Child Abuse & Neglect, Vol. IS, pp. 557-566, Printed in the U.S.A. All rights reserved.
1991 copyright
014%!l34/91 $3.00 + .oo 0 I99 I Pelgarnon Press PIG
STIGMA AND INCEST SURVIVORS SUSANSANTORO TOMIAN Department of Sociology, Rend Lake College, Ina, Illinois
Abstract-The impact of incestuous child sexual abuse continues to a&c% victims into their adult lives. Survey responses from college students indicate the predicted stigma surrounding this childhood event varies with gender as well as with length and type of relationship at the time of the disclosure. Women indicate differences in stigma when anticipating various types of relationships with male survivors. Particularly, women show dating as less comfortable than opposite sex friendship, and parenting as less comfortable than marriage. Men do not indicate these differences in stigma based on the type of relationship, but instead predict comfort with female survivors based on the length of relationship. Key Words-Incest,
Stigma, Abuse.
INTRODUCTION THAT INCEST SURVIVORS SUFFER from feelings of shame, guilt, isolation, and of being damaged goods is well documented in the literature (Courtois, 1979; Ledray, 1986; Sgroi, 1982). However, the source of these victim reactions remains debatable. Three general perspectives dominate the field. First, some authors take a descriptive approach to symptoms present in survivors after the abuse; they cite evidence for symptoms such as low self-esteem, anxiety, or withdrawal (Briere & Runtz, 1988; Janus, Burgess, & McCormack, 1987; Tong, Oates, & McDowell, 1987). While it is clearly useful to compare the personality traits of survivors with nonabused control groups, these studies center on identification of symptoms for treatment purposes rather than on why the symptoms persist. The question remains as to what sustains these negative feelings in everyday life. A second approach points to these victim reactions as arising from life experiences in disorganized or dysfunctional families (Alexander & Lupfer, 1987; Vander Mey, 1988). Surely early family life contributes substantially to a person’s self-image, but so does life apart from the family. After all, much of life, even for children, takes place away from the home. Examining the social interaction that takes place in addition to family life is useful. The third orientation addresses the victim in the larger social context. A first group of authors helpfully look at victim reactions in the light of the shock, horror, and disbelief these victims face from others; but limit their studies to the persons involved with the victim shortly after the abuse is made public, for example, attorneys or child protection workers (Saunders, 1988; Summit, 1983). Other authors expand their thinking to cover reactions encountered by the victim in everyday life, but do not offer concrete evidence that the general public does, in fact, stigmatize incest survivors (Finkelhor, 1986; Herman & Hirschman, 198 1, Russell, 1986).
Received for publication October 12, 1989; final revision received October 1, 1990; accepted October 1, 1990. Requests for reprints should be sent to Susan Santoro Tomlin, Department of Sociology, Rend Lake College, Ina, IL 62846. 551
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What is needed in the literature is a more than common sense understanding of the general public’s reaction to incest survivors. This is not to imply that the shame and guilt experienced by survivors is the sole product of adult interactions, but to illuminate the role of adult relations in maintaining these feelings years after the abuse has ended. The current research examines whether lay people hold stigmatizing attitudes toward adults who suffered incestuous abuse as children. Literature Review Humans do not exist in a social vacuum. They are at all times influenced by the rich social world in which they live. Stigma, particularly as it relates to incest, is highly involved in this process. In the style of Cooley’s ( 1902) looking glass self, incest survivors react to the stigma they feel is imputed to them from others. Lemert (195 1) argues that once a person has been labeled as different by others, this label may become part of the person’s self-image and bring unwanted changes to his or her life. It is quite arguable that if the general public believes incest survivors are somehow damaged, the survivors will be treated as though they are damaged, and they may incorporate this outside evaluation into their self-image. Goffman ( 1963), writing the definitive work on stigma, states that people categorize others in terms of what might be expected from them. Stigma arises when a person’s audience realizes that the person in question somehow falls short of their assumed expectations. While some differences from the expectations of the generalized other are clearly visible (for example blindness), others are hidden from easy public detection. Goffman refers to these differing conditions as discrediting (obvious) or discreditable (hidden) stigma. With a discrediting stigma the bearer must manage the related tension in social situations; with a discreditable condition the person must manage information so as not to make the difference noticeable. For adults, being victims of child sexual abuse primarily concerns the discreditable category. Stigma is not, however, always negative. Katz ( 198 1) demonstrates that the sympathetic yet aversive feelings the general public has toward stigmatized groups results in erratic and amplified behavior toward them. He makes an important contribution in making explicit the dialectic nature of this phenomenon. Stigma is a mixture of contempt and compassion which leads to both exaggerated kindness and avoidance. When a person is discovered as being different from what others expect, the full process of stigmatization begins. Goffman (1963) and Becker (1963) both point out that once individuals are labeled as different they are often seen as unfit for particular social roles; for example, the visually impaired are disqualified as airplane pilots. Becker contends that this difference, or the label of deviance, will become the person’s master status, in essence overshadowing all other information. Such individuals may be seen as outside of the normal realm of behavior in other areas of life as well. They easily become the recipient of a variety of auxiliary negative imputations along with their related interpersonal consequences. Activity in the normal routines of life becomes restricted. While it may seem illogical to amplify an individual difference in the manner described above, in actuality persons are often blamed for their misfortunes. Elias (1986) and Reiff (1976) agree that society tends to believe that crime victims must engage in a lifestyle that somehow opens them up to abuse, in essence, blaming the victim. Incest is no exception to blaming or discrediting the abused. There is evidence that some professionals view the victim as seductive and therefore blameworthy (Constantine, 1980; DeMott, 1980; Herman & Hirschman, 198 l), and that the adult, female survivor may see herself in this light (Ward, 1985). In the instance of child sexual abuse, male and female survivors face some differences in stigmatization. Russell ( 1975) and Schur ( 1984) both point to the sexual double standard in
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stigmatizing women, particularly in the area of their sexual experiences. In addition, Schur argues that women are stigmatized for more minor norm violations than are men, and that society tends to vindicate men and shift at least partial blame to the victims in all crimes against women. The female victim is clearly left exposed to stigmatization. That a woman may have little control of the situation, as in rape or incest, does not always mitigate the perception of lessened personal value as a result of being outside the expected gender behavior of contact with only “appropriate” sexual partners. Males, however, have a different story. Since most male victims are abused by men (Pierce 8z Pierce, 1985; Porter, 1986; Reinhart, 1987; Spencer & Dunklee, 1986), they have a unique set of stigmatizing conditions. First, there is the stigma of having engaged in a homosexual act. Secondly, as males are seen as self-reliant and as sexual aggressors, there is the tacit assumption that a male could have stopped the abuse if he had wanted to (Finkelhor, 1984; Porter, 1986). As Sanders (1980) notes, a female victim of rape who remains passive or flees in the name of self-defense is applauded, but a male is seen as cowardly. In addition, if the boy was molested by a woman, yet another set of concerns arise. Males are expected to enjoy sex. If the abusive episode was experienced as unpleasant, the boy is once again outside the norms of masculinity. In light of the above information, incest survivors would be well advised to find the time in a relationship where the disclosure of their secret would yield minimal stigmatization. Where, exactly, might this point lie? Goffman ( 1963) suggests that discreditable information is sometimes less damaging in a relationship that is already well established. This study proposes that disclosure of childhood sexual victimization would be less stigmatizing if it were done late, rather than early, in a relationship. With a more established relationship, the discreditable information has less of a chance of becoming a master status.
RESEARCH
DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY
The purpose of this study was to determine if stigma is felt toward incest survivors, and how various relationships affect the level of stigma. In addition, the effects of age, race, and gender were examined. The first hypothesis was that stigma exists toward incest survivors. A second hypothesis was that people are more accepting of the incest victim in established relationships than they are in new relationships. A pencil and paper questionnaire was given to 232 students in two introduction to sociology classes at a large midwestem university (see Appendix). Verbal and written instruction were given to the students concerning how to complete the questionnaire and informing them that their participation was completely voluntary. All students were asked to sign an informed consent sheet, but information was collected anonymously. Of the 232 students in the classes, 195 responded, producing a 15% refusal rate. (By their very nature quantitative methods cannot capture the overwhelming emotionality of this subject. The use of a questionnaire is not intended to trivialize the intense experience of the incest survivor. Quantitative methods were selected in an effort to utilize a large sample and to make information across gender, race, and age clearly comparable.) The questionnaire identified five different interpersonal relationships in which individuals might find themselves interacting with an incest survivor. The subject was to indicate on a five-point Likert scale their expected degree of comfort or discomfort in this relationship, one being Very comfortable; and five, Very uncomfortable. The relationships in question were a friend of the same sex, a friend of the opposite sex, a dating partner, a marital partner, and a co-parent. The respondents were asked to indicate their expected level of comfort or discom-
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fort in a continuing relationship with each of the individuals after recently learning that this now adult person had been incestuously sexually abused as a child. Because of interest in established versus beginning relationships, each relationship was assigned the arbitrary length of one month and one year durations. The relationships were also arranged in order of their general intensity or commitment, ranging from friendship to parenting. This arrangement clearly reflects a value judgement on the part of this researcher. It is entirely possible, for example, that parenthood will come before or without marriage, but this sequence of relationships was selected because it represents the ideal norms of American culture. It was also assumed that most of the respondents were heterosexual and would respond accordingly to questions about marriage and dating. Additional data was collected concerning age, race, and gender of each of the participants. Means and standard deviations were calculated for each of the questions, and means were compared using the t test. (A choice was made to use the t test with ordinal data based on evidence that it is allowable to violate assumptions in exchange for data that is comparable and which indicates directionality. For a thorough discussion of this topic, see Labovitz, 1970 and Kim, 1975.) This information was ascertained for the composites of all respondents, as well as separately for age, race, and gender groups. The questionnaire asks about comfort as opposed to stigma. Stigma indicates a group of reactions which include sympathy, fear, contempt, curiosity, and tension (Goffman, 1963; Katz, 1981). Rather than ask about all of these as separate categories, they were grouped under the umbrella of making the relationship less comfortable. Use of the word stigma was avoided because it holds a negative connotation that may influence the results, whereas comfort is seen as being a suitable and more neutral word. The following analysis uses discomfort and stigma interchangeably.
RESULTS Participants in this study were varied in terms of age, gender, and race. Three persons did not include this information but responded to the other questions; therefore, they were counted only in the composite scores. Of the 192 participants supplying the descriptive information, 66% were 18 years old or younger, with the remaining 34% classified as over 18. Whites represented 78% of people in the sample, and nonwhites comprised the remaining 22%. Female participation was at 59%, while males accounted for 41% of the sample. The results of the study are indicated in the tables below. Table 1 indicates the number of respondents, the mean, and the standard deviation for each relationship. Table 2 compares each relationship in its new and established state. The next two tables indicate significant differences in responses for selected paired relationships. Table 3 indicates relationships between friendship and dating, while Table 4 shows differences between marriage and parenting. Significant differences were indicated not only for the composite picture, but also separately for males and females, due to a notable disparity in their responses. Separate figures for age and race were not indicated because no significant differences were found between the groups on any item. The first conclusion drawn from this data was that a high level of discomfort was not seen in any of the relationships for either gender. Means had the potential of falling between 1, (everyone Very comfortable) and 5 (everyone Very uncomfortable) (see Table 1). In no case did the mean score exceed 3.07 (new dating), which put it in the neutral category. This finding is important as it indicates that a strong stigma against incest survivors was not reported. However, a few cautions should be considered. First, as Katz ( 198 1) indicates, it is not socially acceptable to express stigmatization that is seen as hostile. He warns that behaviors are better
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Table 1. Comfort Ratings in Ten Relationships
Compositeb
Male
Female
Relationship’
N
a
SD
N
x
SD
N
a
SD
New Same Sex Friend
195’ 195 195 195 195 195 195 195 195 195
2.24 1.85 2.56 1.90 3.07 2.30 2.55 2.28 2.83 2.58
.91 .92 1.06 .99 1.16 1.32 1.43 1.44 1.44 1.47
113 113 113 113 113 113 113 113 113 113
2.36 1.71 2.53 1.89 3.19 2.41 2.58 2.30 3.02 2.81
.92 .a5 1.01 .98 1.04 1.28 1.39 1.43 1.45 1.51
79 79 79 79 79 79 79 79 79 79
2.52 1.95 2.58 1.90 2.92 2.18 2.54 2.27 2.54 2.27
1.04 1.03 1.13 1.02 I .30 1.39 1.48 1.46 1.37 1.37
Old Same Sex Friend New Op. Sex Friend Old Op. Sex Friend New Date Old Date New Marriage Old Marriage New Parent Old Parent
’ New Relationship = one month; Old Relationship = one year. b Comfort Ratings: 1 = very comfortable; 5 = very uncomfortable. ’ Three respondents did not specify gender.
indicators than expressed opinions. In addition one should note that in this study people were asked to anticipate how they would feel in the future. Whether stigmatizing attitudes would find their way into a relationship of this sort in actual life is undetermined. It is also essential to remember that a looking glass self-image ( 1902) is based on perceived, not necessarily actual, opinions of others. Even though extreme discomfort was not indicated by the mean scores, this finding does not indicate that discomfort or the related stigma did not exist. If discomfort were not present at ah, the means would be closer to 1.O (Very comfortable) than they are. It is safe to say that some discomfort existed, but that it was not extreme. Table 2 shows that the testing of the hypothesis that there would be less discomfort when the abuse was disclosed in established (one year) relationships than in new ones (one month) was confirmed when considering some types of relationships. Both males and females would be more comfortable learning of a partner’s childhood incestuous abuse late in a same sex friendship, opposite sex friendship, or dating relationship. These significant differences disappeared as the relationship itself assumed a longer prior history, essentially in marriage or parenting. This finding lends support to the idea that discreditable information might best be saved for an established relationship if one is interested in managing one’s image in the eyes of
Table 2. New Versus Old Relationships Relationships Compared’
Compositeb d
Female R
Male X
New game Sex Friend Old game Sex Friend New Opposite Sex Friend Old Opposite Sex Friend New Date Old Date New Marriage Old Marriage New Parent Old Parent
2.24* 1.85 2.56, I .90 3.07* 2.30 2.55 2.28 2.83 2.58
2.36* 1.77 2.53* 1.89 3.19* 2.41 2.58 2.31 3.02 2.81
2.52* 1.95 2.58+ 1.90 2.92* 2.18 2.54 2.27 2.54 2.27
’ New Relationship = one month, Old Relationship = one year. ’ Comfort Ratings: I = very comfortable; 5 = very uncomfortable. * p 5 .05 for comparison in that cell.
562
Susan Santoro Table 3. Opposite Sex Friendship Relationshius
Cornoared”
1. New Opposite Sex Friend New Date 2. Old Opposite Sex Friend Old Date 3. Old Opposite Sex Friend New Date 4. New Opposite Sex Friend Old Date
Tomlin Versus Dating Relationships
Compositeb ,u
Female .J?
Male x
2.56* 3.07
2.53+ 3.19
2.58 2.92 1.90 2.18 I .90* 2.92 2.58* 2.18
1.90;
1.89*
2.30 1.90* 3.07 2.56* 2.30
2.41 1.89* 3.19 2.53 2.41
’ New Relationship = one month; Old Relationship = one year. b Comfort Ratings: 1 = very comfortable: 5 = very uncomfortable. * p I .05 for comparisons in that cell.
others. However, as discussed in the next two findings, one does not become automatically more comfortable as the relationship itself becomes more intense, in essence going from friendship to parenting. The third finding is summarized in Table 3 where the differences between opposite sex friendship and dating are explored. The two important variables are length of the relationship (one month and one year) and the difference in the nature of the relationships themselves (friendship and dating). Dating, as opposed to friendship, implies a degree of sexual intimacy. What is of interest here is that the length of the relationship was a more important factor for men, while the nature of the relationship was more influential for women. The first comparison of relationships in Table 3 shows that while women had significantly more comfort with new friends (2.53) than new dates (3.19), men did not provide evidence of a difference that was significant. The second comparison reveals the same gender-based pattern of established friends as compared to established dates: Once again, women found friends more comfortable, and men showed no significant difference. Both men and women agreed that old friends were more comfortable than new dates with the third comparison of this table. The fourth comparison continues the gender-related differences. Again men showed significantly more comfort with old dates (2.18) than with new friends (2.58) but women showed little difference between these scores. Men consistently designated the longer of the relationships as the most comfortable, while women opted for friendship over dating. These findings imply that there is something different about the relationship of dating that makes it more uncomfortable for women in this situation. This author suggests it is the presence of sexual intimacy that is implied in a dating relationship. The previous conclusion may be interpreted in light of males being the usual sexual aggressors in relationships. As Porter (1986) suggests, males are expected to have the power to stop unwanted advances. Since the incest survivor did not (was unable to), his sexual normality is called into question. On a related note, one might speculate that a woman is more uncomfortable because she finds herself in the less powerful position of a dyad where the man may have unresolved sexual problems. The relationship between male child sexual abuse and the potential for becoming sexually abusive as an adult is currently hotly debated, with some authors indicating there is a connection (Groth, 1979) while others assert there is not enough evidence to support this claim (Finkelhor, 1986; Freeman-Longo, 1986). What is important about this debate in relation to stigma is that if people believe (rightly or wrongly) that being a male victim carries the auxiliary trait of becoming an abuser, it would account for the increased discomfort in females. Whether or not this specific belief is held by most people was not determined by this study.
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Table 4. Marriage Versus Parenting Relationships Compared’
Compositeb x
Female d
Male x
1. New Marriage New Parent 2. Old Marriage Old Parent 3. Old Marriage New Parent 4. New Parent Old Parent
2.55 2.83 2.28* 2.58 2.28’ 2.83 2.83 2.58
2.58* 3.02 2.30* 2.81 2.30* 3.02 3.02 2.81
2.54 2.54 2.27 2.27 2.27 2.54 2.54 2.2-l
’ New Relationship = one month; Old Relationship = one year. ’ Comfort Ratings: 1 = very comfortable; 5 = very uncomfortable. * p 5 .05 for comparison in that cell.
The last finding is displayed in Table 4 where marriage and parenting are compared. Women showed significantly less comfort in every relationship which involved the presence of children as compared to marriage without children. A line by line examination of the table makes this finding evident. In the first comparison women showed significantly more comfort in a new marriage (2.58) than in a new parenting (3.02) situation, whereas men showed no significant difference in comfort; indeed they showed no difference at all, reporting both with a mean of 2.54. The second comparison indicates the same gender-related pattern for established marriages and established parenting: Women had a significant discrepancy, and men showed identical means. The third compares old marriage to new parenting. Here again women showed a significant difference in comfort that was not indicated by the male responses. Neither males nor females showed a significant difference between new and established parenting, as is shown with the fourth comparison. This information leads to the conclusion that men were more comfortable sharing parenting with an incest survivor than were women. It also indicates, once again, that the length of the relationship was important to men, whereas the type of relationship influenced women. The above finding is attributed to similar reasons as women’s discomfort in dating. Males are generally the sexual aggressors in our culture, and they are by far the bulk of the child molesters, although how well the latter fact is realized by the general public is unknown. This writer believes that women are less comfortable with men who disclose their victimization when children are involved because they are concerned for the safety of the children. It is possible that the master status of an abuse victim may carry auxiliary traits of being potentially dangerous in the eyes of women. Additionally, there may be discomfort with men being outside the sexual gender norms for males in general. Victimized men may well be seen as unqualified for the role of parent.
CONCLUSION In support of the first hypothesis, although stigma toward the incest survivor was not extreme, this study indicates that it clearly did exist. The second hypothesis that incest carries less stigma later in a relationship than early was seen to be true only in some cases. Early disclosure was more stigmatized than later disclosure in friendship and dating, but not in marriage or pareming. Additionally, disclosure did not automatically become less stigmatizing as one went from friendship to parenting, and males and females showed important differences: In general, males decreased stigmatization in response to the length of the rela-
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tionship, thereby supporting the hypothesis; but females responded more to the type of involvement. That the highest level of discomfort could be found in the areas of new dating and new parenting lends evidence to the labeling argument that once individuals are labeled as deviant, their activity in the normal routines of life will be restricted. Possibly these people would not be selected for certain roles if their situation were disclosed. Feeling uncomfortable and acting in a discriminating manner do not necessarily go hand in hand, but this point introduces interesting questions for further study. Incest is a social process, and its survivors continue their lives in an intricate social world. While it is clearly useful to catalog victim’s reactions, to study their families, and to examine their treatment in the social services, these approaches forget that survivors carry this experience with them through the everyday routines of life. More research is needed to determine the day by day reality of being different from what other people expect. Of interest for future projects are questions such as the following: What are the particular components of the discomfort? Do anticipated levels of discomfort change over time in an on-going relationship? Why are people uncomfortable in particular relationships where incest is disclosed; what do they imagine might happen because of it? It would also be interesting to include an instrument to assess the respondents’ current knowledge of incest research findings, particularly to assess if male victims are, in fact, seen as potential abusers. With incest research being a relatively new field, it is certain that science is just now discovering a small part of the problem. Certainly more empirical information is required if this phenomenon is to be understood. Placing this research in the realm of everyday interaction is a step in the right direction. Acknowledgement-The drafts of this paper.
author thanks Diane E. Taub and Annette Lareau for their helpful comments on earlier
REFERENCES Alexander, P. C., & Lupfer, S. L. (1987). Family characteristics and long-term consequences associated with sexual abuse. Archives ofSexual Behavior, 16, 235-245. Becker, H. S. (1963). Outsiders: Studies in the sociology of deviance. New York: Free Press. Briere, J., & Runtz, M. (1988). Symptomology associated with childhood sexual victimization in a nonclinical adult sample. Child Abuse & Neglect, 12, 5 1-59. Constantine, L. (1980). Effects of early sexual experience: A review and synthesis of research. In L. Constantine & F. Martinson (Eds.), Children and sex: New findings, new perspectives (pp. 2 17-244). Boston: Little, Brown. Cooley, C. H. (1902). Human nature and social order. New York: Scribner’s. Courtois, C. A. (1979). Victims of rape and incest. Counseling Psychologist, 8, 38-40. DeMott, B. (1980, March). The pro-incest lobby. Psychology Today, pp. I l-16. Elias, R. (1986). Thepolitics of victimization: Victims, victimology, and human rights. New York: Oxford University Press. Finkelhor, D. (1984). Child sexual abuse. New York: Free Press. Finkelhor, D. (1986). A sourcebook on child sexual abuse. Beverly Hills: Sage. Freeman-Longo, R. E. (1986). The impact of sexual victimization in males. Child Abuse & Neglect, 10, 4 1 l-4 14. Goffman, E. (1963). Stigma: Notes on the management of a spoiled identity. New York: Simon & Schuster. Groth, N. A. (1979). Sexual trauma in the life histories of rapists and child molesters. Victimology, 4, 10-16. Herman, J. L., & Hirschman, L. (198 1). Father-daughter incest. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Janus, M. D., Burgess, A. W., & McCormack, A. (1987). Histories of sexual abuse in adolescent male runaways. Adolescence, 22, 405-4 17. Katz, I. (198 I). Stigma: A social psychological analysis. Hillsdale, IL: Erlbaum. Kim, J. (1975). Multivariate analysis of ordinal variables. American .tournal of Sociology, 81, 26 l-298. Labovitz, S. (1970). The assignment of numbers to rank order categories. American Sociological Review, 35, 5 l5524. Ledray, L. E. (I 986). Recovery from rape. New York: Holt.
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Lemert, E. M. (1951). Social pathology: A systematic approach to the theory of sociopathic behavior. New York: McGraw-Hill. Pierce, R., & Pierce, L. H. (1985). The sexually abused child: A comparison of male and female victims. ChildAbuse & Neglect, 9, 191-199.
Porter, E. (1986). Treating the young male victims ofsexual assault: Issues and intervention strategies. Syracruse, NY: Safer Society. Reiff, R. (1976). The invisible victim: The criminal justice system’s forgotten responsibility. New York: Basic. Reinhart, M. A. (1987). Sexually abused boys. Child Abuse & Neglect, 11,229-235. Russell, D. E. (1975). Politics of rape: The victim’s perspective. New York: Stein and Day. Russell, D. E. (1986). The secret trauma: Incest in the lives of girls and women. New York: Basic. Sanders, W. B. (1980). Rape and women’s identity. Beverly Hills: Sage. Saunders, E. J. (1988). A comparative study of attitudes toward child sexual abuse among social work and judicial system professionals. Child Abuse & Neglect, 12, 83-90. Schur, E. M. (1984). Labeling women deviant: Gender, stigma, and social control. New York: Random. Sgroi, S. M. (1982). Handbook of clinical intervention in child sexual abuse. Lexington: Heath. Spencer, M. J., & Dunklee, P. (1986). Sexual abuse of boys. Pediatrics, 78, 133-139. Summit, R. C. (1983). The child sexual abuse accommodation syndrome. Child Abuse & Neglect, 7, 177-195. Tong, L., Oates, K., & McDowell, M. (1987). Personality development following sexual abuse. Child Abuse & Neglect, 11, 371-383. Vander Mey, B. J. (1988). The sexual victimization of male children: A review of previous literature. Child Abuse & Neglect, 12, 61-72.
Ward, E. (1985). Father-daughter rape. New York: Grove. APPENDIX INSTRUCTIONS: Please respond to the following questions. There are no right or wrong answers, so please indicate whichever response best fits your feelings. Please record your answers on the computerized answer sheet, and be certain to only make one response per question. When you are finished separate the informed consent sheet and the survey questions from the answer sheet and give both to the tester. DG NOT put your name on the answer sheet itself. Thank you for your participation. Please indicate how comfortable or uncomfortable you would expect to be in a continuing relationship with the individuals listed below, given the following information. You have just found out that, as a child, the individual had been involved in a sexually abusive relationship with a family member. The person is now over eighteen years old. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.
This This This This This This This This This This
person is the same sex as you and has been your friend for one month. person is the opposite sex as you and has been your friend for one month. person is the same sex as you and has been your friend for one year. person is the opposite sex as you and has been your friend for one year. is a person you have been dating for one month. is a person you have been dating for one year. is a person to whom you’ve been married for one month. is a person to whom you’ve been married for one year. is a person with whom you have parented children for one month. is a person with whom you have parented children for one year.
abcde abcde abcde abcde abcde abcde a b c d e abcde abcde abcde
Please supply the following information about yourself by darkening the correct space on your answer sheet. 11. Race:
12. Sex:
13. Age:
a-Black b-White c-Hispanic d-Asian e-Other
a-Female b-Male
a-17-18 b-19-20 c-2 l-22 d-23-24 e-25 or older
R&su&L’impact des abus sexuels intrafamiliaux pendant l’enfance se prolonge jusqu’l l%ge adulte. Les r&onses a une enq&e met& chez des budiants de college indiquent que les sequelles pr&isibles entourant cet ednement
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varient selon le sexe de la victime ainsi que selon la dunk et le type de relation au moment du devoilement. L.es femmes rapportent des differences au niveau des skquelles en imaginant differents types de relation avec d’anciennes victimes de sexe masculin. Elles considtrent plus particulierement un rendez-vous comme plus g&ant qu’une amitit avec un individu de l’autre sexe, et considtrent plus des difficult& pour la victime dans le role de parent qu’a I’interieur des liens du mariage. Les hommes ne reltvent pas de differences quant aux lquelles bakes sur le type de relation, mais predisent plutot leur capacite a se sentir a I’aise avec d’anciennes victimes de sexe Rminin, se basant sur la duke de la relation. Resumen-El impact0 de1 abuso sexual incestuoso en la nifiez contin6a afectando a sus victimas hasta sus vidas adultas. Respuestas a las encuestas de estudiantes universitarios indican que el estigma que rodea este evento de la infancia varfa con el sexo asi coma con la duracibn y el tipo de relacibn en el moment0 de la denuncia. Las mujeres indican diferencias en el estigma cuando se anticipan varios tipos de relaciones con sobrevivientes masculines. En especial, las mujeres seftalan las citas coma menos c6moda.s que amistad con el sexo opuesto, y ser padres menos c6modo que el matrimonio. Los hombres no mostraron estas diferencias en estigma basadas en el tipo de relation, pero en su lugar predicen comodididad con las sobrevivientes femeninas basadas en la duracibn de la relacibn.
1991 copyright
014%!l34/91 $3.00 + .oo 0 I99 I Pelgarnon Press PIG
STIGMA AND INCEST SURVIVORS SUSANSANTORO TOMIAN Department of Sociology, Rend Lake College, Ina, Illinois
Abstract-The impact of incestuous child sexual abuse continues to a&c% victims into their adult lives. Survey responses from college students indicate the predicted stigma surrounding this childhood event varies with gender as well as with length and type of relationship at the time of the disclosure. Women indicate differences in stigma when anticipating various types of relationships with male survivors. Particularly, women show dating as less comfortable than opposite sex friendship, and parenting as less comfortable than marriage. Men do not indicate these differences in stigma based on the type of relationship, but instead predict comfort with female survivors based on the length of relationship. Key Words-Incest,
Stigma, Abuse.
INTRODUCTION THAT INCEST SURVIVORS SUFFER from feelings of shame, guilt, isolation, and of being damaged goods is well documented in the literature (Courtois, 1979; Ledray, 1986; Sgroi, 1982). However, the source of these victim reactions remains debatable. Three general perspectives dominate the field. First, some authors take a descriptive approach to symptoms present in survivors after the abuse; they cite evidence for symptoms such as low self-esteem, anxiety, or withdrawal (Briere & Runtz, 1988; Janus, Burgess, & McCormack, 1987; Tong, Oates, & McDowell, 1987). While it is clearly useful to compare the personality traits of survivors with nonabused control groups, these studies center on identification of symptoms for treatment purposes rather than on why the symptoms persist. The question remains as to what sustains these negative feelings in everyday life. A second approach points to these victim reactions as arising from life experiences in disorganized or dysfunctional families (Alexander & Lupfer, 1987; Vander Mey, 1988). Surely early family life contributes substantially to a person’s self-image, but so does life apart from the family. After all, much of life, even for children, takes place away from the home. Examining the social interaction that takes place in addition to family life is useful. The third orientation addresses the victim in the larger social context. A first group of authors helpfully look at victim reactions in the light of the shock, horror, and disbelief these victims face from others; but limit their studies to the persons involved with the victim shortly after the abuse is made public, for example, attorneys or child protection workers (Saunders, 1988; Summit, 1983). Other authors expand their thinking to cover reactions encountered by the victim in everyday life, but do not offer concrete evidence that the general public does, in fact, stigmatize incest survivors (Finkelhor, 1986; Herman & Hirschman, 198 1, Russell, 1986).
Received for publication October 12, 1989; final revision received October 1, 1990; accepted October 1, 1990. Requests for reprints should be sent to Susan Santoro Tomlin, Department of Sociology, Rend Lake College, Ina, IL 62846. 551
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What is needed in the literature is a more than common sense understanding of the general public’s reaction to incest survivors. This is not to imply that the shame and guilt experienced by survivors is the sole product of adult interactions, but to illuminate the role of adult relations in maintaining these feelings years after the abuse has ended. The current research examines whether lay people hold stigmatizing attitudes toward adults who suffered incestuous abuse as children. Literature Review Humans do not exist in a social vacuum. They are at all times influenced by the rich social world in which they live. Stigma, particularly as it relates to incest, is highly involved in this process. In the style of Cooley’s ( 1902) looking glass self, incest survivors react to the stigma they feel is imputed to them from others. Lemert (195 1) argues that once a person has been labeled as different by others, this label may become part of the person’s self-image and bring unwanted changes to his or her life. It is quite arguable that if the general public believes incest survivors are somehow damaged, the survivors will be treated as though they are damaged, and they may incorporate this outside evaluation into their self-image. Goffman ( 1963), writing the definitive work on stigma, states that people categorize others in terms of what might be expected from them. Stigma arises when a person’s audience realizes that the person in question somehow falls short of their assumed expectations. While some differences from the expectations of the generalized other are clearly visible (for example blindness), others are hidden from easy public detection. Goffman refers to these differing conditions as discrediting (obvious) or discreditable (hidden) stigma. With a discrediting stigma the bearer must manage the related tension in social situations; with a discreditable condition the person must manage information so as not to make the difference noticeable. For adults, being victims of child sexual abuse primarily concerns the discreditable category. Stigma is not, however, always negative. Katz ( 198 1) demonstrates that the sympathetic yet aversive feelings the general public has toward stigmatized groups results in erratic and amplified behavior toward them. He makes an important contribution in making explicit the dialectic nature of this phenomenon. Stigma is a mixture of contempt and compassion which leads to both exaggerated kindness and avoidance. When a person is discovered as being different from what others expect, the full process of stigmatization begins. Goffman (1963) and Becker (1963) both point out that once individuals are labeled as different they are often seen as unfit for particular social roles; for example, the visually impaired are disqualified as airplane pilots. Becker contends that this difference, or the label of deviance, will become the person’s master status, in essence overshadowing all other information. Such individuals may be seen as outside of the normal realm of behavior in other areas of life as well. They easily become the recipient of a variety of auxiliary negative imputations along with their related interpersonal consequences. Activity in the normal routines of life becomes restricted. While it may seem illogical to amplify an individual difference in the manner described above, in actuality persons are often blamed for their misfortunes. Elias (1986) and Reiff (1976) agree that society tends to believe that crime victims must engage in a lifestyle that somehow opens them up to abuse, in essence, blaming the victim. Incest is no exception to blaming or discrediting the abused. There is evidence that some professionals view the victim as seductive and therefore blameworthy (Constantine, 1980; DeMott, 1980; Herman & Hirschman, 198 l), and that the adult, female survivor may see herself in this light (Ward, 1985). In the instance of child sexual abuse, male and female survivors face some differences in stigmatization. Russell ( 1975) and Schur ( 1984) both point to the sexual double standard in
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stigmatizing women, particularly in the area of their sexual experiences. In addition, Schur argues that women are stigmatized for more minor norm violations than are men, and that society tends to vindicate men and shift at least partial blame to the victims in all crimes against women. The female victim is clearly left exposed to stigmatization. That a woman may have little control of the situation, as in rape or incest, does not always mitigate the perception of lessened personal value as a result of being outside the expected gender behavior of contact with only “appropriate” sexual partners. Males, however, have a different story. Since most male victims are abused by men (Pierce 8z Pierce, 1985; Porter, 1986; Reinhart, 1987; Spencer & Dunklee, 1986), they have a unique set of stigmatizing conditions. First, there is the stigma of having engaged in a homosexual act. Secondly, as males are seen as self-reliant and as sexual aggressors, there is the tacit assumption that a male could have stopped the abuse if he had wanted to (Finkelhor, 1984; Porter, 1986). As Sanders (1980) notes, a female victim of rape who remains passive or flees in the name of self-defense is applauded, but a male is seen as cowardly. In addition, if the boy was molested by a woman, yet another set of concerns arise. Males are expected to enjoy sex. If the abusive episode was experienced as unpleasant, the boy is once again outside the norms of masculinity. In light of the above information, incest survivors would be well advised to find the time in a relationship where the disclosure of their secret would yield minimal stigmatization. Where, exactly, might this point lie? Goffman ( 1963) suggests that discreditable information is sometimes less damaging in a relationship that is already well established. This study proposes that disclosure of childhood sexual victimization would be less stigmatizing if it were done late, rather than early, in a relationship. With a more established relationship, the discreditable information has less of a chance of becoming a master status.
RESEARCH
DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY
The purpose of this study was to determine if stigma is felt toward incest survivors, and how various relationships affect the level of stigma. In addition, the effects of age, race, and gender were examined. The first hypothesis was that stigma exists toward incest survivors. A second hypothesis was that people are more accepting of the incest victim in established relationships than they are in new relationships. A pencil and paper questionnaire was given to 232 students in two introduction to sociology classes at a large midwestem university (see Appendix). Verbal and written instruction were given to the students concerning how to complete the questionnaire and informing them that their participation was completely voluntary. All students were asked to sign an informed consent sheet, but information was collected anonymously. Of the 232 students in the classes, 195 responded, producing a 15% refusal rate. (By their very nature quantitative methods cannot capture the overwhelming emotionality of this subject. The use of a questionnaire is not intended to trivialize the intense experience of the incest survivor. Quantitative methods were selected in an effort to utilize a large sample and to make information across gender, race, and age clearly comparable.) The questionnaire identified five different interpersonal relationships in which individuals might find themselves interacting with an incest survivor. The subject was to indicate on a five-point Likert scale their expected degree of comfort or discomfort in this relationship, one being Very comfortable; and five, Very uncomfortable. The relationships in question were a friend of the same sex, a friend of the opposite sex, a dating partner, a marital partner, and a co-parent. The respondents were asked to indicate their expected level of comfort or discom-
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fort in a continuing relationship with each of the individuals after recently learning that this now adult person had been incestuously sexually abused as a child. Because of interest in established versus beginning relationships, each relationship was assigned the arbitrary length of one month and one year durations. The relationships were also arranged in order of their general intensity or commitment, ranging from friendship to parenting. This arrangement clearly reflects a value judgement on the part of this researcher. It is entirely possible, for example, that parenthood will come before or without marriage, but this sequence of relationships was selected because it represents the ideal norms of American culture. It was also assumed that most of the respondents were heterosexual and would respond accordingly to questions about marriage and dating. Additional data was collected concerning age, race, and gender of each of the participants. Means and standard deviations were calculated for each of the questions, and means were compared using the t test. (A choice was made to use the t test with ordinal data based on evidence that it is allowable to violate assumptions in exchange for data that is comparable and which indicates directionality. For a thorough discussion of this topic, see Labovitz, 1970 and Kim, 1975.) This information was ascertained for the composites of all respondents, as well as separately for age, race, and gender groups. The questionnaire asks about comfort as opposed to stigma. Stigma indicates a group of reactions which include sympathy, fear, contempt, curiosity, and tension (Goffman, 1963; Katz, 1981). Rather than ask about all of these as separate categories, they were grouped under the umbrella of making the relationship less comfortable. Use of the word stigma was avoided because it holds a negative connotation that may influence the results, whereas comfort is seen as being a suitable and more neutral word. The following analysis uses discomfort and stigma interchangeably.
RESULTS Participants in this study were varied in terms of age, gender, and race. Three persons did not include this information but responded to the other questions; therefore, they were counted only in the composite scores. Of the 192 participants supplying the descriptive information, 66% were 18 years old or younger, with the remaining 34% classified as over 18. Whites represented 78% of people in the sample, and nonwhites comprised the remaining 22%. Female participation was at 59%, while males accounted for 41% of the sample. The results of the study are indicated in the tables below. Table 1 indicates the number of respondents, the mean, and the standard deviation for each relationship. Table 2 compares each relationship in its new and established state. The next two tables indicate significant differences in responses for selected paired relationships. Table 3 indicates relationships between friendship and dating, while Table 4 shows differences between marriage and parenting. Significant differences were indicated not only for the composite picture, but also separately for males and females, due to a notable disparity in their responses. Separate figures for age and race were not indicated because no significant differences were found between the groups on any item. The first conclusion drawn from this data was that a high level of discomfort was not seen in any of the relationships for either gender. Means had the potential of falling between 1, (everyone Very comfortable) and 5 (everyone Very uncomfortable) (see Table 1). In no case did the mean score exceed 3.07 (new dating), which put it in the neutral category. This finding is important as it indicates that a strong stigma against incest survivors was not reported. However, a few cautions should be considered. First, as Katz ( 198 1) indicates, it is not socially acceptable to express stigmatization that is seen as hostile. He warns that behaviors are better
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Table 1. Comfort Ratings in Ten Relationships
Compositeb
Male
Female
Relationship’
N
a
SD
N
x
SD
N
a
SD
New Same Sex Friend
195’ 195 195 195 195 195 195 195 195 195
2.24 1.85 2.56 1.90 3.07 2.30 2.55 2.28 2.83 2.58
.91 .92 1.06 .99 1.16 1.32 1.43 1.44 1.44 1.47
113 113 113 113 113 113 113 113 113 113
2.36 1.71 2.53 1.89 3.19 2.41 2.58 2.30 3.02 2.81
.92 .a5 1.01 .98 1.04 1.28 1.39 1.43 1.45 1.51
79 79 79 79 79 79 79 79 79 79
2.52 1.95 2.58 1.90 2.92 2.18 2.54 2.27 2.54 2.27
1.04 1.03 1.13 1.02 I .30 1.39 1.48 1.46 1.37 1.37
Old Same Sex Friend New Op. Sex Friend Old Op. Sex Friend New Date Old Date New Marriage Old Marriage New Parent Old Parent
’ New Relationship = one month; Old Relationship = one year. b Comfort Ratings: 1 = very comfortable; 5 = very uncomfortable. ’ Three respondents did not specify gender.
indicators than expressed opinions. In addition one should note that in this study people were asked to anticipate how they would feel in the future. Whether stigmatizing attitudes would find their way into a relationship of this sort in actual life is undetermined. It is also essential to remember that a looking glass self-image ( 1902) is based on perceived, not necessarily actual, opinions of others. Even though extreme discomfort was not indicated by the mean scores, this finding does not indicate that discomfort or the related stigma did not exist. If discomfort were not present at ah, the means would be closer to 1.O (Very comfortable) than they are. It is safe to say that some discomfort existed, but that it was not extreme. Table 2 shows that the testing of the hypothesis that there would be less discomfort when the abuse was disclosed in established (one year) relationships than in new ones (one month) was confirmed when considering some types of relationships. Both males and females would be more comfortable learning of a partner’s childhood incestuous abuse late in a same sex friendship, opposite sex friendship, or dating relationship. These significant differences disappeared as the relationship itself assumed a longer prior history, essentially in marriage or parenting. This finding lends support to the idea that discreditable information might best be saved for an established relationship if one is interested in managing one’s image in the eyes of
Table 2. New Versus Old Relationships Relationships Compared’
Compositeb d
Female R
Male X
New game Sex Friend Old game Sex Friend New Opposite Sex Friend Old Opposite Sex Friend New Date Old Date New Marriage Old Marriage New Parent Old Parent
2.24* 1.85 2.56, I .90 3.07* 2.30 2.55 2.28 2.83 2.58
2.36* 1.77 2.53* 1.89 3.19* 2.41 2.58 2.31 3.02 2.81
2.52* 1.95 2.58+ 1.90 2.92* 2.18 2.54 2.27 2.54 2.27
’ New Relationship = one month, Old Relationship = one year. ’ Comfort Ratings: I = very comfortable; 5 = very uncomfortable. * p 5 .05 for comparison in that cell.
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Susan Santoro Table 3. Opposite Sex Friendship Relationshius
Cornoared”
1. New Opposite Sex Friend New Date 2. Old Opposite Sex Friend Old Date 3. Old Opposite Sex Friend New Date 4. New Opposite Sex Friend Old Date
Tomlin Versus Dating Relationships
Compositeb ,u
Female .J?
Male x
2.56* 3.07
2.53+ 3.19
2.58 2.92 1.90 2.18 I .90* 2.92 2.58* 2.18
1.90;
1.89*
2.30 1.90* 3.07 2.56* 2.30
2.41 1.89* 3.19 2.53 2.41
’ New Relationship = one month; Old Relationship = one year. b Comfort Ratings: 1 = very comfortable: 5 = very uncomfortable. * p I .05 for comparisons in that cell.
others. However, as discussed in the next two findings, one does not become automatically more comfortable as the relationship itself becomes more intense, in essence going from friendship to parenting. The third finding is summarized in Table 3 where the differences between opposite sex friendship and dating are explored. The two important variables are length of the relationship (one month and one year) and the difference in the nature of the relationships themselves (friendship and dating). Dating, as opposed to friendship, implies a degree of sexual intimacy. What is of interest here is that the length of the relationship was a more important factor for men, while the nature of the relationship was more influential for women. The first comparison of relationships in Table 3 shows that while women had significantly more comfort with new friends (2.53) than new dates (3.19), men did not provide evidence of a difference that was significant. The second comparison reveals the same gender-based pattern of established friends as compared to established dates: Once again, women found friends more comfortable, and men showed no significant difference. Both men and women agreed that old friends were more comfortable than new dates with the third comparison of this table. The fourth comparison continues the gender-related differences. Again men showed significantly more comfort with old dates (2.18) than with new friends (2.58) but women showed little difference between these scores. Men consistently designated the longer of the relationships as the most comfortable, while women opted for friendship over dating. These findings imply that there is something different about the relationship of dating that makes it more uncomfortable for women in this situation. This author suggests it is the presence of sexual intimacy that is implied in a dating relationship. The previous conclusion may be interpreted in light of males being the usual sexual aggressors in relationships. As Porter (1986) suggests, males are expected to have the power to stop unwanted advances. Since the incest survivor did not (was unable to), his sexual normality is called into question. On a related note, one might speculate that a woman is more uncomfortable because she finds herself in the less powerful position of a dyad where the man may have unresolved sexual problems. The relationship between male child sexual abuse and the potential for becoming sexually abusive as an adult is currently hotly debated, with some authors indicating there is a connection (Groth, 1979) while others assert there is not enough evidence to support this claim (Finkelhor, 1986; Freeman-Longo, 1986). What is important about this debate in relation to stigma is that if people believe (rightly or wrongly) that being a male victim carries the auxiliary trait of becoming an abuser, it would account for the increased discomfort in females. Whether or not this specific belief is held by most people was not determined by this study.
Incest survivors
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Table 4. Marriage Versus Parenting Relationships Compared’
Compositeb x
Female d
Male x
1. New Marriage New Parent 2. Old Marriage Old Parent 3. Old Marriage New Parent 4. New Parent Old Parent
2.55 2.83 2.28* 2.58 2.28’ 2.83 2.83 2.58
2.58* 3.02 2.30* 2.81 2.30* 3.02 3.02 2.81
2.54 2.54 2.27 2.27 2.27 2.54 2.54 2.2-l
’ New Relationship = one month; Old Relationship = one year. ’ Comfort Ratings: 1 = very comfortable; 5 = very uncomfortable. * p 5 .05 for comparison in that cell.
The last finding is displayed in Table 4 where marriage and parenting are compared. Women showed significantly less comfort in every relationship which involved the presence of children as compared to marriage without children. A line by line examination of the table makes this finding evident. In the first comparison women showed significantly more comfort in a new marriage (2.58) than in a new parenting (3.02) situation, whereas men showed no significant difference in comfort; indeed they showed no difference at all, reporting both with a mean of 2.54. The second comparison indicates the same gender-related pattern for established marriages and established parenting: Women had a significant discrepancy, and men showed identical means. The third compares old marriage to new parenting. Here again women showed a significant difference in comfort that was not indicated by the male responses. Neither males nor females showed a significant difference between new and established parenting, as is shown with the fourth comparison. This information leads to the conclusion that men were more comfortable sharing parenting with an incest survivor than were women. It also indicates, once again, that the length of the relationship was important to men, whereas the type of relationship influenced women. The above finding is attributed to similar reasons as women’s discomfort in dating. Males are generally the sexual aggressors in our culture, and they are by far the bulk of the child molesters, although how well the latter fact is realized by the general public is unknown. This writer believes that women are less comfortable with men who disclose their victimization when children are involved because they are concerned for the safety of the children. It is possible that the master status of an abuse victim may carry auxiliary traits of being potentially dangerous in the eyes of women. Additionally, there may be discomfort with men being outside the sexual gender norms for males in general. Victimized men may well be seen as unqualified for the role of parent.
CONCLUSION In support of the first hypothesis, although stigma toward the incest survivor was not extreme, this study indicates that it clearly did exist. The second hypothesis that incest carries less stigma later in a relationship than early was seen to be true only in some cases. Early disclosure was more stigmatized than later disclosure in friendship and dating, but not in marriage or pareming. Additionally, disclosure did not automatically become less stigmatizing as one went from friendship to parenting, and males and females showed important differences: In general, males decreased stigmatization in response to the length of the rela-
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tionship, thereby supporting the hypothesis; but females responded more to the type of involvement. That the highest level of discomfort could be found in the areas of new dating and new parenting lends evidence to the labeling argument that once individuals are labeled as deviant, their activity in the normal routines of life will be restricted. Possibly these people would not be selected for certain roles if their situation were disclosed. Feeling uncomfortable and acting in a discriminating manner do not necessarily go hand in hand, but this point introduces interesting questions for further study. Incest is a social process, and its survivors continue their lives in an intricate social world. While it is clearly useful to catalog victim’s reactions, to study their families, and to examine their treatment in the social services, these approaches forget that survivors carry this experience with them through the everyday routines of life. More research is needed to determine the day by day reality of being different from what other people expect. Of interest for future projects are questions such as the following: What are the particular components of the discomfort? Do anticipated levels of discomfort change over time in an on-going relationship? Why are people uncomfortable in particular relationships where incest is disclosed; what do they imagine might happen because of it? It would also be interesting to include an instrument to assess the respondents’ current knowledge of incest research findings, particularly to assess if male victims are, in fact, seen as potential abusers. With incest research being a relatively new field, it is certain that science is just now discovering a small part of the problem. Certainly more empirical information is required if this phenomenon is to be understood. Placing this research in the realm of everyday interaction is a step in the right direction. Acknowledgement-The drafts of this paper.
author thanks Diane E. Taub and Annette Lareau for their helpful comments on earlier
REFERENCES Alexander, P. C., & Lupfer, S. L. (1987). Family characteristics and long-term consequences associated with sexual abuse. Archives ofSexual Behavior, 16, 235-245. Becker, H. S. (1963). Outsiders: Studies in the sociology of deviance. New York: Free Press. Briere, J., & Runtz, M. (1988). Symptomology associated with childhood sexual victimization in a nonclinical adult sample. Child Abuse & Neglect, 12, 5 1-59. Constantine, L. (1980). Effects of early sexual experience: A review and synthesis of research. In L. Constantine & F. Martinson (Eds.), Children and sex: New findings, new perspectives (pp. 2 17-244). Boston: Little, Brown. Cooley, C. H. (1902). Human nature and social order. New York: Scribner’s. Courtois, C. A. (1979). Victims of rape and incest. Counseling Psychologist, 8, 38-40. DeMott, B. (1980, March). The pro-incest lobby. Psychology Today, pp. I l-16. Elias, R. (1986). Thepolitics of victimization: Victims, victimology, and human rights. New York: Oxford University Press. Finkelhor, D. (1984). Child sexual abuse. New York: Free Press. Finkelhor, D. (1986). A sourcebook on child sexual abuse. Beverly Hills: Sage. Freeman-Longo, R. E. (1986). The impact of sexual victimization in males. Child Abuse & Neglect, 10, 4 1 l-4 14. Goffman, E. (1963). Stigma: Notes on the management of a spoiled identity. New York: Simon & Schuster. Groth, N. A. (1979). Sexual trauma in the life histories of rapists and child molesters. Victimology, 4, 10-16. Herman, J. L., & Hirschman, L. (198 1). Father-daughter incest. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Janus, M. D., Burgess, A. W., & McCormack, A. (1987). Histories of sexual abuse in adolescent male runaways. Adolescence, 22, 405-4 17. Katz, I. (198 I). Stigma: A social psychological analysis. Hillsdale, IL: Erlbaum. Kim, J. (1975). Multivariate analysis of ordinal variables. American .tournal of Sociology, 81, 26 l-298. Labovitz, S. (1970). The assignment of numbers to rank order categories. American Sociological Review, 35, 5 l5524. Ledray, L. E. (I 986). Recovery from rape. New York: Holt.
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Lemert, E. M. (1951). Social pathology: A systematic approach to the theory of sociopathic behavior. New York: McGraw-Hill. Pierce, R., & Pierce, L. H. (1985). The sexually abused child: A comparison of male and female victims. ChildAbuse & Neglect, 9, 191-199.
Porter, E. (1986). Treating the young male victims ofsexual assault: Issues and intervention strategies. Syracruse, NY: Safer Society. Reiff, R. (1976). The invisible victim: The criminal justice system’s forgotten responsibility. New York: Basic. Reinhart, M. A. (1987). Sexually abused boys. Child Abuse & Neglect, 11,229-235. Russell, D. E. (1975). Politics of rape: The victim’s perspective. New York: Stein and Day. Russell, D. E. (1986). The secret trauma: Incest in the lives of girls and women. New York: Basic. Sanders, W. B. (1980). Rape and women’s identity. Beverly Hills: Sage. Saunders, E. J. (1988). A comparative study of attitudes toward child sexual abuse among social work and judicial system professionals. Child Abuse & Neglect, 12, 83-90. Schur, E. M. (1984). Labeling women deviant: Gender, stigma, and social control. New York: Random. Sgroi, S. M. (1982). Handbook of clinical intervention in child sexual abuse. Lexington: Heath. Spencer, M. J., & Dunklee, P. (1986). Sexual abuse of boys. Pediatrics, 78, 133-139. Summit, R. C. (1983). The child sexual abuse accommodation syndrome. Child Abuse & Neglect, 7, 177-195. Tong, L., Oates, K., & McDowell, M. (1987). Personality development following sexual abuse. Child Abuse & Neglect, 11, 371-383. Vander Mey, B. J. (1988). The sexual victimization of male children: A review of previous literature. Child Abuse & Neglect, 12, 61-72.
Ward, E. (1985). Father-daughter rape. New York: Grove. APPENDIX INSTRUCTIONS: Please respond to the following questions. There are no right or wrong answers, so please indicate whichever response best fits your feelings. Please record your answers on the computerized answer sheet, and be certain to only make one response per question. When you are finished separate the informed consent sheet and the survey questions from the answer sheet and give both to the tester. DG NOT put your name on the answer sheet itself. Thank you for your participation. Please indicate how comfortable or uncomfortable you would expect to be in a continuing relationship with the individuals listed below, given the following information. You have just found out that, as a child, the individual had been involved in a sexually abusive relationship with a family member. The person is now over eighteen years old. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.
This This This This This This This This This This
person is the same sex as you and has been your friend for one month. person is the opposite sex as you and has been your friend for one month. person is the same sex as you and has been your friend for one year. person is the opposite sex as you and has been your friend for one year. is a person you have been dating for one month. is a person you have been dating for one year. is a person to whom you’ve been married for one month. is a person to whom you’ve been married for one year. is a person with whom you have parented children for one month. is a person with whom you have parented children for one year.
abcde abcde abcde abcde abcde abcde a b c d e abcde abcde abcde
Please supply the following information about yourself by darkening the correct space on your answer sheet. 11. Race:
12. Sex:
13. Age:
a-Black b-White c-Hispanic d-Asian e-Other
a-Female b-Male
a-17-18 b-19-20 c-2 l-22 d-23-24 e-25 or older
R&su&L’impact des abus sexuels intrafamiliaux pendant l’enfance se prolonge jusqu’l l%ge adulte. Les r&onses a une enq&e met& chez des budiants de college indiquent que les sequelles pr&isibles entourant cet ednement
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Susan Santoro Tomlin
varient selon le sexe de la victime ainsi que selon la dunk et le type de relation au moment du devoilement. L.es femmes rapportent des differences au niveau des skquelles en imaginant differents types de relation avec d’anciennes victimes de sexe masculin. Elles considtrent plus particulierement un rendez-vous comme plus g&ant qu’une amitit avec un individu de l’autre sexe, et considtrent plus des difficult& pour la victime dans le role de parent qu’a I’interieur des liens du mariage. Les hommes ne reltvent pas de differences quant aux lquelles bakes sur le type de relation, mais predisent plutot leur capacite a se sentir a I’aise avec d’anciennes victimes de sexe Rminin, se basant sur la duke de la relation. Resumen-El impact0 de1 abuso sexual incestuoso en la nifiez contin6a afectando a sus victimas hasta sus vidas adultas. Respuestas a las encuestas de estudiantes universitarios indican que el estigma que rodea este evento de la infancia varfa con el sexo asi coma con la duracibn y el tipo de relacibn en el moment0 de la denuncia. Las mujeres indican diferencias en el estigma cuando se anticipan varios tipos de relaciones con sobrevivientes masculines. En especial, las mujeres seftalan las citas coma menos c6moda.s que amistad con el sexo opuesto, y ser padres menos c6modo que el matrimonio. Los hombres no mostraron estas diferencias en estigma basadas en el tipo de relation, pero en su lugar predicen comodididad con las sobrevivientes femeninas basadas en la duracibn de la relacibn.
