Official journal of the Pacific Rim College of Psychiatrists

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Asia-Pacific Psychiatry ISSN 1758-5864

ORIGINAL ARTICLE

Using metaphors to investigate cognition–behavior link in problematic Internet use among college students Mustafa Koc PhD College of Education, Suleyman Demirel University, Isparta, Turkey

Keywords cognition, college student, metaphor, problematic Internet use Correspondence Mustafa Koc PhD, College of Education, Suleyman Demirel University, 32260 Isparta, Turkey. Tel: +90 246 211 4665 Fax: +90 246 211 4505 Email: [email protected] Conflict of interest: None to declare. Received 30 May 2014 Accepted 4 August 2014 DOI:10.1111/appy.12150

Abstract Introduction: This study employed metaphor analysis as a novel approach to explore college students’ metaphorical representations of the Internet and their associations with problematic Internet use (PIU). It aimed to find out whether normal and problematic Internet users conceive the Internet through the same cognitive framework. Methods: The sample included 370 college students in Turkey. A questionnaire was conducted to gather metaphorical conceptions of the Internet, patterns of Internet usage, and PIU status. Data were analyzed both qualitatively and quantitatively. Results: Of the sample, 8.6% were diagnosed with PIU. Home access and entertainment gratification were strong correlates of PIU. Gender and major had no effects on PIU. Participants produced 66 metaphors that were grouped into eight conceptual categories: information source, immensity, basic need, addictive substance, double-edged sword, transporter, mood regulator, and supporter. Discussion: PIU was the highest in the addictive substance category, followed by basic need and mood regulator categories, with cigarette, water, and friend being the dominant metaphors in these categories, respectively. Problematic users are less likely to conceptualize the Internet as a supportive entity. Normal users are able to verbalize the good and bad aspects of the Internet, but those negatively affected appear to have lost sight of the most useful function of the Internet.

Introduction Since the Internet became an integral part of modern life, there has been a growing global public concern as well as proliferation of research studies on problematic Internet use (PIU), which is commonly known as “Internet addiction.” Parents and educators complain about increasing disturbances of youngsters’ PIU, including ignorance of daily routines, disrupted sleep, loss of appetite, social isolation, academic impairment, fatigue, and so on. Mental health professionals also pay attention to the behaviors characterized by PIU. Clinics or counseling centers specifically designed to offer therapy-based and pharmacological treatments for PIU have been established all over the world especially in those countries where high-speed Internet is so diffused into daily life (King et al., 2012). Despite the lack of consensus on how PIU is conceptualized

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and diagnosed, there is a general agreement that it refers to persistent and excessive involvement with Internet activities that result in negative psychological, social, and emotional consequences (MorahanMartin, 2008). PIU has been subjected to critical debate from terminological and methodological aspects. There have been ongoing uncertainties and controversies on whether it is a distinct psychological disorder, a symptom of existing psychopathologies, or a variant of other addictions (e.g. gambling or sex addiction) that Internet facilitates. Starcevic (2012) posits that Internet addiction, albeit as a widely used term for PIU, is a misnomer because it refers to addiction to a medium or a delivery mechanism. He continues to argue that specific online activities (e.g. video gaming, shopping) presumably account for addictive usage, and thus suggests using the term “addictions to Internet-related

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activities.” Similarly, Griffiths (2000) distinguishes between “addictions on the Internet” and “addictions to the Internet.” While the former identifies the Internet as a medium through which users fuel their established addictive behaviors (e.g. gambling addiction), the latter emphasizes the unique functions of the Internet and the activities that can only be conducted on the Internet (e.g. cybersex) (Widyanto and Griffiths, 2006). Davis (2001) proposes two kinds of PIU: specific and general. Specific PIU indicates pathological uses of the Internet for a particular purpose, such as online gambling, whereas general PIU transcends specific activities and refers to a more inclusive set of behaviors mostly associated with unique communication functions of the Internet. Furthermore, Block (2008) suggests that PIU should be regarded as a compulsive-impulsive spectrum disorder consisting of at least three subtypes: excessive gaming, sexual preoccupations, and email/text messaging. The conceptual ambiguity of PIU has hindered progress in clinical and experimental research. This also warrants for further investigation to develop empirically validated conceptual models and assessment tools as well. Prior research on PIU has so far been dominated by descriptive and correlational studies, and focused on developing diagnostic tools and testing their psychometric properties, assessing the prevalence of problematic usage among various populations, and looking for associations between PIU and a number of social, psychological, and usage variables (Widyanto and Griffiths, 2006; Kuss et al., 2014; Spada, 2014). Most of the studies in the literature employed convenient samples of adolescents or university students and relied on self-reports. Overall, the available evidence suggests that mental disorders (e.g. depression), loneliness, social anxiety, lack of satisfaction in life, and preference for online over face-to-face social interaction are important factors underlying PIU (Morahan-Martin, 2008; Young et al., 2011; Andreou and Svoli, 2013; Spada, 2014). Scholars from pedagogical sciences to neuroscience have proposed several etiological models to account for the causes of PIU. Known as one of the comprehensive models for this phenomenon, cognitive-behavioral approach emphasizes the major role of cognitive structures (e.g. beliefs, conceptions, preferences) in the development of PIU. For example, maladaptive cognitions, such as catastrophic thinking, self-doubt, overgeneralization, and other core negative beliefs, are asserted to contribute to the compulsive Internet usage (Davis, 2001). In spite of being a useful framework for the conceptualization of PIU, the approach has not been fully confirmed by empirical

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evidence yet. In fact, its focus of problematic cognitions is limited to negative thoughts about the self, world, and social competence. More systematic research is needed to test and refine its theoretical premises, as well as to explore other maladaptive cognitions that may contribute to PIU. Such research is also useful for improving prevention and treatment programs for PIU. For instance, cognitive-behavioral therapy (CBT) as a psychotherapeutic treatment is based on the premise that cognitions determine actions. It focuses mainly on identification and reconstruction of those thoughts that may trigger addictive usage (Young, 2007). Consequently, the investigation of various cognitive assumptions and distortions can definitely contribute to theoretical and conceptual formulation of PIU, and facilitate the process of CBT and other similar psychotherapies. The present study employed metaphor analysis to explore Internetrelated cognitions and their relations to PIU among college students. Metaphor analysis Human beings’ conceptual system is essentially analogical in nature and uses metaphors to understand and experience an unfamiliar thing in terms of another well-known thing based on the perceived similarities between the two (Lakoff and Johnson, 1980). Metaphors allow individuals to explore a phenomenon from different points of views that can stimulate new experiences. Therefore, besides their figurative and descriptive function, metaphors structure human beings perceptions and actions over time (Saban, 2010). For example, metaphors of the Internet can shape the understanding of what it means to use the Internet. The use of “information superhighway” as a metaphor for the Internet figures a network of computers, as well as represents the thought and use of it for information exchange. Accordingly, metaphors are not mere linguistic devices, but rather cognitive tools that are effective in reflecting and shaping existing beliefs and conceptions, and thus have a direct influence on behaviors (Jensen, 2006). Metaphors are context-sensitive and socioculturally defined mental models that allow for the study of interactions between cognition and behavior (Moser, 2000). Because of such potentials, scholars have used metaphors as a research tool to uncover complex personal beliefs and feelings by reducing them into structured concepts (Moser, 2000; Schmitt, 2005). Investigating people’s metaphorical reasoning about the Internet can lead to better understanding of its various conceptualizations and practices. It can

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bring out cognitive symptoms of PIU, which Davis (2001) defines as preceding and causing factors for affective and behavioral symptoms. Through exploring problematic users’ metaphors of the Internet, they might be assisted in order to refine or even reconstruct their cognitions. Since metaphors hold social and cultural meanings, they can be employed to explore cultural differences in PIU cognitions. This is beneficial to the development of PIU research because most of the existing studies have been conducted in the Western or digitally developed societies where the Internet has been more widely diffused and has reached a deeper level of adoption. Moreover, metaphor analysis can reveal whether normal and problematic Internet users conceive the Internet through the same cognitive framework. Consequently, this study aimed to examine college students’ metaphorical representations of the Internet and their associations with PIU.

Methods Participants A convenient sample (n = 370) was recruited from college students enrolled in technical teacher education college at a major state university in Turkey. The sample was made up of those students who were volunteer and available in the college during data collection and who completely filled the survey questionnaire. The gender ratio of the sample was nearly 4:1 (292 males and 78 females) and mirrored that of technical teacher education college population. Participants’ age ranged from 18 to 28, with a mean of 20.82 (SD = 1.86). Regarding their major, 34% were in mechanical, 27% were in electronic and computer, 20% were in construction, and 19% were in mechatronic education departments. Ethics Approval for the use of human subjects for this study was obtained from the administrative committee of the college, and it conformed to the provisions of the Declaration of Helsinki. All participants gave written consent at the beginning of the questionnaire form in which they were informed about the purpose of the study and ensured that their answers were used anonymously for research purposes only. Measurements of Internet usage and PIU All data were collected using a paper-based questionnaire form. Participants were initially asked to indicate

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their demographic characteristics (e.g. gender, age). Next, they were requested to specify some Internet usage behaviors, including main gratification of Internet usage, place of connection, and so on. All items related to these variables were operationalized as multiple choice with single response items and were derived from relevant literature. For instance, prior research has shown four general motives for Internet usage as information, communication, entertainment, and business (Koc and Ferneding, 2007). Therefore, the main gratification was measured by asking participants to select one of these four motives for which they most frequently use the Internet. PIU was measured by means of Internet Addiction Diagnostic Questionnaire (IADQ) developed by Young (1998) based on the criteria for pathological gambling in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders 4th Edition (DSM-IV, American Psychiatric Association). The IADQ was employed because of its simplicity and consistent utilization in research studies on dichotomous classification of Internet usage (i.e. distinguishing problematic from normal usage). It has eight self-report dichotomous items related to PIU symptoms, such as cognitive and behavioral preoccupation with the Internet, tolerance, impaired control, withdrawal, and so on. Based on the recommended cutoff point by Young (1998), participants who answer “yes” to five or more items were classified as potentially “problematic users,” whereas others were classified as “normal users.” The scale has face validity and previously exhibited acceptable psychometric properties (e.g. coefficient alpha = 0.72–0.76) (Johansson and Gotestam, 2004; Siomos et al., 2008). In addition, a confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) was conducted to assure the unidimensionality for the present sample. Single-factor CFA model exhibited moderate fit and thus suggested adequate construct validity (χ2 = 97.6, d.f. = 20, P < 0.01, Goodness of Fit Index (GFI) = 0.94, Standardized Root Mean Square Residuals (SRMR) = 0.076, Root Mean Square of Error of Approximation (RMSEA) = 0.10) (Hu and Bentler, 1999; Kline, 2005). Metaphors about the Internet Participants were asked to write a text reflecting their conceptual understandings of the Internet by following the open-ended prompt “Internet is like . . . because . . .” at the end of the questionnaire form. This prompt was successfully employed in prior metaphor analysis of several concepts such as technology (Koc, 2013) and learner (Saban, 2010) among college students. It allowed participants to freely articulate their

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thoughts about the concept of Internet through its two blanks. Participants were asked to write a metaphorical image in the first blank and its detailed rationale explanation in the second blank. The former elicited participants’ analogies about the Internet, and the latter provided key information that made their analogies simple and direct representation of their core thinking. Participants’ metaphorical writings ranged from a sentence to a few paragraphs in length. Qualitative data analysis The content analysis of participants’ metaphorical writings was an inductive thematic process and followed these straightforward steps as suggested by Miles and Huberman (1994): reducing data, displaying data, and making conclusions. At first, the collected data were coded by using metaphorical images as code labels that participants wrote in the first blank of the prompt. Next, metaphorical images were categorized based on salient features, convergences and divergences in their rationale explanations that participants wrote in the second blank of the prompt. In this clustering phase, each metaphorical image and associated rationale was carefully read and interpreted and then added to the category of other images with similar meanings. If its meaning did not match with any existing categories, a new category was established. One or two exemplary statements were selected for all metaphors in each category and were brought to the fore so that similar metaphors could be matched easily and meaningfully. Categories were continually reviewed to make them as mutually exclusive as possible and to draw meaningful conclusions. At last, emerged categories (i.e. conceptual themes) were conceptualized by labeling them with umbrella terms. The credibility and reliability of qualitative analysis were established through several strategies. First, as explained earlier, the open-ended prompt with two blanks was used as a guide for participants’ metaphorical writings. Such an approach made their writings highly focused, structured, and easy to interpret, and thus reduced the credibility problem. Second, two graduate students were included in data analysis to utilize both analyst/coder triangulation (Patton, 2002) and peer debriefing (Lincoln and Guba, 1985). They worked together with the researcher on clustering and interpreting participants’ metaphorical writings. This collaboration brought along common sense and negotiation, which in turn mitigated potential researcher bias on coding, interpreting, and reporting data. Third, a member checking session with five participants occurred after data analysis to verify the find-

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ings (Lincoln and Guba, 1985). They were informed and then asked to make comments about data analysis, interpretation, and the final report. After this discussion, they were agreed that the research report accurately represented their views about the Internet. Finally, an experienced colleague from the educational technology department was involved to conduct an interrater reliability analysis. He was given a list of metaphors in one column and conceptual categories in another column, and was asked to match corresponding concepts. After the colleague matched the concepts independently, a meeting was arranged to compare the coding of the researcher with that of the colleague. Using Miles and Huberman’s (1994) formula (number of agreed matching/total number of matching), the interrater reliability rate was determined at 94%, which met the general check-coding standard range of 90%. Nonetheless, the researcher and the colleague discussed the discrepancies-related four metaphors (freedom, hypermarket, antibiotic, magic wand) based on participants’ rationale explanations and reached a full agreement at the end.

Quantitative data analysis Descriptive statistics were computed for Internet usage characteristics, PIU status, and metaphorical images and conceptual categories. The proportions of problematic and normal users with regard to usage patterns and metaphorical categories were crosstabulated and compared to explore the relationships between PIU and these variables. Where applicable, Pearson chi-square tests were conducted to determine whether these relationships were statistically significant.

Results Usage patterns and PIU status The frequency analysis indicated that communication (41.4%) and information (41.1%) were the most frequent main gratifications of Internet use, followed by entertainment (15.7%) and business (1.9%). Regarding main place of Internet connection, most (66.8%) used home access, whereas one fourth went to Internet cafes, and a small portion (7.6%) used school access. Of the participants, 32 (8.6%) scored five or more on the IADQ, and therefore they were identified as potentially problematic users. The most frequently reported symptoms included staying online longer than intended period of time (68.3%), using the Inter-

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Table 1. Distribution of PIU by demographic and Internet usage variables Variable/category Gender Male Female Major Mechanical education Construction education Computer education Mechatronic education Main place of Internet use Home College Cybercafe Main purpose of Internet use Information Entertainment Communication Business

χ2

Normal users (%)

Problematic users (%)

Total

264 (90.8) 73 (93.6)

27 (9.2) 5 (6.4)

292 78

0.63

113 69 90 66

11 6 10 5

(8.9) (8.0) (10.0) (7.0)

124 75 100 71

0.51

219 (88.7) 27 (96.4) 92 (96.8)

28 (11.3) 1 (3.6) 3 (3.2)

247 28 95

6.80*

147 46 138 7

5 12 15 0

152 58 153 7

17.09**

(91.1) (92.0) (90.0) (93.0)

(96.7) (79.3) (90.2) (100)

(3.3) (20.7) (9.8) (0)

*P < 0.05; **P < 0.01. PIU, problematic Internet use.

net as a way of escaping from problems or relieving a negative mood (36%), and feeling anxious when access is cut down (32%). A chi-square test of independence was conducted to examine the differences in PIU with regard to demographic and Internet usage variables (Table 1). The results indicated that gender and major had no significant effect on problematic usage. On the other hand, significant differences were found regarding main place of Internet usage (χ2 = 6.80, d.f. = 2, P < 0.05) and main gratification of Internet usage (χ2 = 17.09, d.f. = 3, P < 0.01). The prevalence of PIU was roughly three times higher among home users than school and cybercafé users. Also, it was around two and six times higher among entertainmentoriented users than communication-oriented and information-oriented users, respectively. There was not any problematic usage identified among those who frequently use the Internet for business gratifications. Moreover, an independent samples t-test (t = 0.37, d.f. = 368, P > 0.05) failed to detect a significant age difference between problematic (M = 20.94, SD = 1.87) and normal users (M = 20.81, SD = 1.86). Internet metaphors and PIU Participants developed 66 distinct metaphors that were clustered into eight conceptual categories to describe the Internet: as an information source, immensity, basic need, addictive substance, doubleedged sword, transporter, mood regulator, and supporter. Table 2 presents frequencies for these

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categories and their metaphors. The most frequent category was “information source” (35%) with 13 metaphors, followed by “immensity” (20%) with 9 metaphors, while the remaining were rather evenly distributed among the participants (6%–9%) with 5–9 metaphors. Regardless of the categories, the highly common metaphors included “library” (16%), “world” (8%), “encyclopedia” (4%), “cigarette” (4%), and “water” (4%). Representative comments on these metaphors include: Internet is like a library because I can immediately and easily reach all kinds of local and global resources like books, assignments, reports, notes, newspapers, videos, etc. that I need . . . find the answers to all questions on the Internet. Just like we use the catalogs in the libraries, we used directories or search engines on the Internet to find what we are looking for. Internet is like the World because it is everything . . . there is nothing you can not find or do on the Internet . . . both good and bad things . . . it is a limitless arena to be discovered through sitting in front of a small screen. Internet is like an encyclopedia because it helps us to obtain new information, scientific or not, and thus it broaden our horizons . . . I believe that it is the most important resource in our lives . . . perhaps humanity and society would not have improved so much if the Internet had not existed. Internet is like a cigarette because you start using it little by little and eventually increase

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Table 2. Distribution of PIU by metaphorical conceptions of the Internet Normal users

Problematic users

Conceptual theme

Metaphor (f)

Total (%)

Metaphor (f)

Total (%)

Information source

Library (52), encyclopedia (14), book (13), databank (11), information repository (7), teacher (6), school (6), scholar (4), philosopher (3), mentor (1), brain (1), newspaper (1), dictionary (1) World (27), hypermarket (10), universe (8), sea (7), freedom (5), ocean (4), warehouse (3), airspace (3), black hole (2) Water (10), food (10), oxygen (3), bread (3), blood (3), vitamin (2) Cigarette (12), narcotics (6), alcohol (6), coffee (1), chocolate (1), nicotine (1), poppy (1) Medicine (7), knife (4), weapon (4), fire (3), cactus (2), sugar (2), antibiotic (2), bee (1) Car (9), bridge (5), bus (3), plane (2), ship (2), train (2) Friend (11), entertainment center (4), cafe (3), psychiatrist (1), lover (1) Assistant (4), servant (4), machine (3), fast food (3), hoover (2), remote control (2), compass (2), magic wand (1), Aladdin’s lamp (1)

120 (93.0)

Library (6), encyclopedia (1), databank (1), teacher (1)

9 (7.0)

69 (94.5)

World (2), ocean (1), universe (1)

4 (5.5)

31 (86.1)

Water (4), food (1)

5 (13.9)

28 (82.4)

Cigarette (3), narcotics (1), alcohol (1), chocolate (1) Medicine (1), weapon (1)

6 (17.6)

Immensity

Basic need Addictive substance Double-edged sword Transporter Mood regulator Supporter

25 (92.6) 23 (88.5) 20 (87.0) 22 (100)

Car (2), ship (1) Antidepressant (1), funfair (1), social welfare center (1) —

2 (7.4) 3 (11.5) 3 (13.0) 0 (0)

PIU, problematic Internet use; f, Frequency.

the doses and finally become uncontrollable dependent on it. Just as regular smokers get anxious when they could not find a cigarette or try to withdraw, you also get stressed if you go to places without Internet access. Internet is like water because it has been creeping in every part of daily life . . . just like water is vitally important for human body, the Internet is also crucial to sustain myself in this information society. Table 2 also compares the proportion of both problematic and normal users across the metaphorical conceptual categories. The occurrence of PIU was the highest in the “addictive substance” (17.6%) category, followed by the “basic need” (13.9%) and “mood regulator” (13%) categories. It was roughly two times higher in these categories than “information source” (7%), “double-edged sword” (7.4%), and “immensity” (5.5%) categories. There was not any problematic user among those conceptualizing the Internet as a “supporter.” Participants in the “addictive substance” category emphasized pathological use of the Internet by likening it to some addictive substances. They argued that such usage may cause negative consequences on people’s lives like a “cigarette that causes many diseases and increase the risk of cancer,” “narcotic that freezes the brain and reduces school or work productivity . . . makes people asocial and depressed,” and “alcohol that results in traffic accidents and street crimes and

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weaken interpersonal relationships.” One stated, “I think it makes people happy as well as lazy and irresponsible . . . there are some users that go online almost the whole day even without eating and drinking.” Another wrote, “Internet is like narcotic because no matter how much we use it we never feel satisfied . . . eventually, we do not receive enough pleasure from anything other than the Internet and become to think about it all the time.” Participants who subscribed to “basic need” category highlighted the integral significance of the Internet for their lives through likening it to several vital necessities, such as water, food, and oxygen. They argued that Internet is a must in today’s world because people fulfill most of their needs online. “Life without the Internet is unthinkable” is the main theme of their comments. They believe that the Internet has diffused into every part of modern life, from education to business, like “blood that travels into our veins and gives life to our organs,” “water that delivers crucial minerals to all parts of human body,” and “vitamin that supplies energy to body cells and assists in the production of essential hormones.” Some related the Internet to “food because it satisfies people’s social, educational, commercial and entertainment needs just like food feeds people,” and “oxygen because things are screwed up when it slows down or disconnects just like the occurrence of a cancer when the oxygen level is deficient in the body.”

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Participants who conceptualized the Internet as a “mood regulator” underlined how their lives would be boring if it did not exist. They argued that the Internet has become people’s companion or confidant like “a lover with whom we spend most of our time together and trust each other,” “a friend who shares both happiness and sadness with us and never leaves us alone,” “a social welfare center that helps those people who are lonely and disabled,” and “an entertainment center that rings the bell with amusing toys and games when we die of boredom.” Moreover, some emphasized the psychological support of the Internet. One commented, “The Internet is like a psychiatrist because I just turn to it when I feel stressed or anxious and let myself go and relax with what it offers online.” Likewise, “The Internet is like an antidepressant because it can provide us with a great relief through various entertainments when we feel depressed,” another stated.

Discussion The findings suggest that PIU is more prevalent among those who view the Internet as an addictive substance, basic need, and mood regulator. Such thoughts about the essence of the Internet imply that there are some psychological dynamics prompting PIU. The results support that diminished impulse control and mental problems are the main dimensions of PIU (Davis et al., 2002). Viewing the Internet as an addictive substance suggests an obsessive cognition. Referring to metaphors like cigarette and drugs, participants present some characteristics of Internet-related impulse control symptoms, such as uncontrollable and cumulative usage and aggressive behaviors when attempting to withdraw. Problematic users often think about or plan their next online sessions and gradually increase their engagement. The underlying cognition here is cognitive and behavioral salience or preoccupation with the Internet, and most diagnostic tools for PIU assess this cognition. Besides, likening the Internet to some vital necessities (e.g. water, food) in the basic need category, participants imply the thought that the world or life is empty and unbearable without the Internet. This reflects the distorted thinking of seeing the Internet as the primary and reliable means of feeling more alive, happy, and powerful. Furthermore, conceptualizing the Internet as a mood regulator involves depressive/loneliness cognitions. Participants’ metaphors, including friend, entertainment center, and antidepressant, suggest that they take some pleasure, excitement, or relief through

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surfing the Internet. The Internet is seen as a way of escaping from uncomfortable feelings and avoiding real-world responsibilities. These findings support the cognitions that previous studies assumed for generalized PIU (Davis, 2001; Caplan, 2003; LaRose et al., 2003), as well as possible subforms germane to specific Internet activities, such as online gaming (King and Delfabbro, 2014) and social networking (Kuss and Griffiths, 2011). Perhaps the most interesting finding that emerged from the study is that problematic users are less likely to conceptualize the Internet as a supportive entity. Normal users are able to verbalize the good and bad aspects of the Internet, but those negatively affected appear to have lost sight of the most useful function of the Internet. Actually, one may argue that problematic users are expected to possess positive or supportive views of the Internet. In reference to cognitive models’ notions of maladaptive beliefs (Davis, 2001) and preference for online social interaction (Caplan, 2003), the main reason for persistent Internet use is that it provides a safe place where the users feel they belong, and offers socialization that is not too confronting or overwhelming but safe and often anonymous. These seem to be supportive metaphors in the sense that the Internet is safe, welcoming, and nonthreatening, but they are largely distorted positive views. The Internet only provides a distorted version of normal human interaction, which diminishes all the most confronting aspects of conversation, including face-to-face interaction, synchronous exchange, and accountability for offensive behavior. Prior research shows that interpersonal cognitive distortions, such as interpersonal rejection and unrealistic relationship expectations, push individuals to risk-free online relations, and thus contribute to PIU (Kalkan, 2012). Therefore, the supportive metaphors of the Internet in this study (e.g. servant, machine, remote control) indicate more of a functional use rather than dysfunctional and/or compulsive use of the Internet. Normal users emphasize the use of Internet for extending their capabilities, increasing productivity and efficiency, and ultimately making every aspect of life easier and comfortable. As Caplan (2010) explains, such usage, albeit its excessiveness, is more to do with the way of reliance on the Internet than with mental well-being, and thus indicates a healthy preference for the Internet. Overall, this analysis of metaphorical conceptions of the Internet suggests that individuals with PIU are more likely to have obsessive and distorted cognitions of the Internet and less likely to have supportive cognitions that emphasize the most useful functions of the Internet. This may propose whether using cogni-

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tive restructuring to change problematic users’ thinking toward seeing the Internet as more supportive can be useful for treatment of PIU. Unfortunately, neither the research design of this study nor the evidence it provided is strong enough to make such treatment recommendations. Further studies employing longitudinal research or casual modeling designs are needed to find out possible impacts of supportive cognitions on PIU. Nevertheless, some preventive implications can be made for educators and parents considering the fact that cognition or belief systems are often formed in early years and become resistance to change later in life. Families and schools should incorporate a reflective and critical position for teaching how to use the Internet. Children should be taught about how to question the essence and consequences of the Internet, and adopt a deeper and appropriate personal conception. Both the benefits and limitations of the Internet should be highlighted in the schools. Teachers can implement instructional techniques, such as case studies, concept maps, metaphor analysis, and various philosophical perspectives, to conceptualize the Internet through education. In this way, children can develop appropriate thoughts about the Internet, which in turn hopefully lead to healthy and productive usage. Limitations and suggestions for future research This study shows that metaphor analysis as a novel methodology can be useful to uncover PIU cognitions, but it has several limitations to be acknowledged. First, the convenient sample was recruited from college students enrolled in technical education in a culturally distinct country, Turkey. This restricts making generalization of the results beyond the population. Since cultural aspects are important when dealing with metaphors, the transferability of the findings to other countries should be considered with caution. Similar metaphor analyses can be conducted in different cultures and populations to make crosscultural comparisons and more representative conclusions. Second, the study was designed as a cross-sectional survey of metaphors at one point in time and hence does not allow for drawing casual relationships between conceptions of the Internet and PIU. Future studies can employ longitudinal research design to explore whether metaphor is a way of thinking about the Internet that follows the development of PIU or a preexisting view that determines risk of PIU. Randomized controlled trials using metaphor analysis as pre- and posttest can be conducted to assess changes in PIU cognitions after specific treatment

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interventions. Third, this study primarily focused on metaphorical conceptions of the Internet, with discussion of differences between the users. It did not consider the context in which participants were abusing the Internet. Future research can look into multiple relationships between metaphors and contextual factors of PIU, such as social isolation, convenient and always accessible online services, permissive parenting styles, and so on. Finally, the relationships between metaphors and PIU were interpreted without clinical judgment. Further investigation and validation of these relationships with clinical samples are warranted.

Acknowledgment The author is grateful to two graduate students and a colleague for their support in ensuring the credibility and reliability of qualitative data analysis.

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Asia-Pacific Psychiatry 7 (2015) 314–322 © 2014 Wiley Publishing Asia Pty Ltd

Using metaphors to investigate cognition-behavior link in problematic Internet use among college students.

This study employed metaphor analysis as a novel approach to explore college students' metaphorical representations of the Internet and their associat...
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