes would do better if they voted only for Negroes. Black Poweris a good idea.** To get anywhere in .this country, Negroes will have to band together and go their own separate way. Negroes today cannot win their rights without using violence.** A man shouldn't have to sell his house to a Negro if he doesn't want to. The government should make sure that Negroes are not kept out of any jobs just because they are Negroes. Negroes who want to work hard can get ahead just as easily as anyone else. Negroes blame too many of their problems on whites. Generally speaking Negroes are lazy and don't like to work hard.

Number 01 respondents

Young

Old

Black

White

Black

45

58

41

55

55

69

60

79

12

27

11

22

2

24

3

33

39

41

52

58

21

14

17

31

58

42

61

43

69

63

75

73

86

77

81

78

49

16

70

33

19

16

22

13

(408)

(110)

(413)

(68)

• Since all items included a "don't know" or "not sure" response category, it should not be assumed that the difference between the figure reported and 100 percent equals "disagree." "Don't know" or "not sure" responses range from 10 to 40 percent depending on the item. .. Original item is in the form of a question.

people who will help Negroes." The proportion of whites who agree with the concept of group voting is the same whether the group is Negro or Catholic. For young black children the proportion is also about equal, but for older black children religion as opposed to race makes a significant difference. Twenty-two percent of the older black children believe Negroes should vote only for Negroes, but only nine percent

believe that Catholics should vote mainly for Catholic candidates. Approximately 40 to 60 percent of the children agree that Negroes will have to band together and go their own separate way to get anywhere in this country, but fewer see a necessity for violence. Here, there is no significant differenee between young black and white children. For older children, however, only 17 percent of white chil-


188

JOAN E. LAURENCE

dren compared to 31 percent of black second, followed closely by Black Powchildren see the use of violence as er, with violence last. For older black children, Black Power is second, with necessary for achieving Negro rights. third, and bloc voting violence The much publicized but seldom defined idea of Black Power is the last fourth.21 This suggests that as the black chiltactical concept being considered here. Depending on who is using it, the con- dren get older, socialization is decreascept ranges anywhere from a vague ing their faith in the electoral process notion of racial pride, through black and, at this point in history, increasing capitalism, to more militant strategies their belief in the necessity of violence. of separatism and violence. Probably If comparable data existed for the sothe most striking finding is that no cialization of black children during the more than three percent of the white 1954-1965 era, one would expect them children see Black Power (however to have shown an increasing faith in they choose to define it) as a good idea, demonstrations and nonviolent techeven though many more of them will niques for the redress of grievances, accept the specific ideas included in the rather than belief in separatism or viomost miltitant of Black Power defini- lence. The acceptance of .separatism by tions (as illustrated by the separatism, bloc voting, and violence items dis- these children is important,. since in cussed above). It is impossible to know less than ten· years they WIll be the what was going on in the minds of potential activists on campus and in these children when they responded to civil rights groups. We are already witthis question, but it is being hypothe- nessing the beginning of an important sized that the responses illustrate the (and to those above 30, ironic) reversal vast power of an undefined slogan to in the history of the civil rights moveelicit a strong emotional response. 20 If ment since World War II. Thus far, one considers the kind of coverage giv- however, the move away from inteen Black Power by the mass media, it gration as "the goal" has been centered seems reasonable that the white chil- primarily among outspoken civil rights dren (and probably a good many leaders or "extremist" groups such as adults) respond to it as they would to the Black Panthers. These data suggest that we should expect this trend not any unspecified boogie-man or ogre. Among the black children, there is only to continue, but to encompass a not as great a discrepancy between the much broader spectrum of the populaacceptance of Black Power and the action as well. All of these data illustrate the interceptance of other tactics which were explored. In addition, although the pat- relation of socialization and reality. tern for frequency of agreement with That portion of socialization which is the four items is the same for both determined by events in the real world white age groups, the pattern of agree- is continuously changing as the times ment for black children differs between change; and individuals who are being age groups as well as from white chil- socialized during one era will both play dren. Separatism receives the greatest their roles as actors in the political agreement among all .the groups. For system and shape what happens to it during succeeding eras. whites, violence is second, followed by This makes it especially incumbent bloc voting, and Black Power. For the upon the social scientist to take the young black children, bloc voting is .. This. of course. is a relatively easy hypoth-

esis to test.

111 There is no statisticallr significant difference between second and third ahoice for either black group.

189


Table 9

\

"AGREE" RESPONSES TO "LAW AND ORDER" ITEMS

"Law and Order" ltems*



White

Young

Policeman can generally be trusted. 74 People who start fires or steal things during riots should be shot. 31 Riots are caused by: discrimination 31 a few agitators 25 Number of respondents (404) * .All items were originally presented in question form.

process of change into account when he designs measures of attitudes and behavior. A reconsideration of the data on political participation presented earlier should emphasize this fact. If one considered only the data reported in Table 4, it would be reasonable to assert that by age sixteen black citizens are less politicized than their white counterparts. In the light of the children's attitudes concerning racial tactics, if the measures had included other, more militant forms of participation, a very different conclusion regarding politicization (as measured by have been participation) might reached. For activities such as boycotts, sit-ins, marches, and riots, a reversal in the racial relationship which holds for more traditional political behavior might have been found. It is conceivable that black and white are equally politicized, but that they choose different forms of political action as most relevant to their means and ends. In the abstract, "law and order" is not a racial issue, but in application it has taken on racial overtones, and is viewed by many as antiblack. It is not surprising, therefore, that there is polarization on this issue just as there is on more explicitly racial ones. About three-quarters of the white children believe that the police can be trusted, but less than half of the black children share this faith. There is no

Black

White

Old

Black

47

75

44

16

35

7

38 20 (110)

37 35 (396)

50 20 (68)

difference for white children between the two age groups, but the black child's trust in the police declines slightly with age. 22 Concerning treatment of looters during riots, as might logically be expected, significantly fewer black than white children favor suspending due process and shooting them. Polarization, once again, increases with age. The third item on Table 9 is related to the law and order issue by virtue of the fact that it is still popular to attribute ghetto riots to a few outside agitators or militant leaders who have incited violence. This is not an issue upon which all of the children have an opinion. Anywhere from 28 to 44 percent, depending on age, say they do not know the major cause of riots. Of those expressing an opinion on this issue, young black and white children differ little. Older white children who have an opinion divide evenly between the alternatives, but of the older black children expressing an opinion, 71 percent view discrimination as the cause of riots. Thus, on all three of these items, division of opinion between the races .. The study also included items on general trust in people, trust in elected leaders, and trust in ~lected Negro leaders. There is an opposite pattern with age for black and white children on all trust items. For whites, trust stays the same or increases with age; for blacks, trust is less among older children. Only toward elected black leaders does a larger proportion of black than white children express trust.

JOAN E. LAURENCE

190

Table 10 "AGREE" RESPONSES TO VIETNAM WAR ITEMS

Vietnam Items



White

Even if a person thinks the war in Vietnam is wrong, he must fight for his country. The United States was right to send troops to fight in Vietnam.* If I were a boy the right age to go into the army, I would be willing to go fight in Vietnam. * Number of respondents

Young

Black

White

Old

Black

80

73

78

62

46

37

42

22

63 (408)

38 (110)

69 (413)

49 (68)

• Original item was presented in the form of a question.

appears to increase as the socialization of each group continues. Just as the issue of law and order has been injected into the racial struggle in the United States, so Vietnam, superficially far removed from domestic race relations, has become closely linked to it. The reasons are well known: the question of overrepresentation of blacks in the front lines; the drain on national resources needed to solve domestic problems; and the ideological question for blacks of whether a man should die for a country where he is treated as less than a man. The first item in Table 10 states the abstract principle of a citizen's duty to fight for his country. As is the case with most abstract "truths," it receives a relatively high level of acceptance among the children. Only the older black children diverge significantly from the others. The children's responses to the next item clearly mirror the controversy that has waged publicly over Vietnam for the past five years. Almost onethird of the children see our involvement as an error. Again, it is the attitudes of the older black children which differ significantly from those of their white counterparts, for a much smaller percentage believes the United States' intervention was correct.

Moving from abstract citizen duty or a value judgment about correctness of past policy to the highly personal question of "laying one's body on the line" ("Would you be willing to go fight in Vietnam ?"), it is not only older blacks who differ. A significantly smaller proportion of black children in both age groups express a willingness to fight in Vietnam. PROCESSES OF SOCIALIZATION

In the previous sections, data were presented'to support the assertion that black and white children are being politically socialized to different realities. Two alternative explanations for the differences in attitudes we have found immediately come to mind. The first is that the white children continue to be politically socialized in these areas, but that socialization of the black children in the same areas ceases. The second is that socialization in these areas continues for black children in the same direction as for whites, but at a uniformly slower pace. If socialization is viewed partially as a process of opinion formation independent of direction, then if socialization is continuing, a smaller percentage of "not sure" responses should be found among the older children. To examine this question, 79 attitude items cover-



ing a wide range of subjects (including the items in the preceding tables) have been randomly selected. The responses to these items include a smaller percentage of "not sure" among older whites in 69 of the 79 items, and among older blacks in 51 of the 79 items. In terms of magnitude, the average decrease in percentage points is 17.4 for whites and 11.3 for blacks. Thus, by this overall measure, between young and old socialization is less for blacks than for whites. This, however, is only part of the story. If items explicitly dealing with racial issues are separated from other items, for nonracial items (N=60) there is a decrease in "not sure" responses f()r whites on 52 items and for blacks on 32 items. On these items there is an average decrease in percentage points of 18.8 for whites and 5.1 for blacks. For the explicitly racial items (N=19) , the corresponding figures are a decrease on 17 of the items for whites and on all 19 items for blacks; there is an average decrease of 14 points for whites and 25 points for blacks. Further, for black children, among the nonracial items there is great variation in the amount of decrease in "not sure" responses depending on subject area. In fact, in the areas of rich/poor conflict of interest, internal! external control, hiring a lobbyist, due process, and rules of the game, the decrease in "not sure" responses is greater for black children than for white. All of this suggests that socialization for black children does not cease or uniformly proceed more slowly, but rather that it is strongly related to issues. In those ar€as most logically consistent with and relevant to the black child's reality, he continues to be socialized. Additional evidence regarding this selective socialization comes from another section of the study. The questionnaire included a set of 16 items asking, "What do you think of the job

191

the following man has been doing or did?" Each of the names was followed by these alternatives: "like," "no feeling," "dislike," and "don't know the man." The names included Presidents and other national political leaders, state and local political figures, and black leaders. The individuals varied as to prominence, political persuasion, and political party affiliation. For the purpose of this discussion, the first three affect categories are being ignored. Only the remaining "don't know the man" category is being considered. Again, if socialization is occurring there should be a decrease with age in this response category. Looking at the seven national political leaders, there is no difference in the effect of age on black and white average decrease (8.6 percentage points for both). This is not the case for state and local political figures or black leaders. For black leaders (N =4), black children show an average decrease of 21.3 percentage points in "don't know the man" responses, while the decrease for whites is 12.8 points. This pattern is reversed for state and local political figures (N=5), where the blackchildren show a 6.8 point average decrease in comparison to the white children's average of 12.4 points. Considering the history of the struggle for equal rights in this country, these patterns are consistent with the hypothesis that both groups of children are being socialized to the reality which corresponds to their position in this society. If this concept of selective socialization is valid for black and white children, it is applicable to other groups as well. Although the data for the Mexican-Americl;tn children in the sample are not fully analyzed, they already suggest a pattern of opinion among Mexican-American children which is discrete from the patterns found among either the white or black group. Insofar as Puerto Ricans, J apaneseAmericans, Chinese-Americans, and

JOAN E. LAURENCE

192

American Indians-to cite some dramatic examples-also occupy unique positions within this society, it is predicted that each of these groups is also undergoing selective political socialization.


POLICY IMPLICATIONS

In summary, data have been presented on the political attitudes-and, to a very limited extent, on the behavior -of children from eight to fifteen years of age. Within this age range, significant differences exist between the attitudes of black and white children, and these differences in attitudes are greater between the older groups. It has been suggested that these differences are best understood in terms of a concept of selective socialization: the socialization of each group is related to the position the group occupies within American society. Explanations such as "nonsocialization" or "undersocialization" appear inadequate to account for the observed attitudinal differences. To the extent that elimination, reduction, or management of conflict are constant goals of any political system, these findings have important implications for government policy, above and beyond any theoretical bearing they have on the study of political socialization. 23 Existing programs assume that it is possible to reduce black and white polarization by intensively increasing the socialization of the black children. Such programs might be effective if the problem were simply that some of the children remain walking "tabulae rasae." If, however, the assertion is correct that the black children diverge as they increasingly discover their

divergent reality, merely increasing conscious "regime" socialization of the black children will not decrease polarization. Such programs may merely accelerate divergence if as a side product the program provides the tools by which the black children perceive their reality at an earlier age. Societal position is not being offered as the only factor in the socialization of attitudes and behavior; nor is it being implied that formal education or other programs for conscious socialization cannot be effective. It is, however, being suggested that the potential effectiveness of these kinds of efforts is determined by the extent to which what is being taught or promulgated corresponds to the reality that the subject perceives around him. Programs to teach black children about the importance and goodness of law and order will be effective only if the children's own experiences do not conflict with what is being taught. Head Start programs are not going to keep ghetto children from dropping out of school if the educational system is irrelevant to the opportunities-or lack of themthat they see in their environment. Parent Child Centers are not going to change radically the socialization of "focal children under three years of age," so long as the community to be "serviced" lists jobs and housing as the pressing needs and the center is unable to do anything about jobs and housing (no matter how much medical and dental care, family counseling, and childrearing information it is offering) .24

.. The concentration here on race-related issues should not overshadow broader concerlt and relevance. In general terms, it is being hypothesized that any attempts by the political 2. This discussion of policy does' not assume that altruism or, in this case, racial under- regime to inculcate norms and behaviors "acstanding are necessary motivating forces for_ ceptable to the system" will be successful only political decision-making. Given the desire of to the degree that these norms and behaviors any regime to maintain itself, self-preservation are relevant to the societal position of the citizens or groups involved. Thus, we would premay be sufficient motive for instigating change if the consequences of inaction are made readily dict, for example, that success in inculcating .apparent. The problem, of course, is how to democratic attitudes and behavior through new make clear the conSequences of inaction before curriculum development would be severely hamit is too late to prevent events from taking a pered if students were allowed to democratically totally destructive course. decide that boys could have long hair or that

193



In other words, conscious attempts at attitudes of the white children, but socialization will be effective only to here the conclusion differs. Considering the extent that existing attitudes are their present position in this society, not the result of accurate perceptions the attitudes of the white children apof reality. Beyond a certain point, pear to be much more the result of a changing attitudes requires changing racist heritage than of accurate perceptions of reality. On this basis, intensive reality. Since reality in this society-for conscious socialization programs for black as well as white-is still primari- white children will have a much higher ly determined by the white majority, probability of success in changing attithe fact that it is the white children tudes than comparable programs diwhose attitudes deviate most from rected at black children. democratic norms of racial equality For the making of policy intended to takes on additional significance. Obvi- reduce racial polarization and thereby ously, the mere maturation of this new to minimize potential or actual conflict, generation of citizens is not automati- the implications are two-fold: (1) incally going to result in racial harmony. tensive efforts for conscious socializaWhile prejudice and hate may be less tion in the area of racial equality among contemporary white children should be directed at white children; than among prior generations, these and (2) efforts to change the attitudes children are still a long way from of black children should first be directachieving a goal of understanding and ed toward changing the real circumacceptance. 25 stances surrounding their position as In discussing the black children, the blacks in this society, rather than relationship between their attitudes toward teaching them what they ought and their real position in society was to believe or how they ought to behave. continually stressed. This relationship 2207 - 23D STREET is equally important in analyzing the SANTA MONICA, CALIFORNIA 90405 Bobby Seale could speak on campus, and then were to collide with a school administration which informed them that they had no voice in such matters. ... In the abstract, white acceptance is unimportant if blacks have equal opportunity. In application, however, the latter is extremely difficult and perhaps impossible without the

former. That 41 percent of the younger and 51 percent of the older white children want to live where there are only whites can be viewed, in theory, merely as freedom of choice. In practice, this means that in order to exercise their "choice," whites will continue to exclude blacks from their neighborhoods and will continue to be unwilling to allocate the resources necessary to provide equivalent living conditions for blacks.

REFERENCES BENDER, GERALD J. "PoIitical Socialization and Political Change," Western Political Quart. (1967) 20 :390-407. EASTON, DAVID, and DENNIS, JACK. Children in the Political System; McGraw-Hill, 1969. GREENSTEIN, FRED I. Children and Politics; Yale Univ. Press, 1965. GRIER, WILLIAM H., and COBBS, PRICE M. Black Rage; Bantam Books, 1969. HESS, ROBERT D., and TORNEY, JUDITH V. The

Development of Political A ttitudes in Children; Aldine, 1967.

HYMAN, HERBERT H. Political Socialization; Free Press, 1959. KERNER, OTTO, et al. Report of the National

Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders; Bantam Books, 1968. LANGTON, KENNETH P. Political Socialization; Oxford Univ. Press, 1969. LAURENCE, JOAN E., and SCOBLE, HARRY M. "Ideology and Consensus Among Children of the Metropolitan Socioeconomic Elite," Western Political Quart. (1969) 22:151-162. MCCLOSKY, HERBERT. "Consensus and Ideology in American Politics," A mer. Political ScienCe Review (1964) 58:361-382.

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194

W., and GRIGG, C. W. "Fundamental Principles of Democracy: Bases of Agreement 'and 'Disagreement," J. of Politics (1960) 22 :276-294.


PRoTHRO, JAMES

The Journal of WINTER 1970

ROBERTA. "Assumptions About the Learning of Political Values," Annals Ame9'. Academy Pol. and Social Science (1965) 361:1-9.

SIGEL,

SOCIAL ISSUES VOL. XXVI

NO.1

Ghetto Riots Issue Editor: Vernon L. Allen Toward Understanding Riot~: Some Perspectives ................................................... Vernon L. Allen Civil Disorder and the Agents of Social Control ................................................................Gary Marx The New Ghetto Man: A Review of Recent Empirical Studies................................ Nathan Caplan Internal-External Control and Black Militancy................. .John R. Forward and Jay R. Williams Ideological Foundations for Negro Action: A Comparative Analysis of Militant and Non-militant Views of the Los Angeles Riot............................T. M. Tomlinson Racial Socialization, Comparison Levels, and the Watts Riot .............................................. David o. Sears and John B. McConahay, Jr. Violences and Grievances: Reflections on the 19605 Riots ............................ Robert M. Fogelson Violence and American Democracy ............................................................................Lynne B. Iglitzin Social Scientists and Social Action from within the Establishments ................ Robert Shellow Biographical Sketches Abstracts 1970 ANNUAL SUBSCRIPTION RATES Order from: Journal of Social Issues INSTITUTIONS $9.00 P. O. Box 1248 INDIVIDUALS 7.00 Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106 SINGLE COPIES 2.25 published quarte,'y by The Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues (a division of the American Psychological Association)

Hypertension, in black and white.

Hypertension--in black and white.

Detection of cardiac abnormalities in elite black and white athletes: still not black and white.

Lung function among black and white children.

Reclaiming the White Coat for Black Lives.

How bees distinguish black from white.

Black and white human skin differences.

Sleep in healthy black and white adolescents.

Injuries in working populations: black-white differences.

Black-white differences in fracture rates.

Black-white differences in blood pressure.

Fall Risk is Not Black and White.

Black-white mortality differences by family income.

Molecular illustration in black and white.

Prevalence and correlates of substance use in Black, White, and biracial Black-White adolescents: Evidence for a biracial intermediate phenomena.

Rich, white, and vulnerable: rethinking oppressive socialization in the euthanasia debate.

Maternal aspirations, socialization, and achievement of boys and girls in the white working class.

Exploring heavy drinking patterns among black and white young adults.

Cardiovascular reactivity in Black and White siblings versus matched controls.

Blood analysis using black and white digital images.

The black and white truth about domestic violence.

HLA ASSOCIATIONS IN OBESE WHITE AND BLACK ADULTS.

Chest X-ray interpretation: not just black and white.

Insanity proceedings and black-white state hospital admission rate differences.