Psychological Reports, 1979, 44, 823-828. @ Psychological Reports 1979
SEXUAL ASSAULT IN A PRISON' C. SCOTT MOSS Federal Correctional Institution Lompoc, California
RAY E. HOSFORD University of Californirr, Santa Barbard
WILLIAM R. ANDERSON University of California, Santa Barbara
Summary.-The fact that only 12 of 1100 inmates were idenr~fiedby staff as having sexually assaulted other inmates over a 12-mo. period suggcsts that sexual assault may not be a frequent problem in federal prisons. However, implications regarding the racial compositions of the assaulters and victims noted in the present study may represent a problem more in need of study than is that of sexual assault per se.
Within any correctional facility, there are inmates who continue transgressing society's rules and regulations; some of these acts are quite serious infractions such as smuggling of hard narcotics, performing shankings ( k n i f i n g ) , or even occasionally parricipating in riots. Perhaps one of the most horrendous personal acts of all, however, is that of rape--homosexual rape. Forced sexual compliance, particularly for physically weaker inmates, is a major problem in our prisons both from the standpoint of inmate safety and the personal trauma involved. Accurate incidence reports are extremely difficult to obtain due to the victims' reluctance to inform on other inmates for fear of even worse reprisals. Despite the Bureau of Prisons' recent official position to be absolutely candid about the goings on in our jails and prisons,? there is very little published to date on this problem. The few studies completed-usually unpublished reports-indicate that a conservative estimate of $4 to 3% of those incarcerated are subjected to sexual assault (cf. Lockwood, 1977"84-" Buffum ( 1972 ) in summarizing the proceedings of the only national conference to date addressed to sexual problems within the prisons noted: "There is, above all, a compelling need for a wide variety of comparative data. The controversy over incidence and the speculation which surrounds the etiology of different forms of homosexual activity can only be answered by fresh data collected for a wide range of institutions which differ along measurable dimensions" ( p . 3 6 ) . This statement provided the impetus for the present study. ).
'The opinions expressed in this paper are those of the authors' and d o not necessarily reflect the Bureau of Prisons' position or policy. 'N. Carlson, Proceedings of the American academy of psychiatry and the law. (Unpublished paper. Federal Bureau of Prisons, 1975) "A. Davis, Report on sexual assaults in the Philadelphia prison system and sheriff's vans. (Unpublished manuscript. Philadelphia District Attorney Office, 1968) 'D. Fuller, T. Orsagh. & D. Raber, Violence and victimization within the North Carolina prison system. (Unpublished manuscript, 1976) "P.Nacci. The federal project o n inmates' sexuality and sexual assaults on inmates. ( U n published manuscript, Federal Bureau of Prisons, 1977)
C. S. MOSS, ET AL. THE STUDY Method During a recent 12-mo. period, 12 individuals ( 7 blacks, 5 Chicanos) out of a total of 1,100 inmates at one Federal Correctional Institution were identified and segregated for having raped other inmates. Having previously found thac rioters at this same institution could be differentiated significantly From nonrioters on a variety of behavioral and psychological variables (Moss, Hosford, Anderson, 8: Petracca, 1977), the same approach was applied in a pilot study of these 12 rapists to determine whether they too differ psychologically and behaviorally from inmates in general. These criteria included 48 variables routinely recorded and available in every inmate's central file, e.g., years of formal education, length of sentence, prior arrests, prior commitments, age at first arrest, etc. Resalts Seven blacks and Five inmates of Mexican descent were selected at random from the same prison population to serve as controls for the 12 who participated in the rapes of orher inmates. These 24 subjects were subsequently divided into four groups: black-rapist, black-nonrapist, Chicano-rapist, and Chicano-nonrapist. A two-way multivariate analysis of variance was performed on these groupings with the rapist condition differing significantly with thac on nonrapist [x2(5) = 22.44, p < .01]. The obtained values for black vs Chicano and for interaction were less than the critical value. Unfortunately, because of the small number of subjects involved and the large number of variables sampled, the power of the analysis does not permit discrimination among each of the variables. Hence, in an effort to be consistent with assumptions inherent in probabilistic statistics, five variables were randomly selected from the 48 original criteria used in the earlier study. However, for reader interest, group means are presented in Table 1. In retrospect, it may have been more heuristic to select those variables which have theoretical or practical significance. However, as it turned out, four of the five selected were those which differentiated significantly between rioters and nonrioters. The five items sampled were: ( 1) average number of incidents reported per year at the institution, ( 2 ) age at
1. 2.
3. 4.
5. 6.
TABLE 1 GROUPMEANSBETWEENRAPISTSAND NONRAPISTS Variable Rapist Nonrapist 16.79 2.10 Educational Courses Completed Vocational Training Courses Completed 7.00 0.58 Peer Counseling Program 0.58 0.67 Sick Calls 38.58 22.20 Convalescence Leave 5.76 10.28 Psychotropic Drugs 7.35 7.99 (conrinued on next page)
SEXUAL ASSAULT IN A PRISON
825
TABLE 1 ( CONT'D) GROUPMEANSBETWEENRAPISTSAND NONRAPISTS Variable
Rapist
Nonrapist
7. Prison Industries, Meritorious Service Awards 8. Honor Unit
0.58 0.00
0.67 0.17
9. Disciplinary Reports
4.18
0.78*
10. Segregation 11. Custody 12. Years to Next Parole Hearing 13. Violent Offense 14. 15. 16. 17. 18.
0.42
Drug Related Offense Length of Sentence Prior Arrests Prior Commitments Age at First Arrest
19. Age at Present Commitment 20. Highest Grade Completed 2 1 S A T. Median Score
22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36.
Drug User Hero~nUser Alcoholism L Scale, MMPI F Scale, MMPI K Scale, MMPI Hs Scale, MMPI D Scale, MMPI Hy Scale, MMPI Pd Scale, MMPI Mf Scale, MMPI Pa Scale, MMPI Pt Scale, MMPI Sc Scale, MMPI M a Scale, MMPI
0.25 77.50 8.50 1.25 15.83
20.92
23.58'
7.92
10.83
5.28
.
37. Deviant MMPI Scores 38. Psychiatric Diagnosis 39. IQ 40. Marital Status 41. Number of Tattoos 42. Height 43. Weight 44. RAPS Priority 45. Black 46. Chicano 47. Mexican Citizen 48. Native American *Randomly selected for discriminant function analysis.
0.25g'
0.33 89.17 8.92 1.17 14.58
0.83 0.67 0.00 56.00 63.33 57.42 61.42 63.58 57.33 71.67 54.08 61.50 59.08 67.83 67.72 2.50
0.00
7.34* 0.75 0.50 0.25 56.58 62.33 55.92 59.17 60.17 60.00 73.08 56.17 62.17 61.00 65.67 69.67 2.67*
826
C. S. MOSS, ET A L
time of present incarceration, ( 3 ) whether the commitment offense was violenc or nonviolent, ( 4 ) median score on the Scholastic Achievement Test, and ( 5 ) number of deviant T scores on the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory. A rigorous test, the discriminant function (Tatsuoka, 197 1) was performed on each of these five variables. The discriminant function is the weighted sum of the variables which best discriminates between the sexual assaulters and nonassaulters. Theoretically, if a student's test ( t ratio) were computed between the two groups, the discriminant function would be that which would maximize the observed difference. The correlation of each variable with the discriminant: function thus provides the relation between that variable and the rape vs no-rape condition. Those variables correlating highest with the discriminant function were ( 1) age ac time of present commitment ( .72 ) , ( 2 ) median score on the Scholastic Achievement Test ( .GI ) , and ( 3) number of disciplinary reports received during that year ( - 6 1 ) . These data suggest that the older the individual was at time of incarceration, the higher he scored on the Scholastic Achievement Test, and the fewer the number of disciplinary reports the less likely he would be involved in homosexual rape. The correlations of the remaining two variables with the discriminant function, i.e., the number of deviant MMPI scores (.05) and whether the commitment crime was classified as violent or nonviolent (-.24), were relatively small; such data suggest these variables did not contribute much to the discrimination between the two groups.
Discussion Because the number of rapists possible for study was small, any inference must, of course, be carried out with considerable caution. However, these pilot results suggest that it may be possible co differentiate potential males who might subject other male inmates to rape from nonrapists on information routinely recorded in every inmate's central file. With a much larger sample, a multiple regression equation could be constructed for the prediction of sexual assault, similar to that done with prison rioters (Moss, et al., 1977, p. 510). Three additional observations, however, can be made. First, all 12 of the rapists were members of minority groups, i.e., seven were black and the remaining five were of Mexican descent. Second, the victims were, with only two exceptions, Caucasians. And third, all victims were inevitably of a different race than the rapists. The institution at that time showed about 20% of its population belonging to each of these minority categories. Scacco's recent book on rape in prison (1975) states that blacks (and by implication other members of minority groups) are almost always the aggressors while the scapegoat is almost always white. H e interprets coerced sexual assault as part of the American ethnic power struggle taken to the personalized level. Lockwood (1977) similarly notes that several studies have found racial differences between inmates' sexual aggression and their victims. While this
SEXUAL ASSAULT IN A PRISON
827
position represents only an hypothesis, it should be noted that the data of the present study further support this premise. A review of the scant literature available on homosexual rapists yields at least two substantiating studies. Irwin ( 1970) found that most aggressive group rapes have been conducted by lower class black against middle-class white youths. H e postulated that this was due to the deep resentment of lower class blacks, coupled with the white's general unfamiliarity with jail experience, and the white's unwillingness to confront physical threats on himself with counter violence which, as a result, makes him an acceptable victim for attack. In an earlier unpublished study, Davishnalyzed 129 homosexual attacks and found that 56% involved black offenders and white victims, while none involved white offenders and black victims. H e concluded that there is a strong propensiry, at least in correctional settings, for blacks to fill aggressors' roles and whites to assume roles of victims. In this respect, the inference can be made that there is not really a sharp difference between the reasons for heterosexual and homosexual rape, i.e., rape is usually not a crime of passion but one of violence and power (cf. Brownmiller, 1975 ) . A variety of interventions were suggested for reducing prison rapes by the participants at the 1971 national conference on prison homosexuality (Buffum, 1972). Among these were suggestions for promoting greater inmates' self-expression through additional and better educational and vocational training programs, legitimate work experiences within and without the institution and a policy of home visitation. Innovative effective treatment-oriented interventions, particularly that of peer-counseling, and the development of better legal measures, were also advanced to deter rapes and offer promise of relief to victims of sexual attacks. Separating aggressors and victims from each other would undoubtedly mean a separation by ethnic, social and cultural lines if results of research to date are generalizable to institutions in general (cf. L o c k w d , 19775). Such a procedure would constitute numerous other problems not to mention legal aspects. Other alternatives such as those tried in Mexico, e.g., use of prostitutes, etc., may reduce sexual tension somewhat but they also required tacit approval of an illegal or socially improper behavior and probably do little to reduce the underlying non-sexual causal elements associated with sexual assaults. There have, however, been some recent marked changes within the Federal Bureau of Prisons which may serve to reduce the number of sexual assaults. Of fundamental importance have been attempts to "normalize" the institution (steps to make the "inside" more like the "outside"), through the implementation of the functional unit concept. Most federal correctional facilities today have been divided into small, self-contained "institutions," operating in semi-autonomous fashion within the confines of a larger facility. Thus, inmates live and work in close,
828
C. S. MOSS, ET AL.
more intensive relationship with a multidisciplinary, relatively permanently assigned team of staff members whose offices are located on the living unit itself. Another change is that the furlough policy for inmates has been greatly liberalized. The Bureau is also actively recruiting both women and other minority group staff members to serve in both custodial and administrative positions. Further, a major Bureau of Prisons study presently being conducted by Nacci5 on sex-related aggression and sexual behavior should provide much of the missing data needed from which to make a decision regarding a variety of alternatives for combating this problem. What has not been accomplished, however, is defusing of the ethnic/social class struggles which emanate from society itself. The fact that all the assaulters in the present study were non-white while all the victims were white again raises the question as to whether homosexual rape is the act of sexually deprived men, black, white, or brown, or whether such acts are indicative of the broader ethnic power struggles that characterize society in general. Or, are most homosexual rapes unique to the more violent criminal-type of individual who seeks any type of physical or psychological gratification at the expense of others? REFERENCES
BROWNMILLER, S. Against our iuill: men, ruonen and rape. New York: Simon
&
Schuster.. 1975. . BUPPUM,P. C. H o m o s e x d i t y i n prisons. Washington, D. C.: Government Printing Office, 1972. (PR 72-3) IRWIN,J. T h e felon. Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, 1970. LOCKWOOD, D. Sexual aggression among prison inmates. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, State Univer. of New York, Albany, 1977. Moss, C. S., HOSPORD, R. E., ANDERSON, W., & PETRACCA,M. Personality variables of blacks associated with riot behavior in a correctional setting. Journal o f Personality and Social Psychology, 1977, 45, 505-512. SWLCCO, A. M. Rape i n prison. Springfield, IL: Thomas, 1975. TATSUOKA, N. M. Multivaride analysis: techniques f o r educational and ~sychological research. New York: Wiley, 1971.
Accepted March 26, 1979.
SEXUAL ASSAULT IN A PRISON' C. SCOTT MOSS Federal Correctional Institution Lompoc, California
RAY E. HOSFORD University of Californirr, Santa Barbard
WILLIAM R. ANDERSON University of California, Santa Barbara
Summary.-The fact that only 12 of 1100 inmates were idenr~fiedby staff as having sexually assaulted other inmates over a 12-mo. period suggcsts that sexual assault may not be a frequent problem in federal prisons. However, implications regarding the racial compositions of the assaulters and victims noted in the present study may represent a problem more in need of study than is that of sexual assault per se.
Within any correctional facility, there are inmates who continue transgressing society's rules and regulations; some of these acts are quite serious infractions such as smuggling of hard narcotics, performing shankings ( k n i f i n g ) , or even occasionally parricipating in riots. Perhaps one of the most horrendous personal acts of all, however, is that of rape--homosexual rape. Forced sexual compliance, particularly for physically weaker inmates, is a major problem in our prisons both from the standpoint of inmate safety and the personal trauma involved. Accurate incidence reports are extremely difficult to obtain due to the victims' reluctance to inform on other inmates for fear of even worse reprisals. Despite the Bureau of Prisons' recent official position to be absolutely candid about the goings on in our jails and prisons,? there is very little published to date on this problem. The few studies completed-usually unpublished reports-indicate that a conservative estimate of $4 to 3% of those incarcerated are subjected to sexual assault (cf. Lockwood, 1977"84-" Buffum ( 1972 ) in summarizing the proceedings of the only national conference to date addressed to sexual problems within the prisons noted: "There is, above all, a compelling need for a wide variety of comparative data. The controversy over incidence and the speculation which surrounds the etiology of different forms of homosexual activity can only be answered by fresh data collected for a wide range of institutions which differ along measurable dimensions" ( p . 3 6 ) . This statement provided the impetus for the present study. ).
'The opinions expressed in this paper are those of the authors' and d o not necessarily reflect the Bureau of Prisons' position or policy. 'N. Carlson, Proceedings of the American academy of psychiatry and the law. (Unpublished paper. Federal Bureau of Prisons, 1975) "A. Davis, Report on sexual assaults in the Philadelphia prison system and sheriff's vans. (Unpublished manuscript. Philadelphia District Attorney Office, 1968) 'D. Fuller, T. Orsagh. & D. Raber, Violence and victimization within the North Carolina prison system. (Unpublished manuscript, 1976) "P.Nacci. The federal project o n inmates' sexuality and sexual assaults on inmates. ( U n published manuscript, Federal Bureau of Prisons, 1977)
C. S. MOSS, ET AL. THE STUDY Method During a recent 12-mo. period, 12 individuals ( 7 blacks, 5 Chicanos) out of a total of 1,100 inmates at one Federal Correctional Institution were identified and segregated for having raped other inmates. Having previously found thac rioters at this same institution could be differentiated significantly From nonrioters on a variety of behavioral and psychological variables (Moss, Hosford, Anderson, 8: Petracca, 1977), the same approach was applied in a pilot study of these 12 rapists to determine whether they too differ psychologically and behaviorally from inmates in general. These criteria included 48 variables routinely recorded and available in every inmate's central file, e.g., years of formal education, length of sentence, prior arrests, prior commitments, age at first arrest, etc. Resalts Seven blacks and Five inmates of Mexican descent were selected at random from the same prison population to serve as controls for the 12 who participated in the rapes of orher inmates. These 24 subjects were subsequently divided into four groups: black-rapist, black-nonrapist, Chicano-rapist, and Chicano-nonrapist. A two-way multivariate analysis of variance was performed on these groupings with the rapist condition differing significantly with thac on nonrapist [x2(5) = 22.44, p < .01]. The obtained values for black vs Chicano and for interaction were less than the critical value. Unfortunately, because of the small number of subjects involved and the large number of variables sampled, the power of the analysis does not permit discrimination among each of the variables. Hence, in an effort to be consistent with assumptions inherent in probabilistic statistics, five variables were randomly selected from the 48 original criteria used in the earlier study. However, for reader interest, group means are presented in Table 1. In retrospect, it may have been more heuristic to select those variables which have theoretical or practical significance. However, as it turned out, four of the five selected were those which differentiated significantly between rioters and nonrioters. The five items sampled were: ( 1) average number of incidents reported per year at the institution, ( 2 ) age at
1. 2.
3. 4.
5. 6.
TABLE 1 GROUPMEANSBETWEENRAPISTSAND NONRAPISTS Variable Rapist Nonrapist 16.79 2.10 Educational Courses Completed Vocational Training Courses Completed 7.00 0.58 Peer Counseling Program 0.58 0.67 Sick Calls 38.58 22.20 Convalescence Leave 5.76 10.28 Psychotropic Drugs 7.35 7.99 (conrinued on next page)
SEXUAL ASSAULT IN A PRISON
825
TABLE 1 ( CONT'D) GROUPMEANSBETWEENRAPISTSAND NONRAPISTS Variable
Rapist
Nonrapist
7. Prison Industries, Meritorious Service Awards 8. Honor Unit
0.58 0.00
0.67 0.17
9. Disciplinary Reports
4.18
0.78*
10. Segregation 11. Custody 12. Years to Next Parole Hearing 13. Violent Offense 14. 15. 16. 17. 18.
0.42
Drug Related Offense Length of Sentence Prior Arrests Prior Commitments Age at First Arrest
19. Age at Present Commitment 20. Highest Grade Completed 2 1 S A T. Median Score
22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36.
Drug User Hero~nUser Alcoholism L Scale, MMPI F Scale, MMPI K Scale, MMPI Hs Scale, MMPI D Scale, MMPI Hy Scale, MMPI Pd Scale, MMPI Mf Scale, MMPI Pa Scale, MMPI Pt Scale, MMPI Sc Scale, MMPI M a Scale, MMPI
0.25 77.50 8.50 1.25 15.83
20.92
23.58'
7.92
10.83
5.28
.
37. Deviant MMPI Scores 38. Psychiatric Diagnosis 39. IQ 40. Marital Status 41. Number of Tattoos 42. Height 43. Weight 44. RAPS Priority 45. Black 46. Chicano 47. Mexican Citizen 48. Native American *Randomly selected for discriminant function analysis.
0.25g'
0.33 89.17 8.92 1.17 14.58
0.83 0.67 0.00 56.00 63.33 57.42 61.42 63.58 57.33 71.67 54.08 61.50 59.08 67.83 67.72 2.50
0.00
7.34* 0.75 0.50 0.25 56.58 62.33 55.92 59.17 60.17 60.00 73.08 56.17 62.17 61.00 65.67 69.67 2.67*
826
C. S. MOSS, ET A L
time of present incarceration, ( 3 ) whether the commitment offense was violenc or nonviolent, ( 4 ) median score on the Scholastic Achievement Test, and ( 5 ) number of deviant T scores on the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory. A rigorous test, the discriminant function (Tatsuoka, 197 1) was performed on each of these five variables. The discriminant function is the weighted sum of the variables which best discriminates between the sexual assaulters and nonassaulters. Theoretically, if a student's test ( t ratio) were computed between the two groups, the discriminant function would be that which would maximize the observed difference. The correlation of each variable with the discriminant: function thus provides the relation between that variable and the rape vs no-rape condition. Those variables correlating highest with the discriminant function were ( 1) age ac time of present commitment ( .72 ) , ( 2 ) median score on the Scholastic Achievement Test ( .GI ) , and ( 3) number of disciplinary reports received during that year ( - 6 1 ) . These data suggest that the older the individual was at time of incarceration, the higher he scored on the Scholastic Achievement Test, and the fewer the number of disciplinary reports the less likely he would be involved in homosexual rape. The correlations of the remaining two variables with the discriminant function, i.e., the number of deviant MMPI scores (.05) and whether the commitment crime was classified as violent or nonviolent (-.24), were relatively small; such data suggest these variables did not contribute much to the discrimination between the two groups.
Discussion Because the number of rapists possible for study was small, any inference must, of course, be carried out with considerable caution. However, these pilot results suggest that it may be possible co differentiate potential males who might subject other male inmates to rape from nonrapists on information routinely recorded in every inmate's central file. With a much larger sample, a multiple regression equation could be constructed for the prediction of sexual assault, similar to that done with prison rioters (Moss, et al., 1977, p. 510). Three additional observations, however, can be made. First, all 12 of the rapists were members of minority groups, i.e., seven were black and the remaining five were of Mexican descent. Second, the victims were, with only two exceptions, Caucasians. And third, all victims were inevitably of a different race than the rapists. The institution at that time showed about 20% of its population belonging to each of these minority categories. Scacco's recent book on rape in prison (1975) states that blacks (and by implication other members of minority groups) are almost always the aggressors while the scapegoat is almost always white. H e interprets coerced sexual assault as part of the American ethnic power struggle taken to the personalized level. Lockwood (1977) similarly notes that several studies have found racial differences between inmates' sexual aggression and their victims. While this
SEXUAL ASSAULT IN A PRISON
827
position represents only an hypothesis, it should be noted that the data of the present study further support this premise. A review of the scant literature available on homosexual rapists yields at least two substantiating studies. Irwin ( 1970) found that most aggressive group rapes have been conducted by lower class black against middle-class white youths. H e postulated that this was due to the deep resentment of lower class blacks, coupled with the white's general unfamiliarity with jail experience, and the white's unwillingness to confront physical threats on himself with counter violence which, as a result, makes him an acceptable victim for attack. In an earlier unpublished study, Davishnalyzed 129 homosexual attacks and found that 56% involved black offenders and white victims, while none involved white offenders and black victims. H e concluded that there is a strong propensiry, at least in correctional settings, for blacks to fill aggressors' roles and whites to assume roles of victims. In this respect, the inference can be made that there is not really a sharp difference between the reasons for heterosexual and homosexual rape, i.e., rape is usually not a crime of passion but one of violence and power (cf. Brownmiller, 1975 ) . A variety of interventions were suggested for reducing prison rapes by the participants at the 1971 national conference on prison homosexuality (Buffum, 1972). Among these were suggestions for promoting greater inmates' self-expression through additional and better educational and vocational training programs, legitimate work experiences within and without the institution and a policy of home visitation. Innovative effective treatment-oriented interventions, particularly that of peer-counseling, and the development of better legal measures, were also advanced to deter rapes and offer promise of relief to victims of sexual attacks. Separating aggressors and victims from each other would undoubtedly mean a separation by ethnic, social and cultural lines if results of research to date are generalizable to institutions in general (cf. L o c k w d , 19775). Such a procedure would constitute numerous other problems not to mention legal aspects. Other alternatives such as those tried in Mexico, e.g., use of prostitutes, etc., may reduce sexual tension somewhat but they also required tacit approval of an illegal or socially improper behavior and probably do little to reduce the underlying non-sexual causal elements associated with sexual assaults. There have, however, been some recent marked changes within the Federal Bureau of Prisons which may serve to reduce the number of sexual assaults. Of fundamental importance have been attempts to "normalize" the institution (steps to make the "inside" more like the "outside"), through the implementation of the functional unit concept. Most federal correctional facilities today have been divided into small, self-contained "institutions," operating in semi-autonomous fashion within the confines of a larger facility. Thus, inmates live and work in close,
828
C. S. MOSS, ET AL.
more intensive relationship with a multidisciplinary, relatively permanently assigned team of staff members whose offices are located on the living unit itself. Another change is that the furlough policy for inmates has been greatly liberalized. The Bureau is also actively recruiting both women and other minority group staff members to serve in both custodial and administrative positions. Further, a major Bureau of Prisons study presently being conducted by Nacci5 on sex-related aggression and sexual behavior should provide much of the missing data needed from which to make a decision regarding a variety of alternatives for combating this problem. What has not been accomplished, however, is defusing of the ethnic/social class struggles which emanate from society itself. The fact that all the assaulters in the present study were non-white while all the victims were white again raises the question as to whether homosexual rape is the act of sexually deprived men, black, white, or brown, or whether such acts are indicative of the broader ethnic power struggles that characterize society in general. Or, are most homosexual rapes unique to the more violent criminal-type of individual who seeks any type of physical or psychological gratification at the expense of others? REFERENCES
BROWNMILLER, S. Against our iuill: men, ruonen and rape. New York: Simon
&
Schuster.. 1975. . BUPPUM,P. C. H o m o s e x d i t y i n prisons. Washington, D. C.: Government Printing Office, 1972. (PR 72-3) IRWIN,J. T h e felon. Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, 1970. LOCKWOOD, D. Sexual aggression among prison inmates. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, State Univer. of New York, Albany, 1977. Moss, C. S., HOSPORD, R. E., ANDERSON, W., & PETRACCA,M. Personality variables of blacks associated with riot behavior in a correctional setting. Journal o f Personality and Social Psychology, 1977, 45, 505-512. SWLCCO, A. M. Rape i n prison. Springfield, IL: Thomas, 1975. TATSUOKA, N. M. Multivaride analysis: techniques f o r educational and ~sychological research. New York: Wiley, 1971.
Accepted March 26, 1979.
