Occupational Therapy In Health Care, 28(3):264–276, 2014 C 2014 by Informa Healthcare USA, Inc. Available online at http://informahealthcare.com/othc DOI: 10.3109/07380577.2014.917779
ARTICLE
The Impact of Driving Cessation on Older Kuwaiti Adults: Implications to Occupational Therapy Samar B. Al-Hassani & Naser M. Alotaibi Department of Occupational Therapy, Faculty of Allied Health Sciences, Kuwait University, Sulaibekhat, Kuwait – Arabian Gulf
ABSTRACT. Older adults consider driving as a fundamental part of their identity and independence. In most western countries, driving cessation has been recognized as a major issue affecting their health and well-being. This study aimed to compare older Kuwaiti adults who were active drivers and those who had ceased driving, and to explore the impact of driving cessation on the psychological well-being and lifestyle of older exdrivers. Participants included 114 community-dwelling older adults aged 55 years and older. A questionnaire based on the driving rehabilitation literature was administered along with the Geriatric Depression Scale (GDS). Results indicated that active drivers did not place greater importance on driving and spend more time in leisure pursuits. The overarching feelings following driving cessation were loss of control over one’s life and an increased sense of dependency. Driving cessation also contributed to a reduced ability to perform family duties, and it was associated with giving up previously performed leisure activities. Our findings indicate that driving cessation adversely affects older adults’ independence and role performance. Older ex-drivers may require assistance and intervention to facilitate their psychological well-being and community participation. KEYWORDS. Community participation, depressive symptoms, life satisfaction, meaning of driving, older drivers
INTRODUCTION For older adults, driving has become associated with maintaining independence, feelings of self-worth, and being connected to the community. Although driving is an occupation that is valued in its own right, perhaps its greater value is that it enables participation in other community-based occupations. In many cultures, driving is regarded as vital for accessing necessary community resources and essential for freedom and independence (Liddle et al., 2012). Driving as a means of community mobility is considered an instrumental activity of daily living (IADL), Address correspondence to: Samar B. Al-Hassani, BSc, OT; Department of Occupational Therapy, Faculty of Allied Health Sciences, Kuwait University, P.O. Box 31470, Sulabekhat, 9085 – Sulaibekhat, Kuwait – Arabian Gulf (E-mail: samar [email protected]) (Received 20 June 2013; accepted 21 April 2014)
264
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and thus lies under the domain and scope of occupational therapy. Thus, it is an important occupation that should be addressed in both occupational therapy evaluation and intervention (American Occupational Therapy Association (AOTA), 2008; Dickerson et al., 2008, 2010, 2011; Justiss, 2013; Stav et al., 2005). In addition, driving is perceived as a dynamic occupation which facilitates participation in other related daily activities including education, work, leisure, and social participation (Stav & Lieberman, 2008). In industrialized Western society, the ability to drive represents an important function of daily adult life that is associated with autonomy and social capability (Windsor et al., 2007). For many older adults, remaining an active driver is important for maintaining independence and well-being. According to a United States epidemiological study (Nationwide Personal Transportation Survey (NPTS), 2009), older women cease driving before older men. According to the NPTS study by age 85, only 25% of older women still held a driver’s license, whereas 55% of older men still held a driver’s license. However, for each incremental 5 year age span, beginning with age 60, women and men restricted the annual miles they drove (Burkhardt et al., 1996). Not surprisingly, driving was rated as the second most important IADL by older community dwelling adults in Australia, behind using the telephone and ahead of reading, medication management, and leisure (Fricke & Unsworth, 2001). Based on this literature, it was hypothesized that compared to ex-drivers, active older drivers would place greater importance on driving, have greater life satisfaction, control over their lives, greater time out of the home and pursuing leisure, and have fewer depressive symptoms. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE Meaning of Driving for Older Adults Several studies have been conducted to investigate the meaning of driving for older adults, and the results have consistently shown that driving means much more than getting from point A to point B (Adler & Rottunda, 2006; Donorfio et al., 2009; Rudman et al. (2006). It also represents independence, freedom, and being connected to society and life. Even though older adults do not drive as much as they once did and sometimes only when necessary, driving forms a part of their personal identity and keeps them connected to what is meaningful to them. Driving and being able to continue to drive contribute to feelings of self-worth and self-reliance (Donorfio et al., 2009). Rudman et al., (2006) also found that older adults described driving as a means to maintain control over, and spontaneity in, daily life and activities. They viewed driving as an indicator of independence and well-being and cessation of driving as an indicator of dependence and decline in general health. Additionally, driving has been described as synonymous with self-respect, social membership and quality of life for older drivers as well as part of their identity (Burkhardt et al., 1996). Consequences of Driving Cessation The outcomes of driving cessation have been investigated in both qualitative and quantitative studies, and driving cessation has been recognized as affecting health
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and well-being of older adults. Driving cessation is thought to involve a dual loss: Loss of a role with inherent value as well as a loss of community access (Liddle et al., 2006). In qualitative studies, ex-drivers reported that nondriving had restricted their lives and described giving up driving as discouraging, feeling deprived, and losing independence and spontaneity (Adler & Rottunda, 2006; Rudman et al., 2006). Despite the reason for cessation of driving, a loss of independence was the overarching feeling once the decision was made and many participants reported that not driving limited their lives and freedom (Adler & Rottunda, 2006). In another study, older adults indicated that stopping driving resulted in a significant threat to their selfconcept and led to a reduction in feelings of control over one’s life (Windsor et al., 2007). Several quantitative studies documented that driving cessation was strongly associated with decreased out-of-home activity levels where ex-drivers spent less time on social leisure and away from home, and more time in solitary leisure compared to current drivers (Liddle et al., 2006; Morottoli et al., 2000). Moreover, ex-drivers had significantly lower life satisfaction, fewer present roles, and diminished participation in their family roles and Community-based roles (Liddle et al., 2006; Liddle et al., 2012). Furthermore, longitudinal studies investigating the consequences of driving cessation also found it was accompanied by significant declines in physical and social functioning among older adults. General health also declined more rapidly after driving cessation (Edwards et al., 2009). Changes in driving patterns, specifically driving cessation and reduction, were also associated with increased risk of worsening depressive symptoms (Fonda et al., 2001; Fricke & Unsworth, 2001; Windsor et al., 2007). Surprisingly, another longitudinal study showed that older adults who ceased driving were four to six times more likely to die over the subsequent 3 years (Edwards et al., 2009). Although it is not clear whether cessation of driving facilitates declines in health and well-being or if declining health is the reason to cease driving, the findings do support that the ability to drive is important for health and well-being among older adults. Giving up driving is a difficult emotional issue for many older adults and may be accompanied by increased social isolation, increased depressive symptoms, decreased community engagement, loss of personal independence, decreased sense of control and precipitous health declines. Although the previous studies were conducted in Western countries such as the United States of America, Australia and Canada, similar findings were reported in studies from India (Beyene et al., 2012) and Singapore (Krishnasamy et al., 2013). Although the study in India focused on assistive technology use for mobility among several categories of individuals, including seniors who had ceased driving, seniors reported cessation of driving was usually related to safety concerns, lack of comfort with driving, and for most, the decision was personal. The Singapore study explored mobility preference and difficulties with transportation among healthy and outpatient older adult samples. Because of the availability of public transportation, most of the subjects were nondrivers, however, of those who did drive, 19% of them reported driving less in recent years because of declines in driving capabilities. In both studies, because of greater needs for health care, the frequency of senior’s need for transportation was increasing at the same time that barriers to driving or using public transportation were encountered.
The Impact of Driving Cessation on Older Kuwaiti Adults
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The values and meanings that we attach to daily activities differ according to the beliefs and norms of different cultures. The experience of driving cessation can also differ depending on socioeconomic status, resources and alternative transportation available to older adults. In Western countries, many older adults live alone and the motor vehicle is the main means of private transportation (Stav, 2008). Driving cessation literature in Western countries has identified lack of accessible transport networks for ex-drivers as a primary negative influence on driving cessation. Kuwait is markedly different from the United States, Australia, Canada, India, and Singapore, where previous studies have been conducted, in terms of smaller geographical space for travel, feasibility of hiring private drivers, and strong family bonds. To illustrate, older adults usually live within their extended families and all younger family members are responsible for caring after the older family members, including their community mobility needs. However, little is known about the meaning that Kuwaiti older adults have for driving and the consequences of driving cessation on their independence, health and well-being and social participation. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to compare older Kuwaiti adults who were active drivers and those who had ceased driving on (1) demographics, health status, importance of driving, priority of driving, importance of remaining an independent driver, degree of life satisfaction, degree of control over life and daily activities, amount of time spent out of the home, on leisure activities, and in social activities, and number of depressive symptoms, and (2) to investigate the impact of driving cessation on the psychological well-being and lifestyle of older ex-drivers. We hypothesized that compared to ex-drivers, active older drivers would place greater importance on driving, have greater life satisfaction, control over their lives, greater time out of the home and pursuing leisure, and have fewer depressive symptoms.
METHOD Participants The targeted population was community-dwelling older adults aged 55 years and older. The inclusion criteria were being Kuwaiti, and being a current driver or an exdriver. Convenience sampling was done by recruiting relatives of students studying ´ Dewaniahs (e.g., home gathat Kuwait University and older adults in public Cafes, ering areas for friends and family members, both indoors and outdoors), mosques, and malls. Research team members regularly visited the public sites to recruit participants. Prior to implementing the study, ethical approval was obtained from the committee for the protection of human subjects in research of the health science center at Kuwait University. Prior to signing a consent form or beginning data collection, the purpose of the study was explained to potential participants. Measures The questionnaire used in this study was in Arabic, and developed by a faculty member/student research team from the Kuwait University Occupational Therapy Department, using the literature as a guide. The questionnaire included the following sections:
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• Demographic characteristics: Age, gender, marital status, education, employment, economic status, and co-resident status. • Health and life style: Participants rated their health status on a 5-point Likert scale (0 = excellent, 1 = very good, 2 = good, 3 = fair, 4 = poor), and identified number of current health conditions. Lifestyle related items included the numbers of hours spent out of the home, number of hours spent in leisure activities, and number of hours spent in social activities. • Importance of driving: Using Likert Scales (0 = highly important, 1 = important, 2 = somewhat important, 3 = not important, 4 = not important at all), participants were asked to rate the importance of driving. Participants were also asked whether they considered driving to be a priority activity, and whether remaining independent in driving was important to them. • Perceived control and life satisfaction: Using Likert scales (0 = totally agree, 1 = agree, 2 = somewhat agree, 3 = disagree, 4 = totally disagree), participants were asked whether they feel in control over their lives and their overall satisfaction with their lives (0 = totally satisfied, 1 = satisfied, 2 = somewhat satisfied, 3 = not satisfied, 4 = not satisfied at all). • Depressive symptoms: The Arabic version of the 15-item Geriatric Depression Scale (GDS-15) was used to assess depressive symptoms among participants of both groups. This version of the GDS-15 was internally consistent (Cronbach’s alpha = 0.88), and kappas ranged from 0.57 to 0.75. (Chaaya et al., 2008). • Meaning of driving: Participants were asked to describe what driving and the ability to drive independently meant to them by checking any or all of the following options, or adding to them: (a) a means of transportation, (b) a symbol of freedom and autonomy, (c) a symbol of independence, (d) a symbol of maintaining control and spontaneity over performance of daily activities, (e) an assist in engaging in various social activities, (f) a symbol of community participation, (g) a symbol of depending on oneself, and (h) other options you can add. • Driving cessation: Some questions were specifically designed for ex-drivers, and focused on reasons and circumstances surrounding driving cessation, how difficult was it to stop driving, psychological impact of driving cessation, and impact of driving cessation on lifestyle. Design A two group comparison design using convenience sampling was employed. It allowed us to compare active drivers and ex-drivers in terms of life satisfaction, control over their lives, activity allocation, and depressive symptoms.
Procedure The questionnaires were piloted on 20 older adults to ensure the clarity of the questions and were revised based on their feedback. Study participants provided written informed consent before participating in the study. They were given the questionnaire in an envelope and were asked to seal it when they finished to ensure the confidentiality of their answers. Participants took around 20 minutes to fill out the questionnaires.
The Impact of Driving Cessation on Older Kuwaiti Adults
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Data Analysis Data were analyzed using SPSS (version 17). Participants were assigned to groups depending on their driving status (0 = driver, 1 = ex-driver). Mann-Whitney U, chi-square, and independent t-tests were used as appropriate to compare differences between the two groups, and frequencies were used to describe remaining variables. Bonferroni adjustments were done for clusters of data analyzed together (e.g., demographics, impact of driving cessation). An alpha of p < .05 was chosen, and the Mann-Whitney U Bonferroni correction for demographics was p < .012 (.05/4 = .012), for importance of driving was p < .017 (.05/3 = .017), and for impact of driving cessation was p < .010 (.05/5 = .010).
RESULTS A total of 250 potential participants were approached, and a response rate of 45.6% (n = 114) was achieved, with 71 active drivers (62.2%) and 43 ex-drivers (37.7%), 60 males (52.6%), and 54 females (47.4%). Significant differences in demographics between the two groups were found only for educational level and number of health conditions, with ex-drivers having a significantly lower level of education (n = 25, 58.1%) having less than a high school education) and reporting significantly more health conditions (ex-drivers = mean of 2.67 conditions; active drivers = mean of 1.80 conditions) (see Table 1). Although active drivers ranked the importance and priority placed on driving and remaining an independent driver higher than exdrivers, the differences were not statistically significant (see Table 2). Likewise, although active drivers spent more time on leisure pursuits, the difference between active and ex-drivers was not statistically significant. However, ex-drivers reported significantly lower life satisfaction, control over their lives and daily activities, time out of the home, and time spent in social activities. Ex-drivers also reported significantly more depressive symptoms than active drivers (see Table 2) The percent of those making the decision for the older adults (ex drivers) to cease driving included: Self (ex-drivers (n = 27; 60.5%), their physicians (n = 13; 30.2%), and family members (n = 4; 9.3%). Primary reasons for ceasing to drive were vision problems (n = 18; 41.9%), feeling it was no longer safe to drive (n = 14; 32.6%), other health problems (n = 14; 32.6%) and not feeling comfortable driving anymore (n = 11; 25.6%). Approximately, 70% of ex-drivers found it difficult to stop driving. The symbolic meaning of driving took various forms for ex-drivers, with the ability to maintain control and spontaneity over daily activities, dependence on oneself, and autonomy and freedom cited most often. Driving as only a “means of transportation” was cited by only 2 ex-drivers (see Table 3). Cessation of driving also impacted the psychological well-being and lifestyles of ex-drivers. Psychological impacts cited most often were less control over one’s life, being dependent, and being a burden to others. Lifestyle impacts cited most frequently were spending more time at home, giving up previous leisure activities, and spending less time with friends (see Table 3). When asked whether a driver rehabilitation program was a good idea, 83.7% (n = 36) agreed that it was, however, only 65.1% (n = 28) thought that was a probability that they would attend such a program.
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TABLE 1. Demographic Characteristics of the Participants
Characteristics Gender Male Female Age range (55–65) (66–75) (76–80) (≥ 81) Marital status Married Widowed Divorced Education < high school High school, Diploma, Bachelor Graduate Employment Employed Business Retired Housewife Economic status Excellent Very good Good Average Poor Living with Others Nuclear family Extended family Lives alone Health status Excellent Very good Good Fair Poor Health conditions Mean number (SD)
Active Drivers (n = 71) (n,%)
Ex-drivers (n = 43) (n,%)
Statistic
39 (54.9) 32 (45.1)
21 (48.8) 22 (51.2)
0.32a (df = 1)
.574
53 (74.64) 15 (21.12) 1 (1.42) 2 (2.82)
26 (60.5) 12 (27.9) 5 (11.6) 0 (0)
1156.00b (z = –2.27)
.023
61 (85.9) 8 (11.3) 2 (2.8)
31 (72.1) 11 (25.6) 0 (2.3)
3.95a (df = 2)
.139
21 (29.6) 14 (19.7) 18 (25.4) 11 (15.5) 7 (9.8)
25 (58.1) 7 (16.3) 8 (18.6) 2 (4.7) 1 (2.3)
15 (21.1) 6 (8.5) 41 (57.7) 9 (12.7)
2 (4.7) 2 (4.7) 25 (58.1) 14 (32.5)
20 (28.2) 26 (36.6) 15 (21.1) 9 (12.7) 1 (1.4)
10 (23.3) 14 (32.6) 13 (30.2) 6 (13.9) 0 (0)
0 (0) 46 (64.8) 21 (29.6) 4 (5.6)
1 (2.3) 24 (55.8) 17 (39.6) 1 (2.3)
6 (8.5) 29 (40.8) 23 (32.4) 9 (12.7) 4 (5.6)
3 (7.0) 12 (27.9) 15 (34.9) 9 (20.9) 4 (9.3)
1.80 (1.47)
2.67 (1.64)
988.00b (z = –3.22)
ARTICLE
The Impact of Driving Cessation on Older Kuwaiti Adults: Implications to Occupational Therapy Samar B. Al-Hassani & Naser M. Alotaibi Department of Occupational Therapy, Faculty of Allied Health Sciences, Kuwait University, Sulaibekhat, Kuwait – Arabian Gulf
ABSTRACT. Older adults consider driving as a fundamental part of their identity and independence. In most western countries, driving cessation has been recognized as a major issue affecting their health and well-being. This study aimed to compare older Kuwaiti adults who were active drivers and those who had ceased driving, and to explore the impact of driving cessation on the psychological well-being and lifestyle of older exdrivers. Participants included 114 community-dwelling older adults aged 55 years and older. A questionnaire based on the driving rehabilitation literature was administered along with the Geriatric Depression Scale (GDS). Results indicated that active drivers did not place greater importance on driving and spend more time in leisure pursuits. The overarching feelings following driving cessation were loss of control over one’s life and an increased sense of dependency. Driving cessation also contributed to a reduced ability to perform family duties, and it was associated with giving up previously performed leisure activities. Our findings indicate that driving cessation adversely affects older adults’ independence and role performance. Older ex-drivers may require assistance and intervention to facilitate their psychological well-being and community participation. KEYWORDS. Community participation, depressive symptoms, life satisfaction, meaning of driving, older drivers
INTRODUCTION For older adults, driving has become associated with maintaining independence, feelings of self-worth, and being connected to the community. Although driving is an occupation that is valued in its own right, perhaps its greater value is that it enables participation in other community-based occupations. In many cultures, driving is regarded as vital for accessing necessary community resources and essential for freedom and independence (Liddle et al., 2012). Driving as a means of community mobility is considered an instrumental activity of daily living (IADL), Address correspondence to: Samar B. Al-Hassani, BSc, OT; Department of Occupational Therapy, Faculty of Allied Health Sciences, Kuwait University, P.O. Box 31470, Sulabekhat, 9085 – Sulaibekhat, Kuwait – Arabian Gulf (E-mail: samar [email protected]) (Received 20 June 2013; accepted 21 April 2014)
264
The Impact of Driving Cessation on Older Kuwaiti Adults
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and thus lies under the domain and scope of occupational therapy. Thus, it is an important occupation that should be addressed in both occupational therapy evaluation and intervention (American Occupational Therapy Association (AOTA), 2008; Dickerson et al., 2008, 2010, 2011; Justiss, 2013; Stav et al., 2005). In addition, driving is perceived as a dynamic occupation which facilitates participation in other related daily activities including education, work, leisure, and social participation (Stav & Lieberman, 2008). In industrialized Western society, the ability to drive represents an important function of daily adult life that is associated with autonomy and social capability (Windsor et al., 2007). For many older adults, remaining an active driver is important for maintaining independence and well-being. According to a United States epidemiological study (Nationwide Personal Transportation Survey (NPTS), 2009), older women cease driving before older men. According to the NPTS study by age 85, only 25% of older women still held a driver’s license, whereas 55% of older men still held a driver’s license. However, for each incremental 5 year age span, beginning with age 60, women and men restricted the annual miles they drove (Burkhardt et al., 1996). Not surprisingly, driving was rated as the second most important IADL by older community dwelling adults in Australia, behind using the telephone and ahead of reading, medication management, and leisure (Fricke & Unsworth, 2001). Based on this literature, it was hypothesized that compared to ex-drivers, active older drivers would place greater importance on driving, have greater life satisfaction, control over their lives, greater time out of the home and pursuing leisure, and have fewer depressive symptoms. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE Meaning of Driving for Older Adults Several studies have been conducted to investigate the meaning of driving for older adults, and the results have consistently shown that driving means much more than getting from point A to point B (Adler & Rottunda, 2006; Donorfio et al., 2009; Rudman et al. (2006). It also represents independence, freedom, and being connected to society and life. Even though older adults do not drive as much as they once did and sometimes only when necessary, driving forms a part of their personal identity and keeps them connected to what is meaningful to them. Driving and being able to continue to drive contribute to feelings of self-worth and self-reliance (Donorfio et al., 2009). Rudman et al., (2006) also found that older adults described driving as a means to maintain control over, and spontaneity in, daily life and activities. They viewed driving as an indicator of independence and well-being and cessation of driving as an indicator of dependence and decline in general health. Additionally, driving has been described as synonymous with self-respect, social membership and quality of life for older drivers as well as part of their identity (Burkhardt et al., 1996). Consequences of Driving Cessation The outcomes of driving cessation have been investigated in both qualitative and quantitative studies, and driving cessation has been recognized as affecting health
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and well-being of older adults. Driving cessation is thought to involve a dual loss: Loss of a role with inherent value as well as a loss of community access (Liddle et al., 2006). In qualitative studies, ex-drivers reported that nondriving had restricted their lives and described giving up driving as discouraging, feeling deprived, and losing independence and spontaneity (Adler & Rottunda, 2006; Rudman et al., 2006). Despite the reason for cessation of driving, a loss of independence was the overarching feeling once the decision was made and many participants reported that not driving limited their lives and freedom (Adler & Rottunda, 2006). In another study, older adults indicated that stopping driving resulted in a significant threat to their selfconcept and led to a reduction in feelings of control over one’s life (Windsor et al., 2007). Several quantitative studies documented that driving cessation was strongly associated with decreased out-of-home activity levels where ex-drivers spent less time on social leisure and away from home, and more time in solitary leisure compared to current drivers (Liddle et al., 2006; Morottoli et al., 2000). Moreover, ex-drivers had significantly lower life satisfaction, fewer present roles, and diminished participation in their family roles and Community-based roles (Liddle et al., 2006; Liddle et al., 2012). Furthermore, longitudinal studies investigating the consequences of driving cessation also found it was accompanied by significant declines in physical and social functioning among older adults. General health also declined more rapidly after driving cessation (Edwards et al., 2009). Changes in driving patterns, specifically driving cessation and reduction, were also associated with increased risk of worsening depressive symptoms (Fonda et al., 2001; Fricke & Unsworth, 2001; Windsor et al., 2007). Surprisingly, another longitudinal study showed that older adults who ceased driving were four to six times more likely to die over the subsequent 3 years (Edwards et al., 2009). Although it is not clear whether cessation of driving facilitates declines in health and well-being or if declining health is the reason to cease driving, the findings do support that the ability to drive is important for health and well-being among older adults. Giving up driving is a difficult emotional issue for many older adults and may be accompanied by increased social isolation, increased depressive symptoms, decreased community engagement, loss of personal independence, decreased sense of control and precipitous health declines. Although the previous studies were conducted in Western countries such as the United States of America, Australia and Canada, similar findings were reported in studies from India (Beyene et al., 2012) and Singapore (Krishnasamy et al., 2013). Although the study in India focused on assistive technology use for mobility among several categories of individuals, including seniors who had ceased driving, seniors reported cessation of driving was usually related to safety concerns, lack of comfort with driving, and for most, the decision was personal. The Singapore study explored mobility preference and difficulties with transportation among healthy and outpatient older adult samples. Because of the availability of public transportation, most of the subjects were nondrivers, however, of those who did drive, 19% of them reported driving less in recent years because of declines in driving capabilities. In both studies, because of greater needs for health care, the frequency of senior’s need for transportation was increasing at the same time that barriers to driving or using public transportation were encountered.
The Impact of Driving Cessation on Older Kuwaiti Adults
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The values and meanings that we attach to daily activities differ according to the beliefs and norms of different cultures. The experience of driving cessation can also differ depending on socioeconomic status, resources and alternative transportation available to older adults. In Western countries, many older adults live alone and the motor vehicle is the main means of private transportation (Stav, 2008). Driving cessation literature in Western countries has identified lack of accessible transport networks for ex-drivers as a primary negative influence on driving cessation. Kuwait is markedly different from the United States, Australia, Canada, India, and Singapore, where previous studies have been conducted, in terms of smaller geographical space for travel, feasibility of hiring private drivers, and strong family bonds. To illustrate, older adults usually live within their extended families and all younger family members are responsible for caring after the older family members, including their community mobility needs. However, little is known about the meaning that Kuwaiti older adults have for driving and the consequences of driving cessation on their independence, health and well-being and social participation. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to compare older Kuwaiti adults who were active drivers and those who had ceased driving on (1) demographics, health status, importance of driving, priority of driving, importance of remaining an independent driver, degree of life satisfaction, degree of control over life and daily activities, amount of time spent out of the home, on leisure activities, and in social activities, and number of depressive symptoms, and (2) to investigate the impact of driving cessation on the psychological well-being and lifestyle of older ex-drivers. We hypothesized that compared to ex-drivers, active older drivers would place greater importance on driving, have greater life satisfaction, control over their lives, greater time out of the home and pursuing leisure, and have fewer depressive symptoms.
METHOD Participants The targeted population was community-dwelling older adults aged 55 years and older. The inclusion criteria were being Kuwaiti, and being a current driver or an exdriver. Convenience sampling was done by recruiting relatives of students studying ´ Dewaniahs (e.g., home gathat Kuwait University and older adults in public Cafes, ering areas for friends and family members, both indoors and outdoors), mosques, and malls. Research team members regularly visited the public sites to recruit participants. Prior to implementing the study, ethical approval was obtained from the committee for the protection of human subjects in research of the health science center at Kuwait University. Prior to signing a consent form or beginning data collection, the purpose of the study was explained to potential participants. Measures The questionnaire used in this study was in Arabic, and developed by a faculty member/student research team from the Kuwait University Occupational Therapy Department, using the literature as a guide. The questionnaire included the following sections:
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• Demographic characteristics: Age, gender, marital status, education, employment, economic status, and co-resident status. • Health and life style: Participants rated their health status on a 5-point Likert scale (0 = excellent, 1 = very good, 2 = good, 3 = fair, 4 = poor), and identified number of current health conditions. Lifestyle related items included the numbers of hours spent out of the home, number of hours spent in leisure activities, and number of hours spent in social activities. • Importance of driving: Using Likert Scales (0 = highly important, 1 = important, 2 = somewhat important, 3 = not important, 4 = not important at all), participants were asked to rate the importance of driving. Participants were also asked whether they considered driving to be a priority activity, and whether remaining independent in driving was important to them. • Perceived control and life satisfaction: Using Likert scales (0 = totally agree, 1 = agree, 2 = somewhat agree, 3 = disagree, 4 = totally disagree), participants were asked whether they feel in control over their lives and their overall satisfaction with their lives (0 = totally satisfied, 1 = satisfied, 2 = somewhat satisfied, 3 = not satisfied, 4 = not satisfied at all). • Depressive symptoms: The Arabic version of the 15-item Geriatric Depression Scale (GDS-15) was used to assess depressive symptoms among participants of both groups. This version of the GDS-15 was internally consistent (Cronbach’s alpha = 0.88), and kappas ranged from 0.57 to 0.75. (Chaaya et al., 2008). • Meaning of driving: Participants were asked to describe what driving and the ability to drive independently meant to them by checking any or all of the following options, or adding to them: (a) a means of transportation, (b) a symbol of freedom and autonomy, (c) a symbol of independence, (d) a symbol of maintaining control and spontaneity over performance of daily activities, (e) an assist in engaging in various social activities, (f) a symbol of community participation, (g) a symbol of depending on oneself, and (h) other options you can add. • Driving cessation: Some questions were specifically designed for ex-drivers, and focused on reasons and circumstances surrounding driving cessation, how difficult was it to stop driving, psychological impact of driving cessation, and impact of driving cessation on lifestyle. Design A two group comparison design using convenience sampling was employed. It allowed us to compare active drivers and ex-drivers in terms of life satisfaction, control over their lives, activity allocation, and depressive symptoms.
Procedure The questionnaires were piloted on 20 older adults to ensure the clarity of the questions and were revised based on their feedback. Study participants provided written informed consent before participating in the study. They were given the questionnaire in an envelope and were asked to seal it when they finished to ensure the confidentiality of their answers. Participants took around 20 minutes to fill out the questionnaires.
The Impact of Driving Cessation on Older Kuwaiti Adults
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Data Analysis Data were analyzed using SPSS (version 17). Participants were assigned to groups depending on their driving status (0 = driver, 1 = ex-driver). Mann-Whitney U, chi-square, and independent t-tests were used as appropriate to compare differences between the two groups, and frequencies were used to describe remaining variables. Bonferroni adjustments were done for clusters of data analyzed together (e.g., demographics, impact of driving cessation). An alpha of p < .05 was chosen, and the Mann-Whitney U Bonferroni correction for demographics was p < .012 (.05/4 = .012), for importance of driving was p < .017 (.05/3 = .017), and for impact of driving cessation was p < .010 (.05/5 = .010).
RESULTS A total of 250 potential participants were approached, and a response rate of 45.6% (n = 114) was achieved, with 71 active drivers (62.2%) and 43 ex-drivers (37.7%), 60 males (52.6%), and 54 females (47.4%). Significant differences in demographics between the two groups were found only for educational level and number of health conditions, with ex-drivers having a significantly lower level of education (n = 25, 58.1%) having less than a high school education) and reporting significantly more health conditions (ex-drivers = mean of 2.67 conditions; active drivers = mean of 1.80 conditions) (see Table 1). Although active drivers ranked the importance and priority placed on driving and remaining an independent driver higher than exdrivers, the differences were not statistically significant (see Table 2). Likewise, although active drivers spent more time on leisure pursuits, the difference between active and ex-drivers was not statistically significant. However, ex-drivers reported significantly lower life satisfaction, control over their lives and daily activities, time out of the home, and time spent in social activities. Ex-drivers also reported significantly more depressive symptoms than active drivers (see Table 2) The percent of those making the decision for the older adults (ex drivers) to cease driving included: Self (ex-drivers (n = 27; 60.5%), their physicians (n = 13; 30.2%), and family members (n = 4; 9.3%). Primary reasons for ceasing to drive were vision problems (n = 18; 41.9%), feeling it was no longer safe to drive (n = 14; 32.6%), other health problems (n = 14; 32.6%) and not feeling comfortable driving anymore (n = 11; 25.6%). Approximately, 70% of ex-drivers found it difficult to stop driving. The symbolic meaning of driving took various forms for ex-drivers, with the ability to maintain control and spontaneity over daily activities, dependence on oneself, and autonomy and freedom cited most often. Driving as only a “means of transportation” was cited by only 2 ex-drivers (see Table 3). Cessation of driving also impacted the psychological well-being and lifestyles of ex-drivers. Psychological impacts cited most often were less control over one’s life, being dependent, and being a burden to others. Lifestyle impacts cited most frequently were spending more time at home, giving up previous leisure activities, and spending less time with friends (see Table 3). When asked whether a driver rehabilitation program was a good idea, 83.7% (n = 36) agreed that it was, however, only 65.1% (n = 28) thought that was a probability that they would attend such a program.
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TABLE 1. Demographic Characteristics of the Participants
Characteristics Gender Male Female Age range (55–65) (66–75) (76–80) (≥ 81) Marital status Married Widowed Divorced Education < high school High school, Diploma, Bachelor Graduate Employment Employed Business Retired Housewife Economic status Excellent Very good Good Average Poor Living with Others Nuclear family Extended family Lives alone Health status Excellent Very good Good Fair Poor Health conditions Mean number (SD)
Active Drivers (n = 71) (n,%)
Ex-drivers (n = 43) (n,%)
Statistic
39 (54.9) 32 (45.1)
21 (48.8) 22 (51.2)
0.32a (df = 1)
.574
53 (74.64) 15 (21.12) 1 (1.42) 2 (2.82)
26 (60.5) 12 (27.9) 5 (11.6) 0 (0)
1156.00b (z = –2.27)
.023
61 (85.9) 8 (11.3) 2 (2.8)
31 (72.1) 11 (25.6) 0 (2.3)
3.95a (df = 2)
.139
21 (29.6) 14 (19.7) 18 (25.4) 11 (15.5) 7 (9.8)
25 (58.1) 7 (16.3) 8 (18.6) 2 (4.7) 1 (2.3)
15 (21.1) 6 (8.5) 41 (57.7) 9 (12.7)
2 (4.7) 2 (4.7) 25 (58.1) 14 (32.5)
20 (28.2) 26 (36.6) 15 (21.1) 9 (12.7) 1 (1.4)
10 (23.3) 14 (32.6) 13 (30.2) 6 (13.9) 0 (0)
0 (0) 46 (64.8) 21 (29.6) 4 (5.6)
1 (2.3) 24 (55.8) 17 (39.6) 1 (2.3)
6 (8.5) 29 (40.8) 23 (32.4) 9 (12.7) 4 (5.6)
3 (7.0) 12 (27.9) 15 (34.9) 9 (20.9) 4 (9.3)
1.80 (1.47)
2.67 (1.64)
988.00b (z = –3.22)
