280
STUDENTS’ REACTIONS TO IRISH REGIONAL ACCENTS J. R. EDWARDS St. Patrick’s College, Dublin Starting with the knowledge that large numbers of Dublin teachers are not from Dublin themselves and speak, therefore, with a regional accent, the study used the matched-guise technique to investigate the reactions of Dublin secondary school students to five such regional accents. The subjects (N 178), from different social strata, consistently rated the Donegal guise most favourably on traits reflecting competence. The Dublin speaker was perceived least favourably on these traits, and the Cork, Cavan and Galway guises were in the middle ranks. Evaluations were more varied on other dimensions, although the Dublin speaker was, with the Galway guise, rated most favourably in terms of social attractiveness. The implications of these findings are discussed with regard to future investigations of regional stereotypes in general, and the study of teacher-pupil dynamics in particular. =
snrewa ana
ousmess-iiKe, wniie otners are seen as easygomg ana relanvely unamoiuous. All such information is, however, anecdotal and is in need of more careful study. Research has demonstrated the importance of speech cues in the evaluation of personality (e.g., Giles and Powesland, 1975), and many recent studies in the area have employed the matched-guise technique, introduced by Lambert and his colleagues (1960) for studying listeners’ reactions to language varieties. Subjects evaluate a taperecorded speaker’s personality after hearing him read the same passage in each of two or more languages, dialects or accents. The fact that the speaker is, for all &dquo;guises&dquo;, the same person is not revealed to the subject, whose ratings are then considered to be reflections of his stereotyped reaction to the language variety concemed, since other potentially confounding variables are held constant across voices. Since its inception, the matched-guise methodology has been used with various
i-.
281
which the French-speaking students, perceiving themselves as inferior in some ways to the English-speaking population, may have adopted the stereotyped values of this latter group. Similarly, Tucker and Lambert (1969), using a variant of the matchedguise technique in an American context, found that Black Arnericans’ reactions to. speakers of Black English were less favourable than those to speakers using the &dquo;standard network style&dquo;. Bourhis, Giles and Tajfel (1973) have pointed out, however, that such reactions are not static, and that changes in ethnic awareness in both the Quebec and Black American contexts may soon reflect themselves in more favourable perceptions of speakers who are members of the subjects’ own group. In their study, Bourhis et al. found that Welsh subjects, regardless of the degree of their own skills in Welsh, generally reacted most favourably to those speakers reading a passage in Welsh. The authors suggested that the Welsh have a favourable self-image, that language serves as a symbol of Welsh identity, and that this was reflected in the findings of their study. In the light of all this work, it would seem that the matched-guise technique can contribute to an understanding of the dynamics of applied social situatians.1 The present study employs the matched-guise methodology to investigate stereotypic reactions to Irish regional accents within an educational context in which the speech styles of teachers and pupils are often dissimilar. The gathering of such information is undertaken here with two related purposes. First, in the wider context, the data reported below can be seen as initial findings whose generality to other populations may be investigated as part of the broader study of Irish regional stereotypes. To this end, some limited interpretation of the findings is ofiered, although the present study should be clearly seen as an introductory efiort. The second and more immediate aim of the study is concemed with the reactions to accent specifically within the educational setting. As mentioned above, Kelly (1970) has pointed to the unknown influences upon classroom interaction of regional differences between teacher and pupil. Do pupils attend less well to teachers whose accents they perceive unfavourably on certain dimensions? Are the persuasiveness and acceptance of teacher;’ messages adversely affected by negative reactions to accent? These and other related issues in teacher-pupil communication can only be dealt with once we have some baseline data about accent perception itself.
.. ~
METHOD
,-
=
_
_ ,
Materials
Reading a 230-word passage about patterns of life in pre-war Ireland, tape-recorded five samples of different Irish regional accents. He
actor
a
professional
was
asked,
in
1
Criticisms of the matched-guise methodology (e.g., Lee, 1971; Robinson, 1972) have been dealt with by Giles and Bourhis (1973) and Giles and Powesland (1975).
1
Criticisms ofthe matched-guise methodology (e.g., Lee, 1971; Robinson, 1972) have been dealt with by Giles and Bourhis (1973) and Giles and Powesland (1975).
282 In addition to the five stimulus voices, four &dquo;filler&dquo; voices, produced by four adult males from Dublin, Cork, Galway and Wexford, were recorded reading the same passage. The nine voices were then positioned on the stimulus tape in a randamised order. A nine-page booklet (one page per voice) was prepared for each subject. Each page was headed by the simple question, &dquo;What do you think of this person?&dquo;. Following this were nine seven-point rating scales. They were: (a) industrious-lazy; (b) friendlyunfriendly; (c) intelligent-unintelligent; (d) sense of humour-humourless ; (e) trustworthy’
untrustworthy; (f) helpful-unhelpful; (g) ambitious-unambitious; (h) generous-not generous;
(I) important-unimportant.
These traits had been used in earlier studies
(e.g.,
Bourhis, Giles and Tajfel, 1973; Lambert, Giles and Picard, 1975), and the selection includes representative items from each of Lambert’s (1967) three broad categories of personality. Thus, traits (a), (c), (g) and (I) are examples of the dirnension Lambert has referred to as competence; traits (b) and (d) are examples of social attractiveness; and traits (e), (f) and (h) are examples of the dimension, personal integrity.
Subjects Because of social class differences in Dublin speech styles, the stimulus voices were presented to secondary school students from a range of social backgrounds. From a school serving a settled working-class area, 42 subjects (22 boys and 20 girls) took part. Similarly, 42 children (again, 22 boys and 20 girls) from a middle-class secondary school participated. At the upper middle-class level, where the sexes are typically not mixed at school, it was necessary to draw subjects from two schools. At a private boys’ school, 46 children participated; at a private girls’ school, 48 students took part. The numbers in each school arose from the combination of two classes of average students, excluding from analysis those children not Dublin-barn. Thus, the overall sample 14.58 years; SD comprised 178 secondary school children (mean age 0.62). =
=
Procedure In each of the four schools, the stimulus tape was played to the students as a group. It was pointed out to the children that we often form irnpressions of people on the basis of voice alone-for example, while listening to someone on the radio-and that the present study was an investigation of how well people tended to agree in their irnpressions. The children were then told that they would hear nine adult speakers, each reading the same passage, and that they would be asked to rate these speakers on nine given dimensions. The children were then instructed in the manner of making their ratmgs on the scales and, finally, were asked to make each rating fairly quickly at the conclusion of each voice on the tape. They were not asked to say where the speakers came from, nor was any mention made of accent. At the conclusion of the task the children were told that one person had produced
283 TABLE 1 Mean
on traits showing overall voice effects
ratings given
~
significant
z.Jv
z. /u
*. /v..
Industrious ° ° 3.21 2.77 2.71 3.61
2.03
27.58**
4.02
2.3 1
rrienaiy
z.iv
z.51
Intelligent 3 .60
z.5u
3 .75
3 .22
39.55**
...II.’&dquo;
**o / I nl
=
....
~
-
j
=
-
-
-
-
-
~
-
m, &dquo;
~
-___--
-
»-
=
.
-
.
284
the Galway speaker to be perceived as significantly more friendly than all the other speakers and, on the humorous dimension, the Galway and Dublin speakers were rated more favourably than the other three guises, without being perceived as significantly
different from each other. Significant interactions between group and voice were found on four of the scales: 2.14, d.f. = 12,696, p < 0.05), friendly (F = 1.80, p < 0.05), intelligent (F industrious (F = 1.92, p < 0.05) and sense of humour (F 2.26, p < 0.01). These are not dealt with further here for the practical reason that they are difficult to interpret meaningfully and for the more general reason that they are relatively unimportant in with the main effects described above. present context =
=
the _
campared
_
DISCUSSION
_
_
_ _
~.
The group listener effect was found to be significant only on the traits important and intelligent, on both of which the private school boys produced more polarized ratings than the other three groups of students. Overall, however, all four groups tended to be similar in their reactions to the guises presented. This finding indicates that the reactions to regional accents appear largely consistent across the social strata of Dublin schoolchildren represented here. In turn, this raises the possibility, which could be investigated further, that the regional stereotypes evoked by voice cues are relatively pervasive throughout the wider Dublin context. With regard to the reactions to the specific regional accents, the most interesting results are those relating to the four traits which are part of Lambert’s competence dimension, all of which produced similar findings. On each, the Donegal speaker was perceived most favourably, and the Dublin speaker least so, with fewer differences being found among the Cork, Cavan and Galway guises. The favourable reactions to the Donegal voice appear to validate the popular stereotypic view of northemers in general. There is an ambitious and business-like demeanour associated with northem people; this is not only related to the greater force which the industrial revolution had in the northern part of the island, but may also be related to much more distant historical phenomena. During the so-called Golden Age in Ireland (I.e., from about 500 to 1000 A.D.), the political supremacy of the province of Ulster was largely unchallenged, and the greatest of the Irish missionaries, spreaders of education and culture, were from the north. Although there have, of course, been many vicissitudes in Irish history since then, one may speculate that the early irnportance of the north, amplified further by the later arrival of immigrants with marked connnercial interests, has created a relatively ,,1’,.nno
,,1’p,.pn.1’u...~
nf 1’hø nn1&dquo;1&dquo;hp1&dquo;np&dquo; u,h;&dquo;h &dquo;nnlrl n,ø1! hø
C’øØ&dquo;
;&dquo;
1’ø,.....,C’
n.f T &dquo;....,h.ø1&dquo;1&dquo;’&dquo;
285
competence dimension, and which has apparently survived social unrest.2
more recent
political
and
dimension of competence, the Dublin speaker was perceived least of all and, on the personal integrity dimension, was also seen less positively favourably than all the other voices, among which there were no significant differences. However, on the dimension of social attractiveness the Dublin guise received more favourable ratings. It would appear that the local speaker, although not associated with competence and integrity to the same degree as the others, is seen as more sociable. This pattern is again consistent to some degree with popular stereotypes expressed anecdotally, although further work is called for to explicate the present findings more adequately. It would be useful, for example, to study reactions to Dublin speakers expressed by a non-Dublin population. It should be pointed out here, too, that since many teachers in Dublin schools are not from Dublin themselves, there exists the possibility that the children’s reactions in this study were at least partly related to the relatively greater exposure that pupils have to non-Dublin teachers. It was in order to lessen this possibility that the guises were presented to the children merely as adult voices, not as teachers’ voices. On the
same
The reactions to the Cavan, Cork and Galway speakers were predominantly in the middle range between those given to the Dublin and Donegal guises, and for this reason may appear to be somewhat less interesting. The fact that these ratings were less polarized may, however, obscure some factors of relevance in the classroom situation with which the present study has not dealt. For example, Giles (1973), in study of the communicative effectiveness of messages presented via different guises, has pointed out that the perceived competence of a speaker may be a factor in his message being evaluated as qualitatively better, without necessarily being more persuasive, than the message produced by a speaker seen as less competent. The study of teacher-pupil communication, then, may well involve more subtle measures than the apparently highly relevant one of competence and, in this regard, the findings of the present study must be seen as introductory and suggestive only.
Although it would obviously be useful to augment the present findings by investigation regional stereotypes among a more general population (both in Dublin and without), as well as by further investigation within the educational context, it is hoped that the children’s reactions described here may serve in the formation of hypotheses concerning teacher-pupil dynamics. In general terms, just as previous research has demonstrated the importance of children’s speech in teachers’ evaluations and predictions of performance (e.g., Crowl and MacGinitie, 1974; Edwards, 1975; Seligman, Tucker and Lambert, 1972), so the present results indicate that students’ reactions to regional accents may also be relevant in situations in which teachers’ origins and accents differ from those of their pupils. of
’
For historical
Greaney.
information,
I wish to thank
Eoghan Ó Súilleabháin
and Vincent
286
BOURHIS, R. Y., GILES, H. and TAJFEL, H. (1973). Language as a determinant of Welsh identity. European J. of soc. Psych., 3, 447-60. CROWL, T. and MACGINITIE, W. (1974). The influence of students’ speech characteristics on teachers’ evaluations of oral answers. J. of educ. Psychol., 66, 304-8. EDWARDS, J. R. (1975). The speech of disadvantaged Dublin children. Paper presented at the Fourth Int’l. Cong. of Applied Linguistics, Stuttgart. GILES, H. (1973). Communicative effectiveness as a function of accented speech. Speech Monographs, 40, 330-1. GILES, H. and BOURHIS, R. Y. (1973). Dialect perception revisited. Quart. J. Speech, 59, 337-42. GILES, H. and POWESLAND, P. F. (1975). Speech Style and Social Evaluation (London). KELLY, S. G. (1970). Teaching in the City (Dublin). LAMBERT, W. E. (1967). A social psychology of bilingualism. J. of soc. Issues, 23, 91-109. LAMBERT, W. E., GILES, H. and PICARD, O. (1975). Language attitudes in a French American community. Int’l. J. of the Soc. of Lang., 4, 127-52. LAMBERT, W. E., HODGSON, R., GARDNER, R. and FILLENBAUM, S. (1960). Evaluational reactions to spoken languages. J. of Abnormal and soc. Psychol., 60, 44-5 1. LEE, R. (1971). Dialect perception: A critical review and re-evaluation. Quart. J. Speech, 57, 410-7.
ROBINSON, W. P. (1972). Language and Social Behaviour (Harmondsworth, Middlesex). SELIGMAN, C. R., TUCKER, G. R. and LAMBERT, W. E. (1972). The effects of speech style and other attributes on teachers’ attitudes towards pupils. Lang. in Society, 1, 131-42. TUCKER, G. R. and LAMBERT, W. E. (1969). White and Negro listeners’ reactions to various American-English dialects. Social Forces, 47, 463-8.
STUDENTS’ REACTIONS TO IRISH REGIONAL ACCENTS J. R. EDWARDS St. Patrick’s College, Dublin Starting with the knowledge that large numbers of Dublin teachers are not from Dublin themselves and speak, therefore, with a regional accent, the study used the matched-guise technique to investigate the reactions of Dublin secondary school students to five such regional accents. The subjects (N 178), from different social strata, consistently rated the Donegal guise most favourably on traits reflecting competence. The Dublin speaker was perceived least favourably on these traits, and the Cork, Cavan and Galway guises were in the middle ranks. Evaluations were more varied on other dimensions, although the Dublin speaker was, with the Galway guise, rated most favourably in terms of social attractiveness. The implications of these findings are discussed with regard to future investigations of regional stereotypes in general, and the study of teacher-pupil dynamics in particular. =
snrewa ana
ousmess-iiKe, wniie otners are seen as easygomg ana relanvely unamoiuous. All such information is, however, anecdotal and is in need of more careful study. Research has demonstrated the importance of speech cues in the evaluation of personality (e.g., Giles and Powesland, 1975), and many recent studies in the area have employed the matched-guise technique, introduced by Lambert and his colleagues (1960) for studying listeners’ reactions to language varieties. Subjects evaluate a taperecorded speaker’s personality after hearing him read the same passage in each of two or more languages, dialects or accents. The fact that the speaker is, for all &dquo;guises&dquo;, the same person is not revealed to the subject, whose ratings are then considered to be reflections of his stereotyped reaction to the language variety concemed, since other potentially confounding variables are held constant across voices. Since its inception, the matched-guise methodology has been used with various
i-.
281
which the French-speaking students, perceiving themselves as inferior in some ways to the English-speaking population, may have adopted the stereotyped values of this latter group. Similarly, Tucker and Lambert (1969), using a variant of the matchedguise technique in an American context, found that Black Arnericans’ reactions to. speakers of Black English were less favourable than those to speakers using the &dquo;standard network style&dquo;. Bourhis, Giles and Tajfel (1973) have pointed out, however, that such reactions are not static, and that changes in ethnic awareness in both the Quebec and Black American contexts may soon reflect themselves in more favourable perceptions of speakers who are members of the subjects’ own group. In their study, Bourhis et al. found that Welsh subjects, regardless of the degree of their own skills in Welsh, generally reacted most favourably to those speakers reading a passage in Welsh. The authors suggested that the Welsh have a favourable self-image, that language serves as a symbol of Welsh identity, and that this was reflected in the findings of their study. In the light of all this work, it would seem that the matched-guise technique can contribute to an understanding of the dynamics of applied social situatians.1 The present study employs the matched-guise methodology to investigate stereotypic reactions to Irish regional accents within an educational context in which the speech styles of teachers and pupils are often dissimilar. The gathering of such information is undertaken here with two related purposes. First, in the wider context, the data reported below can be seen as initial findings whose generality to other populations may be investigated as part of the broader study of Irish regional stereotypes. To this end, some limited interpretation of the findings is ofiered, although the present study should be clearly seen as an introductory efiort. The second and more immediate aim of the study is concemed with the reactions to accent specifically within the educational setting. As mentioned above, Kelly (1970) has pointed to the unknown influences upon classroom interaction of regional differences between teacher and pupil. Do pupils attend less well to teachers whose accents they perceive unfavourably on certain dimensions? Are the persuasiveness and acceptance of teacher;’ messages adversely affected by negative reactions to accent? These and other related issues in teacher-pupil communication can only be dealt with once we have some baseline data about accent perception itself.
.. ~
METHOD
,-
=
_
_ ,
Materials
Reading a 230-word passage about patterns of life in pre-war Ireland, tape-recorded five samples of different Irish regional accents. He
actor
a
professional
was
asked,
in
1
Criticisms of the matched-guise methodology (e.g., Lee, 1971; Robinson, 1972) have been dealt with by Giles and Bourhis (1973) and Giles and Powesland (1975).
1
Criticisms ofthe matched-guise methodology (e.g., Lee, 1971; Robinson, 1972) have been dealt with by Giles and Bourhis (1973) and Giles and Powesland (1975).
282 In addition to the five stimulus voices, four &dquo;filler&dquo; voices, produced by four adult males from Dublin, Cork, Galway and Wexford, were recorded reading the same passage. The nine voices were then positioned on the stimulus tape in a randamised order. A nine-page booklet (one page per voice) was prepared for each subject. Each page was headed by the simple question, &dquo;What do you think of this person?&dquo;. Following this were nine seven-point rating scales. They were: (a) industrious-lazy; (b) friendlyunfriendly; (c) intelligent-unintelligent; (d) sense of humour-humourless ; (e) trustworthy’
untrustworthy; (f) helpful-unhelpful; (g) ambitious-unambitious; (h) generous-not generous;
(I) important-unimportant.
These traits had been used in earlier studies
(e.g.,
Bourhis, Giles and Tajfel, 1973; Lambert, Giles and Picard, 1975), and the selection includes representative items from each of Lambert’s (1967) three broad categories of personality. Thus, traits (a), (c), (g) and (I) are examples of the dirnension Lambert has referred to as competence; traits (b) and (d) are examples of social attractiveness; and traits (e), (f) and (h) are examples of the dimension, personal integrity.
Subjects Because of social class differences in Dublin speech styles, the stimulus voices were presented to secondary school students from a range of social backgrounds. From a school serving a settled working-class area, 42 subjects (22 boys and 20 girls) took part. Similarly, 42 children (again, 22 boys and 20 girls) from a middle-class secondary school participated. At the upper middle-class level, where the sexes are typically not mixed at school, it was necessary to draw subjects from two schools. At a private boys’ school, 46 children participated; at a private girls’ school, 48 students took part. The numbers in each school arose from the combination of two classes of average students, excluding from analysis those children not Dublin-barn. Thus, the overall sample 14.58 years; SD comprised 178 secondary school children (mean age 0.62). =
=
Procedure In each of the four schools, the stimulus tape was played to the students as a group. It was pointed out to the children that we often form irnpressions of people on the basis of voice alone-for example, while listening to someone on the radio-and that the present study was an investigation of how well people tended to agree in their irnpressions. The children were then told that they would hear nine adult speakers, each reading the same passage, and that they would be asked to rate these speakers on nine given dimensions. The children were then instructed in the manner of making their ratmgs on the scales and, finally, were asked to make each rating fairly quickly at the conclusion of each voice on the tape. They were not asked to say where the speakers came from, nor was any mention made of accent. At the conclusion of the task the children were told that one person had produced
283 TABLE 1 Mean
on traits showing overall voice effects
ratings given
~
significant
z.Jv
z. /u
*. /v..
Industrious ° ° 3.21 2.77 2.71 3.61
2.03
27.58**
4.02
2.3 1
rrienaiy
z.iv
z.51
Intelligent 3 .60
z.5u
3 .75
3 .22
39.55**
...II.’&dquo;
**o / I nl
=
....
~
-
j
=
-
-
-
-
-
~
-
m, &dquo;
~
-___--
-
»-
=
.
-
.
284
the Galway speaker to be perceived as significantly more friendly than all the other speakers and, on the humorous dimension, the Galway and Dublin speakers were rated more favourably than the other three guises, without being perceived as significantly
different from each other. Significant interactions between group and voice were found on four of the scales: 2.14, d.f. = 12,696, p < 0.05), friendly (F = 1.80, p < 0.05), intelligent (F industrious (F = 1.92, p < 0.05) and sense of humour (F 2.26, p < 0.01). These are not dealt with further here for the practical reason that they are difficult to interpret meaningfully and for the more general reason that they are relatively unimportant in with the main effects described above. present context =
=
the _
campared
_
DISCUSSION
_
_
_ _
~.
The group listener effect was found to be significant only on the traits important and intelligent, on both of which the private school boys produced more polarized ratings than the other three groups of students. Overall, however, all four groups tended to be similar in their reactions to the guises presented. This finding indicates that the reactions to regional accents appear largely consistent across the social strata of Dublin schoolchildren represented here. In turn, this raises the possibility, which could be investigated further, that the regional stereotypes evoked by voice cues are relatively pervasive throughout the wider Dublin context. With regard to the reactions to the specific regional accents, the most interesting results are those relating to the four traits which are part of Lambert’s competence dimension, all of which produced similar findings. On each, the Donegal speaker was perceived most favourably, and the Dublin speaker least so, with fewer differences being found among the Cork, Cavan and Galway guises. The favourable reactions to the Donegal voice appear to validate the popular stereotypic view of northemers in general. There is an ambitious and business-like demeanour associated with northem people; this is not only related to the greater force which the industrial revolution had in the northern part of the island, but may also be related to much more distant historical phenomena. During the so-called Golden Age in Ireland (I.e., from about 500 to 1000 A.D.), the political supremacy of the province of Ulster was largely unchallenged, and the greatest of the Irish missionaries, spreaders of education and culture, were from the north. Although there have, of course, been many vicissitudes in Irish history since then, one may speculate that the early irnportance of the north, amplified further by the later arrival of immigrants with marked connnercial interests, has created a relatively ,,1’,.nno
,,1’p,.pn.1’u...~
nf 1’hø nn1&dquo;1&dquo;hp1&dquo;np&dquo; u,h;&dquo;h &dquo;nnlrl n,ø1! hø
C’øØ&dquo;
;&dquo;
1’ø,.....,C’
n.f T &dquo;....,h.ø1&dquo;1&dquo;’&dquo;
285
competence dimension, and which has apparently survived social unrest.2
more recent
political
and
dimension of competence, the Dublin speaker was perceived least of all and, on the personal integrity dimension, was also seen less positively favourably than all the other voices, among which there were no significant differences. However, on the dimension of social attractiveness the Dublin guise received more favourable ratings. It would appear that the local speaker, although not associated with competence and integrity to the same degree as the others, is seen as more sociable. This pattern is again consistent to some degree with popular stereotypes expressed anecdotally, although further work is called for to explicate the present findings more adequately. It would be useful, for example, to study reactions to Dublin speakers expressed by a non-Dublin population. It should be pointed out here, too, that since many teachers in Dublin schools are not from Dublin themselves, there exists the possibility that the children’s reactions in this study were at least partly related to the relatively greater exposure that pupils have to non-Dublin teachers. It was in order to lessen this possibility that the guises were presented to the children merely as adult voices, not as teachers’ voices. On the
same
The reactions to the Cavan, Cork and Galway speakers were predominantly in the middle range between those given to the Dublin and Donegal guises, and for this reason may appear to be somewhat less interesting. The fact that these ratings were less polarized may, however, obscure some factors of relevance in the classroom situation with which the present study has not dealt. For example, Giles (1973), in study of the communicative effectiveness of messages presented via different guises, has pointed out that the perceived competence of a speaker may be a factor in his message being evaluated as qualitatively better, without necessarily being more persuasive, than the message produced by a speaker seen as less competent. The study of teacher-pupil communication, then, may well involve more subtle measures than the apparently highly relevant one of competence and, in this regard, the findings of the present study must be seen as introductory and suggestive only.
Although it would obviously be useful to augment the present findings by investigation regional stereotypes among a more general population (both in Dublin and without), as well as by further investigation within the educational context, it is hoped that the children’s reactions described here may serve in the formation of hypotheses concerning teacher-pupil dynamics. In general terms, just as previous research has demonstrated the importance of children’s speech in teachers’ evaluations and predictions of performance (e.g., Crowl and MacGinitie, 1974; Edwards, 1975; Seligman, Tucker and Lambert, 1972), so the present results indicate that students’ reactions to regional accents may also be relevant in situations in which teachers’ origins and accents differ from those of their pupils. of
’
For historical
Greaney.
information,
I wish to thank
Eoghan Ó Súilleabháin
and Vincent
286
BOURHIS, R. Y., GILES, H. and TAJFEL, H. (1973). Language as a determinant of Welsh identity. European J. of soc. Psych., 3, 447-60. CROWL, T. and MACGINITIE, W. (1974). The influence of students’ speech characteristics on teachers’ evaluations of oral answers. J. of educ. Psychol., 66, 304-8. EDWARDS, J. R. (1975). The speech of disadvantaged Dublin children. Paper presented at the Fourth Int’l. Cong. of Applied Linguistics, Stuttgart. GILES, H. (1973). Communicative effectiveness as a function of accented speech. Speech Monographs, 40, 330-1. GILES, H. and BOURHIS, R. Y. (1973). Dialect perception revisited. Quart. J. Speech, 59, 337-42. GILES, H. and POWESLAND, P. F. (1975). Speech Style and Social Evaluation (London). KELLY, S. G. (1970). Teaching in the City (Dublin). LAMBERT, W. E. (1967). A social psychology of bilingualism. J. of soc. Issues, 23, 91-109. LAMBERT, W. E., GILES, H. and PICARD, O. (1975). Language attitudes in a French American community. Int’l. J. of the Soc. of Lang., 4, 127-52. LAMBERT, W. E., HODGSON, R., GARDNER, R. and FILLENBAUM, S. (1960). Evaluational reactions to spoken languages. J. of Abnormal and soc. Psychol., 60, 44-5 1. LEE, R. (1971). Dialect perception: A critical review and re-evaluation. Quart. J. Speech, 57, 410-7.
ROBINSON, W. P. (1972). Language and Social Behaviour (Harmondsworth, Middlesex). SELIGMAN, C. R., TUCKER, G. R. and LAMBERT, W. E. (1972). The effects of speech style and other attributes on teachers’ attitudes towards pupils. Lang. in Society, 1, 131-42. TUCKER, G. R. and LAMBERT, W. E. (1969). White and Negro listeners’ reactions to various American-English dialects. Social Forces, 47, 463-8.
