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The meaning of time: Mohawk women at midlife a

Madeleine M. Buck Nurse MSc(A) & Laurie N. Gottlieb Nurse PhD

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School of Nursing , McGill University , Montreal, Quebec, Canada Published online: 14 Aug 2009.

To cite this article: Madeleine M. Buck Nurse MSc(A) & Laurie N. Gottlieb Nurse PhD (1991) The meaning of time: Mohawk women at midlife, Health Care for Women International, 12:1, 41-50, DOI: 10.1080/07399339109515925 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07399339109515925

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THE MEANING OF TIME: MOHAWK WOMEN AT MIDLIFE Madeleine M. Buck, Nurse, MSc(A), and Laurie N. Gottlieb, Nurse, PhD

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School of Nursing McGill University Montreal, Quebec, Canada

Midlife has emerged as an important developmental transitional point for both men and women. For women, menopause is synonymous with midlife, and consequently, women and health professionals have focused on the losses and problems of this biological event. Few studies to date have placed menopause within the context of other life experiences occurring at this time and in varied cultural groups. Eight Mohawk women, aged 45 to 54 years, were visited in their homes on a weekly or bimonthly basis spanning a 6- to 8-week period. Using a grounded theory approach, the women were encouraged to describe their experiences at this time. The four major issues experienced at midlife related to the concept of time: it is time for me, being where I should be, time for myself, and my time is spent meaningfully. Women fell into two groups. Those "in synchrony" viewed their lives as following expected time pathways. Those "out of synchrony" identified aspects of their lives as problematic. Of the four women who were out of synchrony, three were "action oriented" and the fourth was "stuck."

There are two major perspectives that characterize women's experiences at midlife. The decremental view sees midlife in terms of biological decline, beginning with the onset of menopause, loss of youth and fertility, and loss of roles associated with childbearing and child rearing. In contrast, the developmental perspective views this time as part of the life cycle and, as such, as a time for continued growth and development, for meeting new challenges and developing new skills. The two different perspectives are examined in terms of the biological, personal, and familial challenges encountered. The bulk of literature about women dealing with the biological Health Care for Women International, 12:41-50, 1991 Copyright © 1991 by Hemisphere Publishing Corporation

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changes of midlife has focused on delineating the physical and psychological symptoms that make up the event of menopause and describing treatment modalities for those symptoms. The decremental view portrays the woman at menopause as being stressed as she deals with the end of fertility and youth (Wilson, 1966) and with biological and psychological changes such as hot flashes, fatigue, and mood lability (Tilt, 1982). Researchers subscribing to this perspective use these symptoms as evidence that menopause is a physically and emotionally draining experience. In contrast, the developmental view of menopause is that it is a normal and expected event that leads to a more positive perception of health (Neugarten & Hagestad, 1979). Although clear links have been found between menopause and the vasomotor symptoms of hot flashes and night sweats (World Health Organization [WHO] Scientific Group, 1981), other symptoms, such as depression, that were previously associated with the biological changes of menopause are, in fact, related to factors such as the overall level of life stress the woman is dealing with (Greene & Cooke, 1980) and the quality of her marital relationship (Uphold & Susman, 1981). Furthermore, menopause becomes a source of stress, as manifested by increased depression, primarily when it does not occur "on time," that is, when it occurs either before age 43 or after age 54 (Lennon, 1982). A second challenge faced at midlife concerns changes in family structure and environment. A decremental theme focuses on the "empty nest," a term used to describe a change of child-rearing responsibilities as children leave home that is often experienced at midlife (Long & Porter, 1984). However, not all women experience "empty-nest syndrome," as children's departure can lead to increased happiness and a more satisfying marriage (Glenn, 1975). Indeed, even though potentially fertile, many women may not want to extend their mothering role by having more children (Kaufert, 1985).

EVOLUTION OF THE DECREMENTAL AND DEVELOPMENTAL VIEWS Research on midlife has been based largely on the experiences of men and has generated male models of this life stage (Stevenson, 1983). The roles of age and work in the male models as well as the lack of consideration of the changing and multiple roles of women have failed to represent women's actual experiences. Alternately, some feminist perspectives tend to minimize the biological effects on behavior, limiting experiences to factors in the environment. It is not surprising that menopause has been viewed in negative terms, given that the initial research was conducted on women experiencing

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physical and psychiatric difficulties, with no comparison of menopausal women with those in other age groups and with little focus on the context of other life events at this time (McKinlay & McKinlay, 1973). More recent studies have corrected for these methodological shortcomings. Both the decremental and developmental views may have merit. A host of biological, situational, and environmental factors such as selfesteem, biological make-up, previous life experiences, and culture have been identified as important predictors of how a woman copes with menopause. It appears that women must be studied from the perspective of their total life experiences. Cultural Influences As the woman's culture provides the arena where values, attitudes, and beliefs about midlife and menopause are transmitted, the meaning she attaches to her experiences will be influenced by the context within which she finds herself (WHO, Scientific Group, 1981). Within- and cross-cultural differences in experiences at midlife have been reported. Intraculturally, discrepancies have been found in relation to symptom reporting and attitudes about menopause (Millette, 1981). Evidence of cross-cultural differences in experiences supports the view that the expression of symptoms at menopause varies with the social context within which it takes place (Flint, 1975). In summary, women at midlife have been studied in relation to menopause and changes in the family environment. The lack of studies embedding menopause and child-launching within the total experience at midlife and the use of "clinical" populations in research studies have produced a decremental view of women at midlife. Although recent studies on well populations have suggested that this experience can be a positive one, many of the myths, such as "women go crazy at menopause," remain. A lack of studies describing the experience of healthy women at midlife and the meaning of these experiences to them exists. Those that have been conducted have examined midlife from the dominant culture's perspective. While working with a group of Mohawk women, Madeleine M. Buck observed varied responses to midlife but found no documentation in the literature on which to understand their experiences. So, to gain an understanding of the development of women at midlife, a group of Mohawk women were asked about their experiences at this time, the extent to which these experiences were problematic, and the factors influencing the nature of these issues.

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METHOD The theoretical perspective of symbolic interaction (Blumer, 1969), which focuses on the meaning of the lived experience as key to understanding the individual's reality, guided this study. Due to the paucity of information concerning Mohawk women's subjective experiences at midlife, an exploratory-descriptive design using a grounded theory approach was selected (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). The women who participated in this study lived on a Mohawk Indian reservation located near a major urban Canadian center. The criteria limiting eligibility were as follows: (a) The woman was between the ages of 45 and 54. This age range was chosen as 75% of women experience natural menopause between these ages (MacMahon & Worcester, 1966). (b) The woman had not had a hysterectomy, as this procedure and the reasons for it may have influenced the meaning of midlife. Theoretical sampling was used to include women who varied in terms of number and age of children so that the factors of parental status and the demands associated with child rearing could be studied. The leaders of three community organizations were approached. They provided names of community women to participate. Eight of the 12 women contacted met the inclusion criteria and all agreed to participate. The women's ages ranged from 45 to 54 years (M = 50 years). All had completed high school, with two having completed commercial college. Five of the women were married and the remaining three were single, divorced, and widowed, respectively. Women had on average five children (range: two to seven). One woman was nulliparous. The ages of the children ranged from 10 to 36 years (M = 18). Five women had children living at home. Five women were homemakers, and three were employed either full or part time. Three women continued to have regular menses, two were transitional, and three were menopausal. The women were visited in their homes on a weekly or bimonthly basis over a period of 3 months {M = 3 visits per woman). The total number of interviews was 32, lasting on average 2 hr each. A "funnel" approach to interviewing was used to elicit information about their experiences (Swanson, 1986). This approach began with broad questions, with probes used to elicit more specific information. For example, opening questions such as "What are some of your concerns at this time in your life?" and "What is it about your day-to-day life that is important to you?" were used. More specific questions followed to probe an issue and identify influencing factors. Key phrases were jotted down, and field notes were reconstructed within 1 hr after each interview. Detailed field notes were analyzed and summarized for themes. These themes guided the next meeting, when

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the issues were reviewed to ensure that the notes were accurate and complete. Analyzed data from previous interviews guided the interviewing process with other women. Issues that were not identified spontaneously were probed. Core categories were continuously modified and restructured in light of new data.

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Reliability and Validity Rigor in qualitative research is maximized by ensuring auditability and credibility (Sandelowski, 1986). Auditability was enhanced by sharing observations and research strategies with fellow colleagues and experts in the field. Also, 15% of the interviews were given to a second coder, with the interrater reliability being calculated at 92%. To enhance credibility, a detailed description of the decision trail underlying the study was documented, emerging themes were discussed with respondents to validate the interpretations being given, and a final meeting was arranged to review the researcher's overall impressions. RESULTS The experiences of Mohawk women at midlife related to the concept of time along expected, developmental, personal, and meaningful dimensions. The four major issues identified were it is time for me, being where I should be, time for myself, and my time is spent meaningfully. It Is Time for Me Seven women described midlife as signifying a time for redirecting or shifting priorities from meeting the needs of others to satisfying their own needs. This "shift" was described as expected when children leave home or as being due given their own stage in life. One woman noted, "Now, it's time for me. I have less worries about how the kids will turn out and can finally spend time on me." Five of the women discussed factors that facilitated the shift. These factors included reinforcement of the shift by family members, a positive attitude toward aging, and events unfolding as expected within the family structure, such as children leaving. The issue was problematic for two women when the shift in focus was seen as important, but conditions in the environment did not facilitate its occurrence. When this shift did not occur, a sense of urgency and needs unmet was felt, as is indicated by the following statement: "I've looked after my children now going on 31 years. I'm getting tired and say what about me?" The issue of "it is time for me" was also problematic when changes

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were taking place in the home, but the woman was not ready for such changes. "I'm not ready for middle age! I didn't want my children to leave home. They are my life," stated one respondent. These feelings were accompanied by a sense of purposelessness in life, unhappiness in the marital relationship, and a negative attitude toward aging.

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Being Where I Should Be "Being where I should be" related to the woman's perceptions of herself along a developmental trajectory. Midlife signified a time for reflecting on and summing up past and present accomplishments along an "ideal" developmental continuum. One woman assessed herself this way: "I'm really happy with how I've turned out. I wouldn't want to change except to keep growing." Five of the women felt they were "where they should be." There was congruence between their ideal developmental goals and their actual life achievements. "It's a feeling of knowing you're where you would like to be by now." Perceived success in the primary role, the presence of experiences that have promoted growth, and a supportive network were identified as contributing to a sense of life satisfaction with goals. Three women viewed themselves as not "being where I should be." They felt they had untapped potential. Midlife was seen as a time to begin to use this potential and make up for lost time. Two women were action-oriented and were actively seeking or involved in activities that would allow them to catch up. The third woman was stuck. She also felt a sense of unlived potential but did not have the energy to change her situation. Time for Myself The dimension of personal time was a recurrent issue. There was a quantitative component to this issue in terms of availability of clock time and a qualitative component with respect to who controlled time. Five women had enough time as there was a balance between time available to meet both external demands and that available to meet personal needs. This sense of adequate time was also accompanied by a desired level of control on how time was spent. Two women experienced difficulties owing to "not enough time" to meet personal needs. They also perceived that their use of personal time was often controlled by others. Time was appraised as a commodity and efforts were directed at making time. One woman experienced difficulties because of too much time. This excess was accompanied by a sense of boredom and lack of purpose. She stated, "I just sit around waiting for things to happen."

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My Time Is Spent Meaningfully The quality of time and how it was used to gain rewards or provide a sense of purpose to the women, and hence be spent meaningfully, was important to all women. One woman said, "I can't spend time the way I would like to, but I make sure I do the things that I feel are important." Seven women felt that their time was spent meaningfully. Though some felt that there was lack of time, they believed that what they were doing was meaningful. Time was appraised as being spent meaningfully when activities were interesting and contributed to achieving important goals. Meaningful experiences included doing community work, rearing children, visiting grandchildren, working, and having intimate relationships. The issue of the meaningful nature of how time is spent was problematic when the woman derived little reward from her activities. Interrelationships among Issues The women in the study were divided into two groups based on their time experiences. Women who expressed satisfaction with the different dimensions of time reported here were labeled as being in synchrony. Half of the women appraised their situations at midlife as being very positive. They viewed no area of their life as problematic and felt all their needs were being met. These women felt that their lives had evolved as they would have liked along appropriate and expected pathways. They assessed themselves in these ways: "being where I should be," "having time for myself," "my life has meaning," and "it is time for me." Four women who described at least one of the time dimensions as problematic were termed out of synchrony. Three women, although out of synchrony, were taking action to correct the situation. These women were labeled action oriented. The fourth woman viewed all time dimensions as problematic. Her abilities to cope were being taxed, and she had little energy to redress her situation. Thus, she was stuck. DISCUSSION Subjective Experiences of Time Our findings indicate that Mohawk women view midlife as a time for shifting priorities from former commitments such as child-rearing responsibilities to themselves. They appraised themselves along a developmental trajectory and valued personal time and its use in meaningful ways. Underlying their views was the notion of a time sense on which

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the women assessed their location along a "timetable" of expected life experiences at midlife. The notion of temporal trajectories on which the experience of time takes on meaning and shape has been studied in relation to death (Glaser & Strauss, 1968) and the transition to parenthood (LaRossa, 1983). Individuals travel along various time tracks to which they attach meaning. It is postulated that these time tracks are the result of norms that can be culturally or individually defined and can relate to the sequence and duration of events within a temporal frame (Lyman & Scott, 1979). In this study, we have revealed the varied meanings that time has come to signify at midlife for Mohawk women. Neugarten and Hagestad (1979) have supported the experience of time as an important variable to consider at midlife. They suggested that life course transitions occur in relation to a "social clock" along expected temporal pathways and that it is the assessment of appropriate "timing" of events that determines whether the transition is stressful. This view explains why some of the women viewed their situation as problematic when events did not occur on time, such as when children did not leave home when expected. Our findings indicate that in developing theoretical models of midlife, the role of time and the timing of life experiences must be considered. The development of these women's time sense may relate to their experiences within the Mohawk culture. Future research might investigate whether the expectations discussed by these women are shared by women in other cultures. Research that focuses on the origin of this time sense—for example, what is the role of changing career and family patterns in women's appraisal of their experiences within a temporal framework—will add to the understanding of women's lives at midlife. In Synchrony/Out of Synchrony The women who were described as shifting priorities to themselves, having enough personal time, being where they should be developmentally, and having meaningful experiences were in synchrony. Those who were out of synchrony discussed one or more areas of time imbalance that included a discrepancy between expected and actual experiences at midlife, a lack or excess of personal time, a sense of being behind schedule developmentally, and a lack in meaningful experiences. Out-ofsynchrony women experienced midlife as either a challenge or a threat. The former was characterized by action, whereas the latter was characterized by inaction. Thus, although an imbalance in any one area acted as a stimulus for growth for some women, it acted as a major stressor for another. The variation in these experiences may relate not only to the meaning of the issues to the woman and their timing, but also to the

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coping strategies and available environmental resources. Research into personality or life experiences and environmental factors that facilitate or inhibit the individual's appraisal and ability to cope with imbalance at midlife is needed. These women perceived the timeliness of their situations as being "on time" or "off time," which resulted in continued investment in themselves for the former or "getting back to me" for the latter. The support of family members or significant others in this shift facilitated the transition. The role of family members as facilitators or inhibitors of the woman shifting priorities to herself may indicate that the temporal trajectories of other family members, and the synchrony of these with the woman's own trajectory, influence her experiences at midlife. Future research could explore the influence of changing patterns of career and family as they relate to the experience of time. Investigations into the role of synchrony and compatibility of individual time trajectories with other members of the family system are warranted. In conclusion, it seems that the conceptualization of time is important in understanding the development of women at midlife. Overall, the developmental perspective was supported as women identified their potential and directed behaviors toward achieving their goals. The decremental potential of midlife must continue to be recognized as a possibility, although the woman's own personal development appears to be the issue in this study, rather than the biological changes of menopause. REFERENCES Blumer, H. (1969). Symbolic interaction: Perspective and method. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Flint, M. (1975). The menopause: Reward or punishment? Psychosomatics, 16, 161163. Glaser, B., & Strauss, A. (1967). The discovery of grounded theory: Strategies for qualitative research. Chicago: Aldine. Glaser, B., & Strauss, A. (1968). Time for dying. Chicago: Aldine. Glenn, N. D. (1975). Psychological well-being in the post parental stage: Some evidence from national surveys. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 37, 105-110. Greene, J. G., & Cooke, D. J. (1980). Life stress and symptoms at the climacterium. British Journal of Psychiatry, 136, 486-491. Kaufert, P. A. (1985). Midlife in the Midwest: Canadian women in Manitoba. In J. K. Brown & V. Kerns (Eds.), In her prime: A new view of middle-aged women (pp. 180-197). Boston, MA: Bergin & Garvey. LaRossa, R. (1983). The transition to parenthood and the social reality of time. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 45(3), 579-589. Lennon, M. C. (1982). The psychological consequences of menopause: The importance of timing of a life stage event. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 23, 353-366.

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Long, J., & Porter, K. L. (1984). Multiple roles of midlife women. In G. Baruch & J. Brooks-Gunn (Eds.), Women in midlife (pp. 109-159). New York: Plenum Press. Lyman, S. M., & Scott, M. B. (1979). A sociology of the absurd. New York: AppletonCentury-Crofts. MacMahon, B., & Worcester, J. (1966). Age at menopause: United States 1960-1962. U.S. Vital and Health Statistics, 11(9), 104-106. McKinlay, S. M., & McKinlay, J. B. (1973). Selected studies on menopause. Journal of Biosocial Science, 5, 533-555. Millette, B. M. (1981). Menopause: A survey of attitudes and knowledge. Issues in Health Care of Women, 3, 263-276. Neugarten, B. L., & Hagestad, G. O. (1979). Age and the life course. In R. H. Binstock & E. Shanas (Eds.), Handbook of aging and the social sciences (pp. 35-55). New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold. Sandelowski, M. (1986). The problem of rigor in qualitative research. Advances in Nursing Science, 8(3), 27-37. Stevenson, J. S. (1983). Adulthood: A promising focus for future research. Annual Review of Nursing Research, pp. 55-74. Swanson, J. M. (1986). The formal qualitative interview for grounded theory. In W. C. Chenitz & J. M. Swanson (Eds.), From practice to grounded theory (pp. 66-78). Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley. Tilt, E. (1982). The change of life in health and disease. London: J. A. Churchill. Uphold, C. R., & Susman, E. J. (1981). Self reported symptoms as a function of the relationship between marital adjustment and childbearing stage. Nursing Research, 30(2), 84-88. Wilson, R. (1966). Feminine forever. New York: M. Evans. World Health Organization Scientific Group. (1981). Research on the menopause (World Health Organization Tech. Rep. No. 670). Geneva, Switzerland: World Health Organization.

The meaning of time: Mohawk women at midlife.

Midlife has emerged as an important developmental transitional point for both men and women. For women, menopause is synonymous with midlife, and cons...
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