Eating Behaviors 15 (2014) 599–608

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Eating Behaviors

The connection of teasing by parents, siblings, and peers with girls' body dissatisfaction and boys' drive for muscularity: The role of social comparison as a mediator Mallary K. Schaefer, Elizabeth H. Blodgett Salafia ⁎ Department of Human Development and Family Science, North Dakota State University, United States

a r t i c l e

i n f o

Article history: Received 23 January 2014 Received in revised form 10 May 2014 Accepted 21 August 2014 Available online 29 August 2014 Keywords: Body image Muscularity Teasing Social comparison Family members Peers

a b s t r a c t In this cross-sectional study, we focused on three research questions pertaining to the connections between appearance-related teasing and body image during adolescence. First, we investigated how parental appearance-related teasing of adolescents was associated with teasing by siblings. Second, we examined how teasing by mothers, fathers, siblings, and peers was individually associated with adolescent girls' body dissatisfaction and boys' drive for muscularity. We included BMI as a possible moderator in these analyses. Third, we tested the role of appearance-related social comparison as a mediator of the relations between teasing and body image. Self-report survey data were collected from 80 girls and 78 boys in a Midwestern U.S. middle school. Results from correlational and odds-ratio analyses indicated that teasing by mothers and fathers was strongly associated with teasing by siblings. Additionally, in regression analyses, mothers', fathers', siblings', and peers' teasing were separately associated with girls' body dissatisfaction and boys' drive for muscularity. Social comparison partially mediated the relationship between all sources of teasing and girls' body dissatisfaction as well as the relationship between mothers' and fathers' teasing and boys' drive for muscularity. Social comparison fully mediated the link between peers' teasing and boys' drive for muscularity. Researchers and clinicians should be aware of how family members and peers can influence adolescents' development of body image concerns through teasing behaviors and by social comparison. © 2014 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction Body image is a multidimensional construct that refers to how individuals experience and perceive their bodies and the attitudes they form about their bodies (Rieves & Cash, 1996). Body image concerns may begin as early as age 6 for both girls and boys in the United States, with an increase occurring during the adolescent years (Spitzer, Henderson, & Zivian, 1999). Attention should be given to differences between females and males as Western cultural expectations differ, with females expected to have thin bodies and males expected to have muscular bodies. Indeed, research has shown that the most common source of body image concern among adolescents is thinness for girls and muscularity for boys (Hargreaves & Tiggemann, 2006; Jones & Crawford, 2005; McCabe & Ricciardelli, 2001). Boys may be satisfied with their body fat or wish to lose body fat while simultaneously desiring to become more muscular (Tylka, 2011). In the present study,

⁎ Corresponding author at: 283H EML Hall, Department of Human Development and Family Science #2615, P.O. Box 6050, North Dakota State University, Fargo, ND 58108, United States. E-mail address: Elizabeth.Salafi[email protected] (E.H. Blodgett Salafia).

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.eatbeh.2014.08.018 1471-0153/© 2014 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

we focus on body dissatisfaction among girls and drive for muscularity among boys. Body dissatisfaction refers to an unhappiness regarding specific areas of the body that are often associated with shape changes or increased adiposity, such as the thighs, stomach, and hips (Garner, Olmstead, & Polivy, 1983). Drive for muscularity refers to concerns regarding muscularity, satisfaction with muscle mass, and attempts to increase muscle (McCreary & Sasse, 2000). Adolescence is an important time to focus on the factors that contribute to body image due to the heightened importance of appearance during this time period. In addition, puberty sets the stage for an increase of concerns about body image due to the body undergoing external physical changes (Ata, Ludden, & Lally, 2007). For example, the majority of girls' bodies move away from the Western thin ideal as a result of pubertal changes involving gains in weight and height, which typically lead to increased body dissatisfaction (Stice & Whitenton, 2002). In contrast, while boys' bodies generally move closer to the muscular ideal, both late-maturing and early-maturing boys tend to be concerned with their muscle mass and engage in strategies to increase muscle size, such as muscle-building exercises or the use of food supplements (McCabe & Ricciardelli, 2004). Therefore, it is necessary to focus on factors associated with the development of body image concerns during adolescence, specifically within the U.S. where these issues are

600

M.K. Schaefer, E.H. Blodgett Salafia / Eating Behaviors 15 (2014) 599–608

prevalent and may lead to increased risk of disordered eating as well as full-blown eating disorders among both females and males (Ricciardelli & McCabe, 2004; Rodgers, Ganchou, Franko, & Chabrol, 2012; Stice, 2002). 1.1. Appearance-related teasing Teasing by family members and peers is widespread and common among American adolescents (Eisenberg, Neumark-Sztainer, & Story, 2003; Taylor, 2011). Teasing can be either negative or positive but is typically considered to be negative with the sole purpose of asserting social dominance by hurting, humiliating, or harassing another (Kruger, Gordon, & Kuban, 2006; Shapiro, Baumeister, & Kessler, 1991). Teasing can become particularly harmful when it is directed at personal features associated with physical appearance (Kruger et al., 2006; Shapiro et al., 1991; Thompson, Fabian, Moulton, Dunn, & Altabe, 1991). Any reinforcement and attention given to appearance, especially in the form of teasing, draws attention to an individual's body and encourages social comparison to others based on physical attributes (Jones, 2004). Particularly for girls during the adolescent period, teasing can be a form of objectification wherein others, especially males, provide criticism and feedback about girls' bodies as objects that do not meet the Western cultural ideal of thinness and beauty. Research has indicated that both girls and boys experience teasing about their bodies and appearance during adolescence (Eisenberg et al., 2003; McCormack et al., 2011; Neumark-Sztainer et al., 2002; Taylor, 2011). For example, among American adolescents, appearancerelated teasing by peers was reported by 30–37% of girls and 24–44% of boys, and appearance-related teasing by family members was reported by 28–40% of girls and 16–33% of boys (Eisenberg et al., 2003; McCormack et al., 2011). These studies did not, however, consider each family member separately. When considering mothers and fathers separately, 19% of middle school-aged girls had experienced appearancerelated teasing by their fathers and 13% experienced it from their mothers (Keery, Boutelle, Berg, & Thompson, 2005). Of these same girls, 29% also reported being teased about their appearance by their siblings (Keery et al., 2005). Thus, it appears as though appearance-related teasing is a prevalent problem among American youth. Adolescent girls who experience appearance-related teasing from family members are more likely to participate in unhealthy weight control behavior, have a higher level of body dissatisfaction, and are more invested in achieving thinness (Eisenberg et al., 2003; Keery et al., 2005; McCormack et al., 2011; Neumark-Sztainer et al., 2010). Additionally, adolescent boys who are teased by their parents tend to have low levels of body satisfaction and a greater drive for muscularity (Eisenberg et al., 2003; McCormack et al., 2011; Smolak & Stein, 2006). Appearance-related teasing by parents likely increases adolescents' body image concerns by reinforcing societal values of appearance and emphasizing adherence to cultural ideals. Parental teasing can also have indirect effects through siblings, as the modeling of parents' teasing behaviors, particularly fathers', may be associated with higher levels of sibling teasing (Keery et al., 2005). The siblings most commonly cited by adolescents as appearancerelated teasers tend to be older brothers (Keery et al., 2005). One study found that 79% of college-aged women who had brothers reported being teased by their brothers during adolescence (Rieves & Cash, 1996). Brothers were identified as the worst teasers by 33% of the women, whereas sisters were identified as the worst teasers by only 8% (Rieves & Cash, 1996). Teasing by an older brother has been correlated with negative body image (Keery et al., 2005). To this date, however, only a few studies have examined the effects of appearance-related teasing by siblings; therefore, it is important to gain a better understanding of how sibling behaviors may be associated with body image among adolescents. Appearance-related teasing by peers is also associated with an increase in body dissatisfaction among adolescents (Eisenberg et al.,

2003; Jones, 2004; McCormack et al., 2011; Neumark-Sztainer et al., 2002; Phares, Steinberg, & Thompson, 2004), with a particularly strong correlation for girls. Objectification theory (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997) offers an explanation for the strong connection between teasing and body image in girls, such that girls are likely to internalize thinness-related commentary from others and, in turn, view themselves as unattractive objects to the opposite sex for failing to attain the thin ideal. The connection between drive for muscularity and appearancerelated teasing among adolescent boys has recently become a topic of research studies, yet the relationship has not been well-established. Of the research that has focused on appearance-related teasing and drive for muscularity, many of the studies have combined teasing with other sociocultural factors such as pressure and feedback regarding weight (e.g., McCabe & Ricciardelli, 2003; Smolak, Murnen, & Thompson, 2005; Stanford & McCabe, 2005; Tylka, 2011). Yet, teasing has been associated with weight-lifting in middle school-aged boys (McVey, Tweed, & Blackmore, 2005). Another study found that peer teasing was correlated with adolescent boys' attitudes but not behaviors regarding muscularity (Smolak & Stein, 2006). Peers are likely to be particularly influential during adolescence, as peer relations intensify and more time is spent together. A recent meta-analysis of the effects of teasing by family members and peers on body image indicated that medium effect sizes existed, ranging from .32 to .43, for both females and males (Menzel et al., 2010). This suggests that teasing has detrimental effects on adolescents' perceptions of themselves. Not only does teasing influence adolescents during the time it occurs, but the effects of appearance-related teasing can last into adulthood and beyond (Ata et al., 2007). Because of the negative and potential long-lasting impact of teasing on adolescents, it is essential to thoroughly examine the perpetrators of teasing and both the direct and indirect effects these individuals have on a particularly vulnerable age group. Because Body Mass Index (BMI; weight [kg]/height [m2]) is a strong predictor of body image, it may be influential in the relationship between teasing and body image (Menzel et al., 2010; Stice, 2002). In particular, some research has suggested that adolescents who are above or below average weight are not only more likely to develop a negative body image but also experience more teasing and other sociocultural pressures to meet the thin and muscular ideals (McCormack et al., 2011; Neumark-Sztainer et al., 2002; Stice & Whitenton, 2002). Due to being overweight or underweight, these individuals tend to be targets of pressures to meet the cultural size expectations because they vary the farthest from the ideals (Neumark-Sztainer et al., 2002). In contrast, a qualitative study assessing weight-based teasing during adolescence found that even healthy-weight girls were teased about their body size (Taylor, 2011). Similarly, previous research that has either investigated the possible predictive role of BMI on body image or controlled for BMI when examining the connection between appearance-related teasing and body image have found no significant effect of BMI (Keery et al., 2005; Smolak & Stein, 2006). Due to the conflicting nature of these bodies or research, it is important to include BMI as a possible moderator in the connections between teasing and body image. 1.2. The role of social comparison According to Social Comparison theory, individuals compare themselves to others in order to evaluate themselves (Festinger, 1954). Appearance-related social comparison is the process of comparing one's body and looks to others for the purpose of gathering information about highly valued attributes and societal expectations associated with appearance in order to make a judgment about one's own appearance (Jones, 2001; Smolak et al., 2005). Given that appearance is one of the perceived routes to acceptance and popularity during adolescence, social comparison becomes an important method for learning about appearance-related expectations among peers and for evaluating oneself based on those standards (Jones, 2001).

M.K. Schaefer, E.H. Blodgett Salafia / Eating Behaviors 15 (2014) 599–608

The Tripartite Influence Model posits that parent and peer influences play a strong role in the development of body image and eating concerns, primarily through their effects on appearance comparison (Thompson, Heinberg, Altabe, & Tantleff-Dunn, 1999). A later model expanded this work to specifically address male body image concerns with muscularity as an outcome (Tylka, 2011). Adolescents who receive any type of feedback about their appearance, in particular via teasing, may be more likely to engage in appearance-related social comparison in order to determine the characteristics of their bodies that are not meeting expectations (Shroff & Thompson, 2006). When adolescents perceive that their bodies do not meet expectations regarding thinness or muscularity, they may engage in behaviors to change their appearance. Social comparison has been found to be both individually associated with appearance-related teasing by peers and parents, as well as with body dissatisfaction among females and drive for muscularity among males (Galioto, Karazsia, & Crowther, 2012; Karazsia & Crowther, 2009; Keery, van den Berg, & Thompson, 2004; Myers & Crowther, 2009; Shroff & Thompson, 2006; Smolak & Stein, 2006; Smolak et al., 2005; Vander Wal & Thelen, 2000). Social comparison may explain why teasing and body image are connected. For example, among middle-school girls, the relationship between pressure from parents, peers, and the media to be thin and body dissatisfaction was fully or partially mediated by appearancerelated social comparison (Keery et al., 2004; Shroff & Thompson, 2006). Furthermore, among college-aged women, appearance-related social comparison served as a mediator of the relation between appearance-related teasing by family members and peers and body dissatisfaction (Thompson, Coovert, & Stormer, 1999; van den Berg, Thompson, Obremski-Brandon, & Coovert, 2002). In another study focusing on adolescent boys, social comparison partially mediated the link between peer influence and parental appearance-related comments on muscle-building (Smolak et al., 2005). Findings were similar in an adult male sample, wherein appearance-related comparisons mediated the connection between social influences (defined as family members and peers) and muscle dissatisfaction (Karazsia & Crowther, 2009). In contrast, other studies have offered limited or no support for social comparison as a mediator. For instance, although teasing from others had a direct effect on Chinese women's body dissatisfaction, teasing did not have indirect effects via appearance-related social comparison; the same pattern existed for males, such that teasing was not linked with social comparison but was with body image (Chen, Gao, & Jackson, 2007). Similarly, Jones (2004) found that social comparison did not play a mediating role between sociocultural influences, such as teasing, and dissatisfaction with various body parts among both girls and boys in middle school. It is worth noting that the afore-mentioned study by Jones (2004) was the only mediational study that focused on both girls and boys during adolescence. Additionally, due to the inconsistent findings regarding mediation, it is necessary to further investigate the connections among appearance-related teasing, appearancerelated social comparison, and body image among middle school-aged adolescents in the U.S. This is especially important to study among girls, because younger girls are more negatively influenced by social comparisons than undergraduate women (Myers & Crowther, 2009). 1.3. Present study In the current study, we sought to examine the cross-sectional connections of appearance-related teasing by mothers, fathers, siblings, and peers with adolescent girls' body dissatisfaction and boys' drive for muscularity. First, we hypothesized that an adolescent who has parents who engaged in appearance-related teasing directed towards the adolescent would also have siblings who engaged in teasing behaviors directed towards the adolescent. Second, we hypothesized that teasing by mothers, fathers, siblings, and peers would individually be associated with higher levels of body

601

dissatisfaction among girls and a greater drive for muscularity among boys. In these analyses, we included BMI as a potential moderator. As discussed earlier, findings regarding the impact of BMI on body image have been conflicted. However, based on non-significant findings from a select body of research investigating the predictive and moderating roles of BMI in the relationship between appearancerelated teasing and adolescents' body image (Keery et al., 2005; Smolak & Stein, 2006), we hypothesized that teasing would be associated with girls' and boys' body image regardless of their body composition (i.e., BMI would not moderate the relationship). Although appearance-related social comparison has been identified as a potential mediating factor between sociocultural influences and body image, it has only received minimal support for its mediating role specifically between appearance-related teasing and either body dissatisfaction in girls or drive for muscularity in boys, especially during adolescence. Our third hypothesis was such that appearance-related social comparison would at least partially explain the relationship between appearance-related teasing from all sources and body dissatisfaction among girls and drive for muscularity among boys. The Tripartite Influence Model provides a theoretical justification for testing this particular mediation process, as causal connections are outlined between teasing, social comparison, and body image or disordered eating (Thompson, Heinberg, Altabe, & Tantleff-Dunn, 1999). Particular strengths of our study include the age of our sample (middle school adolescents), the inclusion of both genders, the separation of type of influence (mothers, fathers, siblings, and peers), and the testing of a particular processoriented mediation model.

2. Method 2.1. Participants This study was reviewed and approved by the university's Institutional Review Board. Participants were 158 seventh (n = 41), eighth (n = 70), and ninth (n = 47) grade students from a Midwestern U.S. middle school. The sample consisted of 80 girls and 78 boys who provided complete data on measures used in the present study. Adolescents' ages ranged from 12 to 16 years (M = 13.74, SD = 0.91). Consistent with the ethnic composition of the city, participants mostly identified themselves as White (91.1%); fewer identified as Black (0.6%), Hispanic (1.3%), Native American (3.8%), or other (2.5%). One individual chose not to disclose his ethnicity. Adolescents were asked to self-report their weight and height. Using this information, the authors calculated average BMI (weight [kg]/height [m 2]) to be 20.95 (SD = 4.46) for girls and 21.91 (SD = 5.54) for boys. Based on weight-for-height youth classifications of BMI according to the Center for Disease Control and Prevention, both girls' and boys' average BMI scores were considered in the normal range (i.e., around the 50th percentile).

2.2. Procedure Flyers and parental consent forms were sent home by school administrators with students in grades 7 through 9 at a middle school in a Midwestern city. These materials invited interested individuals to participate in a research study about eating attitudes and behaviors and social relationships. Adolescents who returned parental forms later completed assent forms and self-report surveys in an auditorium after school. This sample represented approximately 20% of students at the school; this number could be the result of lack of interest, not having parental consent forms completed, or unavailability during the after school hours. Girls and boys completed all measures in the study. In compensation for their participation in the study, participants were given a $25 giftcard to a local mall.

602

M.K. Schaefer, E.H. Blodgett Salafia / Eating Behaviors 15 (2014) 599–608

2.3. Measures 2.3.1. Body image Body image was measured with two scales to assess body dissatisfaction and the drive for muscularity. Girls and boys completed both measures. The Body Dissatisfaction Scale is a nine-item questionnaire that assesses individuals' satisfaction with particular body parts (e.g., weight, waist, hips) (Stice, Trost, & Chase, 2003). Each item was scored on a 5-point scale ranging from 0 (extremely dissatisfied) to 4 (extremely satisfied). A sample item is, “How satisfied are you with your waist?” Answers were coded and summed such that higher scores represented greater body dissatisfaction. When using the Body Dissatisfaction Scale, previous work has found mean levels of body dissatisfaction ranging from 28.14 to 31.17 among 13- to 20-year-old females (Stice et al., 2003). Construct validity was previously demonstrated by the significant relations of the scale to measures of dieting (r = .38) and bulimic symptoms (r = .25) among girls in high school (Stice, 2001). Internal consistency (Cronbach's alpha) was determined in the same study to be .91 (Stice, 2001). In the present study, Cronbach's alpha was estimated at .96 for girls and .96 for boys. The Drive for Muscularity Scale is a 15-item questionnaire that measures attitudes and behaviors that reflect the degree of the respondent's preoccupation with increasing muscularity and satisfaction with muscle mass (McCreary & Sasse, 2000). Each item was scored on a 6-point scale ranging from 0 (never) to 5 (always). A sample item is, “I wish that I were more muscular.” The scores of the fifteen items were summed, with higher scores indicating a greater drive to become more muscular. When using the Drive for Muscularity Scale with boys in seventh and eighth grade, previous work has found the mean value of drive for muscularity to be 35.59 (Smolak & Stein, 2006). Construct validity was demonstrated in prior work by the correlation of drive for muscularity with frequency of weight training (r = .24) among a sample of both adolescent boys and girls in high school, as well as with self-esteem (r = − .41) and disordered eating (r = .37) specifically among boys (McCreary & Sasse, 2000). In this same study, internal consistency (Cronbach's alpha) was determined to be .78 for girls and .84 for boys (McCreary & Sasse, 2000). Among boys in seventh and eighth grades, Cronbach's alpha was reported to be .93 (Smolak & Stein, 2006). Cronbach's alpha in the present study was .83 for girls and .87 for boys. 2.3.2. Appearance-related teasing Appearance-related teasing was measured using items from the Perceived Sociocultural Pressure Scale (Stice, Ziemba, Margolis, & Flick, 1996). This scale includes items assessing teasing by family and peers; in our study, separate items were created for mothers and fathers, and an additional item was added in order to measure teasing by siblings. A single item was used for each source of teasing, as only one item on the scale specifically refers to teasing while other items address different sociocultural pressures (i.e., to have a thin body or to lose weight). Participants reported the perceived amount of appearance-related teasing they experienced on a 5-point scale ranging from 0 (none) to 4 (a lot). A sample item is, “My mother teases me about my weight or body shape;” parallel items were used for fathers, siblings, and peers. If a participant had no contact with a particular family member, she/ he was instructed to leave the item blank; thus, her/his score was omitted from the analyses conducted in the present study. Higher scores on the teasing measure indicated more perceived experience of being teased. 2.3.3. Appearance-related social comparison Social comparison was measured with four items from the Physical Appearance Comparison Scale, which is a scale measuring the tendency to compare one's own appearance to that of other individuals (Thompson, Heinberg, & Tantleff, 1991). One item from the original five-item scale was dropped because it negatively correlated with other items and thereby reduced the reliability of the measure when

considering both girls and boys separately. This item was the only question on the scale that needed to be reverse-scored and thus may have caused confusion for the participants; the item was, “Comparing your ‘looks’ to the ‘looks’ others is a bad way to determine if you are attractive or unattractive.” Each of the remaining four items was scored on a 5point scale ranging from 0 (never) to 4 (always). A sample item is, “At parties or other social events, I compare my physical appearance to the physical appearance of others.” Answers were coded and summed such that higher scores indicated more frequent engagement in social comparison. Construct validity of the five-item Physical Appearance Comparison Scale was demonstrated in a previous study by its significant correlation with appearance schemacity, or investment in appearance, for both girls and boys in eighth through twelfth grades (r = .68 and r = .60, respectively; Hargreaves & Tiggemann, 2004). In the same study, internal consistency (Cronbach's alpha) was determined to be .84 for girls and .79 for boys (Hargreaves & Tiggemann, 2004). Additionally, Cronbach's alpha was previously determined for the same four-item scale we used to be .80 among a sample of adolescent girls in middle school (Keery et al., 2005). Cronbach's alpha for the four items in the present study was estimated at .85 for girls and .79 for boys.

3. Results 3.1. Sample characteristics Mean scores, t-tests, and one-way ANOVAs were used to examine the sample's characteristics. Descriptive statistics for the study variables are provided in Table 1. As expected, girls reported higher levels of body dissatisfaction than drive for muscularity, and boys reported higher levels of drive for muscularity than body dissatisfaction. T-tests allowed us to determine if there were significant differences between girls and boys. Results indicated that girls experienced significantly more body dissatisfaction than boys, t(156) = −2.76, p b .05, and boys experienced significantly more drive for muscularity than girls, t(156) = 5.49, p b .05. These findings offered support for our decision to measure body image as body dissatisfaction for girls and as drive for muscularity for boys. Additional one-way ANOVAs (one for girls and one for boys) were then conducted to determine potential differences in body image according to grade in school (7, 8, or 9). For girls, there were no significant differences in body dissatisfaction according to grade, F(2, 77) = .71,

Table 1 Descriptive statistics of study variables. Variable

M

SD

Actual range

Potential range

Girls Age BMI Mothers' teasing Fathers' teasing Peers' teasing Siblings' teasing Drive for muscularity Body dissatisfaction Social comparison

13.80 20.95 0.20 0.16 0.59 0.39 10.15 16.42 5.21

0.91 4.46 0.66 0.58 1.04 1.03 8.74 10.14 3.66

12–16 14.14–41.01 0–4 0–3 0–4 0–4 0–42 0–36 0–16

0–4 0–4 0–4 0–4 0–75 0–36 0–16

Boys Age BMI Mothers' teasing Fathers' teasing Peers' teasing Siblings' teasing Drive for muscularity Body dissatisfaction Social comparison

13.68 21.91 0.29 0.27 0.73 0.45 19.42 12.24 2.90

0.92 5.54 0.82 0.75 1.25 1.02 12.25 8.87 3.17

12–15 10.82–45.48 0–4 0–4 0–4 0–4 1–65 0–36 0–16

0–4 0–4 0–4 0–4 0–75 0–36 0–16

M.K. Schaefer, E.H. Blodgett Salafia / Eating Behaviors 15 (2014) 599–608

p N .05. Similarly, for boys, there were no significant differences in drive for muscularity according to grade, F(2, 75) = .29, p N .05. 3.2. Parents' and siblings' appearance-related teasing Pearson correlations among the study variables are reported in Table 2. Our first hypothesis, that an adolescent who has parents who engaged in appearance-related teasing directed towards the adolescent would also have siblings who engaged in teasing behaviors directed towards the adolescent, was supported. Results indicated that both mothers' and fathers' appearance-related teasing were strongly related to siblings' appearance-related teasing for girls, r = .65 and r = .49, p b .05. Among adolescent boys, mothers' and fathers' appearancerelated teasing were also strongly correlated with siblings' appearancerelated teasing, r = .49, p b .05, for both mothers and fathers. Additional odds-ratio analyses using logistic regression were conducted, with no teasing experience coded as 0 and any teasing experience as 1, to more fully explore the associations between parental and sibling teasing behaviors. We found that the odds of being teased by siblings were 9.84 times higher for girls who were teased by their mothers and 9.49 times higher for girls who were teased by their fathers (p b .05 for both). Additionally, the odds of being teased by siblings were 14.50 times higher for boys who were teased by their mothers and 14.50 times higher for boys who were teased by their fathers (p b .05 for both). 3.3. Appearance-related teasing and body image Our second hypothesis that appearance-related teasing by mothers, fathers, siblings, and peers would individually be associated with higher levels of body dissatisfaction among girls and a greater drive for muscularity among boys was tested using separate bivariate regressions. For girls, increased body dissatisfaction was significantly associated with more teasing by mothers (β = .40, R2 = .16, p b .05), as well as fathers (β = .39, R2 = .15, p b .05), siblings (β = .39, R2 = .15, p b .05), and peers (β = .29, R2 = .08, p b .05). For boys, increased drive for muscularity was significantly associated with more teasing by fathers (β = .60, R2 = .36, p b .05), as well as mothers (β = .44, R2 = .19, p b .05), peers (β = .31, R2 = .10, p b .05), and siblings (β = .31, R2 = .09, p b .05). We next conducted hierarchical multiple regression analyses that included BMI as a moderator in order to determine whether the relationships between teasing and body image still existed after taking BMI into account. For the purpose of the moderation analyses, we changed BMI from a continuous variable into a categorical one such that there were three classifications, with coding for underweight (b18.5), normal weight (between 18.5 and 24.9), and overweight (N25). Because only 2 girls and 3 boys originally classified as obese (N30), they were included in the overweight category. Thus, for girls,

Table 2 Correlations among study variables for boys and girls. Variable

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

1. Age 2. BMI 3. Mothers' teasing 4. Fathers' teasing 5. Peers' teasing 6. Siblings' teasing 7. Drive for muscularity 8. Body dissatisfaction 9. Social comparison

– .15 .09 .15 .04 −.03 −.02

.27⁎ – .05 .11 .24⁎

.09 .31⁎ – .82⁎ .42⁎ .49⁎ .44⁎

.04 .30⁎ .67⁎ – .51⁎ .49⁎ .60⁎

.33⁎ .30⁎ .34⁎ .32⁎ – .49⁎ .31⁎

.00 .23 .65⁎ .49⁎ .38⁎

.17 .10 .12 .14 .38⁎

.12 .56⁎ .40⁎ .39⁎ .29⁎ .39⁎

.21 .16 .40⁎ .46⁎ .22+ .21+ .20+

.01 .24⁎

.46⁎ .25⁎ .25⁎ .34⁎ .25⁎ .30⁎ −.34⁎ .11 .46⁎ .65⁎ .40⁎ .18 .53⁎ .27⁎ –

.21 .06

– .18 .31⁎ –

.14

Note. Correlations for girls (n = 80) are presented above the diagonal, and correlations for boys (n = 78) are presented below the diagonal. ⁎ p b .05. + p b .10.

603

28.8% were considered underweight (n = 23), 52.5% were considered normal weight (n = 42), and 13.8% were considered overweight (n = 11). For boys, 25.6% were considered underweight (n = 20), 46.2% were considered normal weight (n = 36), and 25.6% were considered overweight (n = 20). Identical to our methods for examining the bivariate effects of teasing on body image, we conducted separate hierarchical multiple regression analyses for each source of teasing. In these analyses, the first step included teasing and BMI as separate predictor variables; the second step included a product term (teasing × BMI) in order to examine moderation (Baron & Kenny, 1986). We found that BMI was individually associated with body dissatisfaction among girls but not drive for muscularity among boys. However, BMI did not moderate any of the connections between mothers', fathers', peers', and siblings' teasing and either girls' body dissatisfaction or boys' drive for muscularity (e.g., no product, or interaction, term was significant in any of the models). Furthermore, the change in variance, as determined by Rsquare values, for each analysis was not significant. Thus, we excluded BMI in the rest of our analyses. 3.4. Appearance-related social comparison as a mediator Using mediational analyses with bivariate and multiple regressions, we examined our third hypothesis such that appearance-related social comparison would at least partially explain the relationship between appearance-related teasing from all sources (mothers, fathers, peers, and siblings) and body dissatisfaction among girls and drive for muscularity among boys. Mediational model testing followed the traditional Baron and Kenny (1986) approach such that we had to demonstrate significant relationships among: (1) the predictor and outcome variables, (2) the predictor and mediator variables, (3) the mediator and outcome variables, and (4) the predictor, mediator, and outcome variables. In the fourth step, we would expect to see the direct relationship between the predictor and outcome variable be reduced to non-significance. Our third hypothesis was partially supported by the results of mediation analyses. For girls, all sources of teasing were significantly associated with both body dissatisfaction and social comparison. Additionally, social comparison was significantly associated with body dissatisfaction, thereby meeting the first three criteria for mediation analyses. However, when we reached the fourth step, we only saw evidence of partial mediation. This means that all of our variables remained significantly associated, including the direct effects of teasing on body dissatisfaction, although the values were reduced. See Table 3 for complete results of mediation analyses for girls. For boys, all sources of teasing were significantly associated with drive for muscularity. Mothers', fathers', and peers' teasing were also all significantly associated with social comparison, while siblings' teasing was not. Thus, mediation analyses for siblings were discontinued. However, mediation analyses continued for all other sources since the first three criteria for mediation were met. Results from our fourth step indicated that partial mediation occurred for mothers' and fathers' teasing while full mediation occurred for peers' teasing. With mothers and fathers, there were still significant, albeit reduced in value, direct effects of teasing on drive for muscularity even when social comparison was included in the models. For peers, in contrast, there was no remaining direct effect, suggesting that social comparison fully explained the link between peers' teasing and boys' drive for muscularity. See Table 4 for complete results of mediation analyses for boys. 4. Discussion In this study, we sought to investigate the connections of appearancerelated teasing by family members and peers with American adolescents' body image cross-sectionally. We intentionally chose to focus on body image constructs that are relevant for girls (i.e., body dissatisfaction) and boys (i.e., muscularity), while targeting a middle school-aged

604

M.K. Schaefer, E.H. Blodgett Salafia / Eating Behaviors 15 (2014) 599–608

Table 3 Results of the mediating effect of social comparison on the relation between appearancerelated teasing and girls' body dissatisfaction. Model

B

Std. Error

β

R2

Table 4 Results of the mediating effect of social comparison on the relation between appearancerelated teasing and boys' drive for muscularity. Model

B

Std. Error

β

R2

Mediating effects of social comparison on the relation between mothers' teasing and girls' body dissatisfaction Model 1 Outcome: body dissatisfaction Predictor: mothers' teasing 6.10 1.59 .40⁎ .16 Model 2 Mediator: social comparison Predictor: mothers' teasing 2.20 0.57 .40⁎ .16 Model 3 Outcome: body dissatisfaction Mediator: social comparison 0.94 0.30 .34⁎ .12 Model 4 Outcome: body dissatisfaction Predictor: mothers' teasing 4.79 1.70 .31⁎ .20 Mediator: social comparison 0.59 0.31 .21+

Mediating effects of social comparison on the relation between mothers' teasing and boys' drive for muscularity Model 1 Outcome: drive for muscularity Predictor: mothers' teasing 6.50 1.54 .44⁎ .19 Model 2 Mediator: social comparison Predictor: mothers' teasing 1.77 0.39 .46⁎ .21 Model 3 Outcome: drive for muscularity Mediator: social comparison 2.06 0.38 .53⁎ .28 Model 4 Outcome: drive for muscularity Predictor: mothers' teasing 3.62 1.58 .24⁎ .33 Mediator: social comparison 1.63 0.41 .42⁎

Mediating effects of social comparison on the relation between fathers' teasing and girls' body dissatisfaction Model 1 Outcome: body dissatisfaction Predictor: fathers' teasing 6.71 1.82 .39⁎ .15 Model 2 Mediator: social comparison Predictor: fathers' teasing 2.91 0.63 .46⁎ .22 Model 3 Outcome: body dissatisfaction Mediator: social comparison 0.94 0.30 .34⁎ .12 Model 4 Outcome: body dissatisfaction Predictor: fathers' teasing 5.07 2.02 .29⁎ .18 Mediator: social comparison 0.57 0.32 .20+

Mediating effects of social comparison on the relation between fathers' teasing and boys' drive for muscularity Model 1 Outcome: drive for muscularity Predictor: fathers' teasing 9.74 1.50 .60⁎ .36 Model 2 Mediator: social comparison Predictor: fathers' teasing 2.73 0.37 .65⁎ .42 Model 3 Outcome: drive for muscularity Mediator: social comparison 2.06 0.38 .53⁎ .28 Model 4 Outcome: drive for muscularity Predictor: fathers' teasing 7.06 1.92 .43⁎ .39 Mediator: social comparison 0.98 0.46 .25⁎

Mediating effects of social comparison on the relation between peers' teasing and girls' body dissatisfaction Model 1 Outcome: body dissatisfaction Predictor: peers' teasing 2.80 1.06 .29⁎ .08 Model 2 Mediator: social comparison .05 Predictor: peers' teasing 0.76 0.39 .22+ Model 3 Outcome: body dissatisfaction Mediator: social comparison 0.94 0.30 .34⁎ .12 Model 4 Outcome: body dissatisfaction Predictor: peers' teasing 2.19 1.04 .22⁎ .16 Mediator: social comparison 0.81 0.30 .29⁎

Mediating effects of social comparison on the relation between peers' teasing and boys' drive for muscularity Model 1 Outcome: drive for muscularity Predictor: peers' teasing 3.09 1.07 .31⁎ .10 Model 2 Mediator: social comparison Predictor: peers' teasing 1.01 0.27 .40⁎ .16 Model 3 Outcome: drive for muscularity Mediator: social comparison 2.06 0.38 .53⁎ .28 Model 4 Outcome: drive for muscularity Predictor: peers' teasing 1.19 1.04 .12 .30 Mediator: social comparison 1.87 0.41 .49⁎

Mediating effects of social comparison on the relation between siblings' teasing and girls' body dissatisfaction Model 1 Outcome: body dissatisfaction Predictor: siblings' teasing 3.85 1.03 .39⁎ .15 Model 2 Mediator: social comparison .05 Predictor: siblings' teasing 0.76 0.40 .21+ Model 3 Outcome: body dissatisfaction Mediator: social comparison 0.94 0.30 .34⁎ .12 Model 4 Outcome: body dissatisfaction Predictor: siblings' teasing 3.29 1.02 .33⁎ .22 Mediator: social comparison 0.74 0.29 .27⁎

Mediating effects of social comparison on the relation between siblings' teasing and boys' drive for muscularity Model 1 Outcome: drive for muscularity Predictor: siblings' teasing 3.69 1.32 .31⁎ .09 Model 2 Mediator: social comparison Predictor: siblings' teasing 0.58 0.35 .18 .03

⁎ p b .05. + p b .10.

adolescent sample. Our study is unique in that we examined mothers, fathers, siblings, and peers individually. A previous meta-analysis of the associations between teasing and body image specifically called for the inclusion of specific sources of teasing in order to fully test the differential effects (Menzel et al., 2010). In our study, we also tested the possible

⁎ p b .05.

role of appearance-related comparison as a mediator between all sources of teasing and adolescents' body image. 4.1. Overall levels of teasing In general, low levels of teasing were reported by adolescents in our study, suggesting that appearance-related teasing may not be occurring frequently. However, mean levels of teasing by peers were highest, suggesting that adolescents experienced appearance-related teasing most often from peers. Our finding is comparable to results from a recent study suggesting that boys in sixth grade experienced more teasing from peers than family members (e.g., McCormack et al., 2011). Additionally, in our study, siblings' teasing was reported more frequently

M.K. Schaefer, E.H. Blodgett Salafia / Eating Behaviors 15 (2014) 599–608

than teasing from mothers or fathers. Previous work with girls in middle school has similarly indicated that more teasing from siblings occurred than from either mothers or fathers (e.g., Keery et al., 2005). 4.2. Parents' and siblings' appearance-related teasing One important goal of our study was to demonstrate a connection between the teasing behaviors of parents and siblings. We found that both mothers' and fathers' appearance-related teasing were significantly correlated with siblings' appearance-related teasing among adolescent girls and boys. In fact, the odds of being teased by siblings increased dramatically if adolescents were teased by either parent. This finding is in line with previous work showing greater risk of having siblings who engaged in teasing when mothers teased, and an even stronger risk when fathers teased (Keery et al., 2005). Keery et al. (2005) suggest that siblings are likely modeling parents' behaviors. Thus, parents should be aware of how their behaviors may transfer to their children. Future work will need to address the longitudinal nature of this association and possible indirect, negative impacts of parental teasing through effects on teasing by siblings. 4.3. Appearance-related teasing and girls' body dissatisfaction Our next goal was to determine how teasing and body image were directly related. We found that mothers', fathers', peers', and siblings' appearance-related teasing were all significantly associated with adolescent girls' body dissatisfaction. Prior research has emphasized the influential role of mothers in their daughters' attitudes about weight and eating (e.g., Pike & Rodin, 1991; Vincent & McCabe, 2000; Wertheim, Mee, & Paxton, 1999). Although beyond the scope of this study, we speculate that mothers' teasing may represent a manifestation of their own body dissatisfaction brought on by expectations to meet the Western culture's thin ideal, an unawareness of how to have a healthy and positive discussion about body image, or an investment in their daughter's appearance in hopes to prevent their daughters from experiencing negative consequences associated with not meeting the ideal. Fathers have also been noted to play an important role in transmitting perceptions about beauty to their daughters (e.g., Dixon, Gill, & Adair, 2003). It is possible that fathers serve as models of interactions with the opposite sex, providing feedback about which aspects of appearance are important and inadvertently suggesting to their daughters that they are not meeting expectations for attractiveness. Peers' appearance-related teasing may be influential during middle school because appearance is perceived as a route to greater acceptance and popularity (Jones, 2001). Due to the beginning of romantic relationships, teasing particularly by male peers may reinforce cultural expectations to adhere to the thin ideal by highlighting aspects of girls' bodies that they deem unattractive. Appearance-related teasing may also be a form of objectification and may thus lead to body dissatisfaction when girls internalize messages to be thin and lose weight in order to appear as desirable sexual objects to others. Siblings' role in shaping adolescent girls' body image is likely due to the nature of a long history of interactions, companionship, and being sources of information regarding the social context (Deater-Deckard, Dunn, & Lussier, 2002). Sisters may engage in appearance-related teasing due to experiencing similar pressure to be thin and understanding the importance of thinness within society. Brothers likely serve as sources of information by providing a male perspective about what aspects of girls' bodies are unattractive. Unfortunately, in our study, we did not have data available on whether adolescents were being teased by brothers or sisters or both. 4.4. Appearance-related teasing and boys' drive for muscularity We also found that mothers', fathers', peers', and siblings' teasing were significantly associated with boys' drive for muscularity. Mothers may be communicating similar messages to boys and girls in regards

605

to meeting cultural ideals, as the subject of mothers' messages may be simply to meet societal expectations that are appropriate for males and females (Ricciardelli, McCabe, & Banfield, 2000; Vincent & McCabe, 2000). Fathers may be presenting their own ideals and values, based on the Western culture's muscular ideal, regarding the importance of muscles and serving as same-sex role models to their adolescent sons (McCabe & Ricciardelli, 2003). Similar to girls' experiences with social pressure from peers to adhere to cultural standards of appearance, boys experience a pressure to be muscular. A muscular body type may be perceived as a route to peer acceptance, popularity, and romantic interests. Siblings' teasing behaviors may expose boys to female perceptions of body size and shape if they have sisters, or to ideas about what boys and men should look like, especially if they have older brothers. 4.5. BMI as a potential moderator A particular strength of the current study is that we included BMI in our initial analyses. We found that BMI did not moderate the connections between teasing from all sources and adolescents' body image, a finding that is similar to previous studies involving adolescents (e.g., Keery et al., 2005; Smolak & Stein, 2006). This suggests that boys and girls of all shapes and sizes may be developing body image issues due to the perceived pressure to meet the ideals (i.e., teasing). Therefore, overweight or underweight girls and boys may not be any more likely than average weight girls and boys to experience body dissatisfaction or drive for muscularity as a result of being teased about their appearance. Our results are parallel to a qualitative study that found that, when interviewing girls and boys, even adolescents who maintained a normal, healthy weight were teased about their weight (Taylor, 2011). However, although research has suggested a strong correlation between adolescents' actual and reported BMI scores that results in the correct classification of weight status in 94% of adolescents, overweight individuals tend to underreport their weight (Bremer, McManus, Galuska, Lowry, & Wechsler, 2003; Strauss, 1999). Thus, it is possible that our findings would be different if we had taken direct height and weight estimates of the participants. Furthermore, an interesting addition to our study would be the inclusion of others' BMIs, as the BMI of the teasing perpetrator may be a factor contributing to the overall amount of teasing being done. Lastly, due to the limited sample sizes in our study that represent underweight, normal weight, and overweight individuals, we strongly recommend that future research include much larger samples when investigating the role of BMI in the connections between teasing and body image. 4.6. Appearance-related social comparison as a mediator To address the third goal of our study, appearance-related social comparison was proposed as a possible mediator based on both the Tripartite Influence Model (Thompson, Heinberg, Altabe, & Tantleff-Dunn, 1999; Tylka, 2011) and previous empirical findings that demonstrated relationships between appearance-related teasing and appearancerelated social comparison as well as between social comparison and body image (Galioto et al., 2012; Karazsia & Crowther, 2009; Keery et al., 2004; Myers & Crowther, 2009; Shroff & Thompson, 2006; Smolak & Stein, 2006; Smolak et al., 2005; Vander Wal & Thelen, 2000). However, many of these studies included teasing behaviors as one component of a broader, composite sociocultural pressure to be thin or muscular rather than investigating its unique contribution to body image. Our findings indicated that social comparison may partially explain the relationship between appearance-related teasing from mothers, fathers, peers, and siblings and girls' body dissatisfaction. This suggests that girls who are teased tend to engage in social comparison, which is associated with the development of body image concerns. However, even though girls may engage in social comparison as a result of teasing,

606

M.K. Schaefer, E.H. Blodgett Salafia / Eating Behaviors 15 (2014) 599–608

they are still likely to be affected directly by teasing. Thus, teasing has both direct and indirect connections, via social comparison, with body image. This suggests that teasing is quite detrimental to girls. Perhaps a reason why both mothers' and fathers' teasing was associated with social comparison was because each parent provides girls with a perspective of what is attractive to the opposite sex as well as maintains expectations about meeting cultural ideal body types. If parents are teasing their daughters about appearance, girls may internalize these messages as being unattractive and look towards their peers for feedback and comparison regarding how they should look. Furthermore, it is not surprising that teasing by peers and siblings would be associated with higher rates of social comparison among girls, as these two sources are possibly close in age to the girls, thereby making peers and siblings important sources of information. Engaging in social comparison is likely to lead to increased concerns about body type if the girl feels that she does not match the size and shape of her peers. It is important to note that teasing remained strongly connected to girls' body dissatisfaction even when social comparison was considered. Girls may be particularly influenced by comments and criticism from acquaintances, as they internalize such perceived pressure from others to adhere to the thin ideal (Stice et al., 1996). In applying objectification theory, our findings make sense, as girls may internalize comments regarding thinness, use this information to compare themselves to others, and then view themselves as they think others view their bodies, which is not thin enough (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). Girls who have high rejection sensitivity tend to expect and actively look for rejection cues (Purdie & Downey, 2000), thereby making them more susceptible to the negative and pervasive effects of teasing. Among boys, social comparison partially mediated the associations between teasing from mothers and fathers and drive for muscularity. This finding parallels our results for girls, suggesting that parental teasing had multiple routes to increasing boys' drive for muscularity: directly and indirectly by increasing the likelihood that boys would engage in social comparison. It is possible that parental comments have a pervasive effect on boys' thoughts and behaviors during the middle school years. Some scholars argue that boys are less likely than girls to have discussions with parents regarding weight control strategies, and so when they do receive feedback to change their appearance, it has a particularly salient impact on their behaviors (Vincent & McCabe, 2000). As mentioned above, mothers and fathers likely have viewpoints and expectations about the ideal body type and attractiveness. Boys may then turn to their peers for further guidance about appearance, engaging in social comparison to determine whether they are meeting cultural standards for muscularity. After engaging in social comparison, if boys perceive that they do not match the size and shape of their peers, they will likely have increased concerns about muscularity and may be more likely to engage in muscle-building behaviors. However, appearance-related social comparison fully mediated the relationship between peers' appearance-related teasing and boys' drive for muscularity. This means that teasing behaviors by peers were no longer significantly related to boys' drive for muscularity when social comparison was considered. Therefore, boys who are teased by their peers are likely to engage in social comparison to either identify which aspects of their bodies are not meeting expectations or gather information on what is considered acceptable and attractive. Such social comparison is then associated with increased body image concerns particularly if peers are more muscular and if boys perceive themselves as not matching up to their peers. This may be especially true for adolescent boys who have not yet reached puberty and achieved the gains in muscle mass associated with it. It is important to note that, unlike girls' body dissatisfaction, the scale used to measure boys' drive for muscularity assessed both attitudes towards one's body and behavioral attempts to change one's body, including weight lifting or the use of supplements or steroids. This may help explain why we found evidence of full mediation in our model linking peer teasing with social comparison and boys' drive for muscularity. Further analyses

should be explored that separate attitudes and behaviors, and the effects that teasing has on both. We also recommend that future work address the potential role of other mediators in the relation between teasing and body image, especially internalization of the ideal body types. The Tripartite Influence Model (Thompson, Heinberg, Altabe, & Tantleff-Dunn, 1999) and its refinement (Tylka, 2011) posit that internalization of the thin ideal for girls and internalization of the mesomorphic ideal for boys likely play a strong role in the connection between constructs. We suggest that future studies include both social comparison and internalization of the ideals in their models linking teasing with body image, while following recommendations by Tylka (2011) to ensure that each variable has no overlapping content.

4.7. Limitations Limitations in the present study include both the sample's characteristics and the methodology of the study. First, our sample was a small group of American adolescents who self-selected to participate in the study and were available after school. Second, the majority of participants were White; therefore, our findings are not representative of adolescents of other ethnicities or cultures. A lack of data on family structure and frequency of contact with mothers, fathers, and siblings serves as another limitation in this study as adolescents may not be living with or have frequent contact with certain family members; however, we note that we excluded data from analysis if participants indicated that they had no contact with either parent or sibling(s). We also did not have information regarding the gender or age of peers and siblings engaging in appearance-related teasing. Future research should include adolescents from other ethnic backgrounds as well as other geographical regions and obtain data on the structure of the household, frequency of contact, and which peers and siblings are primary teasers. Additionally, future work should attempt to replicate our findings using larger, randomly-selected samples of girls and boys. Limitations in regards to the methodology of the present study include: the lack of longitudinal data, the large number of statistical analyses run and the resulting possibility of inflated Type 1 error, the use of self-report data, the lack of information on pubertal timing, and the scales included to measure appearance-related teasing, social comparison, and body image. To begin, puberty likely plays a role in body image, as girls who experience puberty often move farther from Western cultural ideals to be thin whereas boys move closer to the muscular ideal. Furthermore, it would be useful to classify pubertal development and current body shape/size, as both the timing and tempo of puberty vary. Similarly, not all girls gain a lot of weight and become curvy, nor do all boys become more muscular. Pubertal status should be included as a moderator in future studies. Our measure of teasing had several flaws. For example, it did not assess a particular style of communication or consider teasing geared towards specific body parts. This measure also did not specify a certain time frame for which the teasing occurred. Further, teasing from all sources was measured using only one question for each source; using multiple items would measure teasing more fully and effectively. However, one-item measures of teasing tend to underestimate the strength of the association between teasing and body image (Menzel et al., 2010); therefore, we note that our results were likely not inflated and may had resulted in higher effect sizes if multiple items had been included. Additionally, our measure of social comparison had two limitations. First, two items in the Physical Appearance Comparison Scale inquire about comparing one's figure to another's figure. Figure is a term that is often associated with a female's body; therefore, boys may not have strongly identified with these items. Second, we had to drop one item from the original scale which limits the comparability of our findings to those from other studies using this measure. That being said, we note that our results are comparable to another study

M.K. Schaefer, E.H. Blodgett Salafia / Eating Behaviors 15 (2014) 599–608

of adolescent girls that similarly used the four-item rather than fiveitem scale (Keery et al., 2005). Finally, our measures of body image differed for girls and boys in that drive for muscularity included both behaviors and attitudes, whereas body dissatisfaction only included attitudes. Because of this, as demonstrated in Table 2, both girls and boys expressed the full range of attitudes, from extremely dissatisfied to satisfied, regarding their body parts. In contrast, boys endorsed more items on the Drive for Muscularity Scale than girls did, likely because the scale included items such as drinking protein shakes, using energy supplements, and thinking about taking steroids as well as items about wanting to be bigger in size, all of which are more common among boys but not girls. 4.8. Implications Clinicians and researchers in the U.S. should be aware of the negative influence of appearance-related teasing and social comparison on adolescent girls' body dissatisfaction and boys' drive for muscularity. For example, therapists should include all family members when working with adolescents as it is important to address teasing within the various family subsystems, prevent modeling of teasing to siblings, and educate family members on the effects of teasing. Prior work has demonstrated that family therapy is effective in improving adolescents' attitudes regarding eating as well as reducing family conflict (e.g., Robin et al., 1999). Researchers will need to specifically explore how family members contribute to adolescents' body image in order to design effective prevention and intervention programs. Although current research has included mothers in intervention programs focusing on improving body image in adolescent girls (e.g., Corning, Gondoli, Bucchianeri, & Blodgett Salafia, 2010), future programs need to similarly include fathers and siblings. In addition, researchers will want to further explore the role that appearance-related social comparison plays, the context in which it originates, the targets, and family members' influence. Ultimately, prevention and intervention programs need to not only discuss the occurrence and effects of appearance-related teasing and social comparison for both girls and boys but also educate adolescents about effective communication methods and coping strategies. Intervention programs have already been influential in improving body image among girls during middle school (e.g., Richardson & Paxton, 2010), so it is likely that further efforts will enhance positive outcomes among both genders. Body image dissatisfaction has been commonly identified as a risk factor for eating disorders, with some scholars suggesting that it is the most proximal factor. Individuals who are dissatisfied with their bodies are at an increased risk of engaging in disordered eating behaviors characteristic of both anorexia nervosa and bulimia nervosa such as extreme dieting, bingeing, and purging in order to gain body image satisfaction and move closer to the ideal body types (Ricciardelli & McCabe, 2004; Rodgers et al., 2012; Stice, 2002). Thus, if prevention and intervention efforts aim to reduce body image dissatisfaction, we should ideally also see a decrease in eating disorders. 5. Conclusion Appearance-related teasing is a detrimental behavior that family members and peers may be engaging in with adolescents. Appearancerelated teasing can contribute to adolescent girls' body dissatisfaction and boys' drive for muscularity directly and indirectly through appearance-related social comparison, and regardless of their body composition. Both body dissatisfaction and drive for muscularity have been associated with eating disorders and muscle dysmorphia among girls and boys in the U.S. Therefore, teasing needs to be addressed with family members and peers through therapy, research, and prevention and intervention programs in order to reduce the likelihood that adolescents

607

will engage in social comparison and unhealthy weight-related behaviors and attitudes. Role of funding sources There was no grant funding for this project.

Contributors The first author conducted the initial literature search for the project. The second author designed the larger study from which data was collected. Both authors collected data from participants. The second author conducted statistical analyses. The first author wrote the primary draft of the manuscript, which has been substantially rewritten and edited by the second author. Both authors have approved the final manuscript.

Conflict of interest Both authors declare that they have no conflicts of interest.

References Ata, R., Ludden, A., & Lally, M. (2007). The effects of gender and family, friend and media influences on eating behaviors and body image during adolescence. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 36, 1024–1037, http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10964-006-9159-x. Baron, R. M., & Kenny, D. A. (1986). The moderator–mediator variable distinction in social psychological research: Conceptual, strategic, and statistical considerations. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 51(6), 1173–1182, http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/00223514.51.6.1173. Bremer, N. D., McManus, T., Galuska, D. A., Lowry, R., & Wechsler, H. (2003). Reliability and validity of self-reported height and weight among high school students. Journal of Adolescent Health, 32, 281–287. Chen, H., Gao, X., & Jackson, T. (2007). Predictive models for understanding body dissatisfaction among young males and females in China. Behavior Research and Therapy, 45, 1345–1356, http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.brat.2006.09.015. Corning, A. F., Gondoli, D.M., Bucchianeri, M. M., & Blodgett Salafia, E. H. (2010). Preventing the development of body issues in adolescent girls through intervention with their mothers. Body Image, 7, 289–295, http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim. 2010.08.001. Deater-Deckard, K., Dunn, J., & Lussier, G. (2002). Sibling relationships and socioemotional adjustment in different family contexts. Social Development, 11, 571–590, http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9507.00216. Dixon, R. S., Gill, J. M. W., & Adair, V. A. (2003). Exploring paternal influences on the dieting behaviors of adolescent girls. Eating Disorders, 11, 39–50, http://dx.doi.org/ 10.1080/10640260390167474. Eisenberg, M., Neumark-Sztainer, D., & Story, M. (2003). Associations of weight based teasing and emotional well-being among adolescents. Archives of Pediatrics and Adolescent Medicine, 157, 733–738 (Retrieved from http://archpedi.ama-assn.org). Festinger, L. (1954). A theory of social comparison processes. Human Relations, 7, 117–140, http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001872675400700202. Fredrickson, B.L., & Roberts, T. (1997). Objectification theory: Toward understanding women's lived experiences and mental health risks. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 21, 173–206, http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1997.tb00108.x. Galioto, R., Karazsia, B. T., & Crowther, J. H. (2012). Familial and peer modeling and verbal commentary: Associations with muscularity-oriented body dissatisfaction and body change behaviors. Body Image, 9, 293–297, http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2011. 12.004. Garner, D.M., Olmstead, M. P., & Polivy, J. (1983). Development and validation of multidimensional eating disorder inventory for anorexia nervosa and bulimia. International Journal of Eating Disorders, 2, 15–34, http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/1098-108X(198321) 2: 2b15::AID-EAT2260020203N3.0.CO;2-6. Hargreaves, D., & Tiggemann, M. (2004). Idealized media images and adolescent body image: “Comparing” boys and girls. Body Image, 1, 351–361, http://dx.doi.org/10. 1016/j.bodyim.2004.10. 002. Hargreaves, D., & Tiggemann, M. (2006). Body image is for girls: A qualitative study of boys' body image. Journal of Health Psychology, 11, 567–576, http://dx.doi.org/10. 1177/ 1359105306065017. Jones, D. C. (2001). Social comparison and body image: Attractiveness comparison to models and peers among adolescent girls and boys. Sex Roles, 45, 645–664, http:// dx.doi.org/10.1023/A: 1014815725852. Jones, D. C. (2004). Body image among adolescent girls and boys: A longitudinal study. Developmental Psychology, 40, 823–835, http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0012-1649.40.5. 823. Jones, D. C., & Crawford, J. (2005). Adolescent boys and body image: Weight and muscularity concerns as dual pathways to body dissatisfaction. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 34, 629–636, http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10964-8951-3. Karazsia, B. T., & Crowther, J. H. (2009). Social body comparison and internalization: Mediators of social influences on men's muscularity-oriented body dissatisfaction. Body Image, 6, 105–112, http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2008.12.003. Keery, H., Boutelle, K., Berg, P., & Thompson, J. K. (2005). The impact of appearancerelated teasing by family members. Journal of Adolescent Health, 37, 120–127, http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jadohealth.2004.08.015. Keery, H., van den Berg, P., & Thompson, J. (2004). An evaluation of the tripartite influence model of body dissatisfaction and eating disturbance with adolescent girls. Body Image, 1, 237–256, http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2004.03.001.

608

M.K. Schaefer, E.H. Blodgett Salafia / Eating Behaviors 15 (2014) 599–608

Kruger, J., Gordon, C., & Kuban, J. (2006). Intentions in teasing: When “just kidding” just isn't good enough. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 90, 412–425, http:// dx.doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.90.3.412. McCabe, M., & Ricciardelli, L. (2001). Body image and body change techniques among young adolescent boys. European Eating Disorders Review, 9, 335–342, http://dx.doi. org/10.1002/erv.389. McCabe, M., & Ricciardelli, L. (2003). Sociocultural influences on body image and body changes among adolescent boys and girls. The Journal of Social Psychology, 143, 5–26, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00224540309598428. McCabe, M., & Ricciardelli, L. (2004). A longitudinal study of pubertal timing and extreme body change behaviors among adolescent boys and girls. Adolescence, 39, 145–166. McCormack, L., Laska, M., Gray, C., Veblen-Mortenson, S., Barr-Anderson, D., & Story, M. (2011). Weight-related teasing in a racially diverse sample of sixth-grade children. Journal of the American Dietetic Association, 111, 431–436, http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/ j.jada.2010. 11.021. McCreary, D., & Sasse, D. (2000). An exploration of the drive for muscularity in adolescent boys and girls. Journal of American College Health, 48, 297–304, http://dx.doi.org/10. 1080/ 07448480009596271. McVey, G., Tweed, S., & Blackmore, E. (2005). Correlates of weight loss and musclegaining behavior in 10- to 14-year-old males and females. Preventive Medicine: An International Journal Devoted to Practice and Theory, 40, 1–9, http://dx.doi.org/10. 1016/j.ypmed.2004.04.043. Menzel, J. E., Schaefer, L. M., Burke, N. L., Mayhew, L. L., Brannick, M. T., & Thompson, J. K. (2010). Appearance-related teasing, body dissatisfaction, and disordered eating: A meta-analysis. Body Image, 7, 261–270, http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2010.05. 004. Myers, T., & Crowther, J. (2009). Social comparison as a predictor of body dissatisfaction: A meta-analytic review. Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 118, 683–698, http://dx.doi. org/10.1037/ a0016763. Neumark-Sztainer, D., Bauer, K., Friend, K., Hannan, P., Story, M., & Berge, J. (2010). Family weight talk and dieting: How much do they matter for body dissatisfaction and disordered eating behaviors in adolescent girls? Journal of Adolescent Health, 47, 270–276, http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.hadohealth.2010.02.001. Neumark-Sztainer, D., Falkner, N., Story, M., Perry, C., Hannan, P. J., & Mulert, S. (2002). Weight-related teasing among adolescents: Correlations with weight status and disordered eating behaviors. International Journal of Obesity, 26, 123–131, http://dx.doi. org/10.1038/sj.ijo.0801853. Phares, V., Steinberg, A., & Thompson, J. K. (2004). Gender differences in peer and parental influences: Body image disturbances, self-worth, and psychological functioning in preadolescent children. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 33, 421–429, http://dx.doi. org/10.1023/B:JOYO.0000037634.18749.20. Pike, K., & Rodin, J. (1991). Mothers, daughters, and disordered eating. Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 100, 198–204, http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0021-843X.100.2.198. Purdie, V., & Downey, G. (2000). Rejection sensitivity and adolescent girls' vulnerability to relationship-centered difficulties. Child Maltreatment, 5, 338–349, http://dx.doi.org/ 10.1177/1077559500005004005. Ricciardelli, L., & McCabe, M. (2004). A biopsychosocial model of disordered eating and the pursuit of muscularity in adolescent boys. Psychological Bulletin, 130, 179–205, http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.130.2.179. Ricciardelli, L., McCabe, M., & Banfield, S. (2000). Body image and body change methods in adolescent boys: Role of parents, friends, and the media. Journal of Psychosomatic Research, 49, 189–197, http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0022-3999(00)00159-8. Richardson, S. M., & Paxton, S. J. (2010). An evaluation of a body image intervention based on risk factors for body dissatisfaction: A controlled study with adolescent girls. International Journal of Eating Disorders, 43, 112–122, http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/eat. 20682. Rieves, L., & Cash, T. (1996). Social developmental factors and women's body-image attitudes. Journal of Social Behavior and Personality, 11, 63–78. Robin, A. L., Siegel, P. T., Moye, A. W., Gilroy, M., Dennis, A. B., & Sikand, A. (1999). A controlled comparison of family versus individual therapy for adolescents with anorexia nervosa. Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 38, 1482–1489, http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00004583-199912000-00008. Rodgers, R. F., Ganchou, C., Franko, D. L., & Chabrol, H. (2012). Drive for muscularity and disordered eating among French adolescent boys: A sociocultural model. Body Image, 9, 318–323, http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2012.03.002. Shapiro, J. P., Baumeister, R. F., & Kessler, J. W. (1991). A three-component model of children's teasing: Aggression, humor, and ambiguity. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology, 10, 459–472, http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/jscp.1991.10.4.459.

Shroff, H., & Thompson, J. K. (2006). Peer influences, body-image dissatisfaction, eating dysfunction, and self-esteem in adolescent girls. Journal of Health Psychology, 11, 533–551, http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1359105306065015. Smolak, L., Murnen, S., & Thompson, J. K. (2005). Sociocultural influences and muscle building in adolescent boys. Psychology of Men & Masculinity, 6, 227–239, http://dx. doi.org/10.1037/1524-9220.6.4.227. Smolak, L., & Stein, J. (2006). The relationship of drive for muscularity to sociocultural factors, self-esteem, physical attributes, gender role, and social comparison in middle school boys. Body Image, 3, 121–129, http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2006.03. 002. Spitzer, R., Henderson, K., & Zivian, M. (1999). Gender differences in population versus media body sizes: A comparison over four decades. Sex Roles, 40, 545–565, http:// dx.doi.org/10.1023/A:1018836029738. Stanford, J., & McCabe, M. (2005). Sociocultural influences on adolescent boys' body image and body change strategies. Body Image, 2, 105–113, http://dx.doi.org/10. 1016/ j.bodyim.2005.03.002. Stice, E. (2001). A prospective test of the dual-pathway model of bulimic pathology: Mediating effects of dieting and negative affect. Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 110, 124–135, http://dx.doi.org/10.1037//0021-843X.110.1,124. Stice, E. (2002). Risk and maintenance factors for eating pathology: A meta-analytic review. Psychological Bulletin, 128, 825–848, http://dx.doi.org/10.1037//0033-2909. 128.5.825. Stice, E., Trost, A., & Chase, A. (2003). Healthy weight control and dissonance-based eating disorder prevention programs: Results from a controlled trial. International Journal of Eating Disorders, 33, 10–21, http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/eat.10109. Stice, E., & Whitenton, K. (2002). Risk factors for body dissatisfaction in adolescent girls: A longitudinal investigation. Developmental Psychology, 38, 669–678, http://dx.doi.org/ 10.1037/0012-1649.38.5.669. Stice, E., Ziemba, C., Margolis, J., & Flick, P. (1996). The dual pathway model differentiates bulimics, subclinical bulimics, and controls: Testing the continuity hypothesis. Behavior Therapy, 27, 531–549, http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0005-7894(96)80042-6. Strauss, R. S. (1999). Comparison of measured and self-reported weight and height in a cross-sectional sample of young adolescents. International Journal of Obesity and Related Metabolic Disorders, 23, 904–908, http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/sj.ijo.0800971. Taylor, N. L. (2011). “Guys, she's humongous!”: Gender and weight-based teasing in adolescence. Journal of Adolescent Research, 26, 178–199, http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/ 0743558410371128. Thompson, J. K., Coovert, M.D., & Stormer, S. M. (1999). Body image, social comparison, and eating disturbance: A covariance structure modeling investigation. International Journal of Eating Disorders, 26, 43–51, http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(SICI)1098108X(199907)26:1b43::AID-EAT6N3.0.CO;2-R. Thompson, J. K., Fabian, L., Moulton, D., Dunn, M., & Altabe, M. (1991). Development and validation of the physical appearance related teasing scale. Journal of Personality Assessment, 56, 513–521, http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15327752jpa5603_12. Thompson, J. K., Heinberg, L. J., Altabe, M., & Tantleff-Dunn, S. (1999). Exacting beauty: Theory, assessment, and treatment of body image disturbances. Washington DC: American Psychological Association. Thompson, J. K., Heinberg, L., & Tantleff, S. (1991). The physical appearance comparison scale (PACS). The Behavior Therapist, 14, 174. Tylka, T. L. (2011). Refinement of the tripartite influence model for men: Dual body image pathways to body change behaviors. Body Image, 8, 199–207, http://dx.doi.org/10. 1016/j.bodyim. 2011.04.008. van den Berg, P., Thompson, J. K., Obremski-Brandon, K., & Coovert, M. (2002). The tripartite influence model of body image and eating disturbance: A covariance structure modeling investigation testing the mediational role of appearance comparison. Journal of Psychosomatic Research, 53, 1007–1020, http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S00223999(02)00499-3. Vander Wal, J. S., & Thelen, M. (2000). Predictors of body image dissatisfaction in elementary-age school girls. Eating Behaviors, 1, 105–122, http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/ S1471-0153(00)00011-8. Vincent, M., & McCabe, M. (2000). Gender differences among adolescents in family and peer influences on body dissatisfaction, weight loss and binge eating behaviors. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 29, 205–221, http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/A: 1005156616173. Wertheim, E. H., Mee, V., & Paxton, S. J. (1999). Relationships among adolescent girls' eating behaviors and their parents' weight-related attitudes and behaviors. Sex Roles, 41, 169–187, http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/A:1018850111450.

The connection of teasing by parents, siblings, and peers with girls' body dissatisfaction and boys' drive for muscularity: the role of social comparison as a mediator.

In this cross-sectional study, we focused on three research questions pertaining to the connections between appearance-related teasing and body image ...
291KB Sizes 0 Downloads 3 Views