Journal of Youth and Adolescence, VoL 14, No. 2, 1985

Separation-Individuation and Ego Identity Status in New Zealand University Students I Jane Kroger 2 Received December 4, 1984; accepted May 6, 1985

This study explores intrapsychic structures underlying Marcia's ego identity statuses in terms o f separation-individuation patterns. It was hypothesized that achievement and moratorium adolescents wouM give greater evidence o f intrapsychic differentiation on a projective measure o f separation anxiety than wouM foreclosure or diffusion youths. Marcia's Ego Identity Status Interview and Hansburg's Separation Anxiety Test were administered to 80female and 60 male volunteers at a n e w Zealand university. All were under 23 years o f age. A s predicted, high statuses showed less anxiety than secure attachment or detachment. Contrary to expectation, no differences among attachment styles appeared f o r low statuses. Difficulties in adapting the identity status interview to the New Zealand context may partially explain these results. A measure o f intrapsychic differentiation provides a useful supplement to the identity status interview. INTRODUCTION

A popular route to the study of adolescent identity formation over the past 15 years has come from the identity status approach designed by Marcia (1966). This framework, grounded in Eriksonian ego psychology,

'This research was supported by a grant from the Internal Research Committee, Victoria University of Wellington. Parts of this research were presented at the Biennial Meeting of the Society for Research in Child Development, Toronto, 1985. 2Senior Lecturer, Department of Education, Victoria University of Wellington, Wellington, New Zealand. Received Ph.D in child development from Florida State University in 1977. Current research interest is identity formation from a lifespan perspective. 133 0047-289]/85/0400-0133504.50/0© 1985 Plenum PublishingCorporation

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adopts a psychosocial orientation in defining the concept of identity. From this vantage point, identity is the interplay between ego synthesis and social organization (Erikson, 1968). The way in which one's social milieu is transmitted to and incorporated into the growing ego forms the basis of ego identity; the task of obtaining a "goodness of fit" between internal structural demands and occupational and ideological roles offered by one's society is the work of adolescence. Developing Erikson's notion of an identity continuum with achievement and confusion delimiters, Marcia conceptualized four possible stances one might take with regard to occupational and ideological concerns. Identity achievers have made commitments following a period of exploration; foreclosures appear equally committed but have undergone no serious exploration of alternatives prior to making decisions, generally assuming parental values. Moratoriums and diffusions are both uncommitted; however, moratoriums are searching among alternatives, while diffusions are uninterested in attempting such a task. While some modifications have been made in criterion areas used in assessing identity status for women (Matteson, 1974; Schenkel and Marcia, 1972), these four stances have been shown to have construct and discriminant validity by a number of studies exploring identity status antecedents, sequences, and consequences (Bourne, 1978a, 1978b; Marcia, 1980). An alternative intrapsychic model of identity has been proposed by Blos (1967) in his psychoanalytic focus on the "second individuation process of adolescence." Basic to this concept of identity is the notion of separation--separation at the intrapsychic level, involving disengagement from the parental introjects ~of infancy, and separation at the object relations level, which brings about a redirection of emotional cathexes from parents to peers. While internalizing mother or caretaker as a separate object is the normal outcome of the separation-individuation phase of infancy (Mahler et al., 1975), disengagement from this internalized parent is the healthy outcome of adolescent separation-individuation. The purpose of this study is to explore intrapsychic structures underlying Marcia's four identity statuses in terms of separation-individuation issues for late adolescent university students. Central to Marcia's identity construct are the notions of exploration and commitment. Empirical studies of the identity statuses have suggested that greater individuation (in terms of ego development, locus of control, and field independence) and personality differentiation (in terms of relationships with others) are associated with the experience of a crisis or exploration period (Chapman and Nicholls, 1976; Ginsburg and Orlofsky, 1981; Orlofsky et al., 1973). What, then, does the ability to explore occupational and ideological alternatives mean in intrapsychic terms?

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Theoretical Links

Blos (1967), in describing disengagement from parental introjects, does not detail the actual process, though he points out the necessary functions that some degree of regression and mourning serve. Mahler et al. (i 975) have presented a more explicit account of separation-individuation during infancy, and several writers have pointed to the close parallels between Mahler's description of infant differentiation and Blos's second individuation of adolescence (Esman, 1980; Evans, 1982; Josselson, 1980). If all goes well, infant differentiation involves movement from autism through symbiotic union to a phase of differentiation, of being " h o o k e d " to mother in such a way as to ensure survival while becoming aware of that which is not self. Practicing follows, in which mother becomes an anchor in frightening but exciting explorations of the other-than-mother world. The implications of separateness are finally realized in the rapprochement crisis, and futile attempts to reestablish old intrapsychic bonds are made. The infant's open-ended resolution of rapprochement enables a sense of whole self and object to emerge and the building of stable internal images of the primary love object to take place. In adolescence, this internalized love object must be relinquished if development is to progress; the actual phases of separation-individuation, however, appear similar to those of infancy, with significant others (e.g., teachers or peers) serving the transitional object function that toys provided for the practicing infant. One might speculate that what has occurred in subphases of both infant and adolescent differentiation is emergence from a level in which subject becomes the object of a new subjective (Kegan, 1982). Thus, adolescent differentiation can be viewed generally as an intrapsychic progression from " I am different from mother, but I carry her inside me" to " I am I, and mother is mother." Mother (or the primary love object) has changed from the internalized guide to the external world to an external object with an independent existence-the object of a new subjective to be renegotiated in relationship. In theory, the ability to explore occupational and ideological alternatives in the object world would require some loosening of ties with parental introjects. Identity achievers could be expected to have weathered the adolescent parallel of the rapprochement crisis in the realization of their separateness, which enables them to search and make commitments to values of their own. Similarities to infant differentiation, practicing, and rapprochemem can be seen in the portraits of moratoriums sketched by Josselson (1982) and Donovan (cited in Marcia, 1976); early memories of moratorium women held themes of "doing it alone" and expanding their own capacities, and observations of moratorium students in an unstructured university class saw them vying for power, but ambivalent

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once it was held. These behaviors suggest a reaction against the pulls of internalized parents. Foreclosures appear happily embedded in the internal and external family nests. Some commonalities with infant symbiotic unity are suggested from Marcia's (1964) rating manual, in which the foreclosure demonstrates, literally, the "faith of his father's (or mother's as the case may be) living still" (p. 29). Diffusions, though a varied group, might be compared to some extent with Mahler's autistic (presymbiotic) infants. Parents must have been there to be left; reports by diffusions of parental child-rearing practices suggest that their parents never were therewat least in the sense of being emotionally available for internalization (Jordan, 1970, 1971; Josselson, 1973). Thus, in theory, relinquishing an introjected parent would be a nonissue for many diffusions.

Sex Differences in Separation-lndividuation In the past decade, literature on adolescent and adult personality development has suggested sex differences in the separation-individuation process, with the bulk of theoretical and empirical evidence indicating this development to be a more complex and time-consuming process for women than men (Chasseguet-Smirgel, 1970; Chodorow, 1978; Lebe, 1982). For Chodorow, separation-individuation is intimately linked with gender identity. The experience for girls of being patented primarily by a same-sex adult does not necessitate separation in order to establish sexual identity. For boys, however, separation from mother is critical to the development of masculinity. Thus, intimacy in adult life may present a regressive threat for males, while separation may threaten gender identity for females. Gilligan (1982) has also noted sex differences in descriptions both of personal identity and moral reasoning patterns; adolescents and early adult women have emphasized connection with others in offering self-descriptions and solutions to moral dilemmas, while men have stressed personal autonomy on such issues. In a recent study of intimacy statuses, Levitz-Jones and Orlofsky (in press) found over 50% of female college students in their sample to have adopted a merger style in relationships. Earlier studies of intimacy statuses among men had found it unnecessary to postulate a merger style in describing male relationship modes (Orlofsky, 1976, 1978; Orlofsky et al., 1973). Thus, gender would be an important variable to consider in a study of separation-individuation capacity.

Measurement of Separation-Individuation As Bourne (1978b) has noted, separation from parental introjects does not easily lend itself to measurement. One possibility is the use of

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Hansburg's Separation Anxiety Test (SAT; Hansburg, 1980c). Developed as a means of assessing separation difficulties for adolescents in clinical settings, the instrument has shown reasonable validity and reliability coefficients (Hansburg, 1980a) and has been extended for research use with adolescents and adults in more general populations (Currie, 1983; Levitz-Jones and Orlofsky, in press). Grounded in psychoanalytic and attachment theory, the test provides an attachment profile based on an individual's responses to 12 pictures representing both mild and strong or traumatic childhood and adolescent separation situations (e.g., m i l d - a child leaving mother to go to school, strong--a child watching mother being taken to a hospital). The individual is asked to select from a list of 17 possible responses as many items as would be descriptive of the way the child in each picture would be feeling. These 17 responses reflect different defense mechanisms commonly used in situations of loss or separation. Subjects are also asked to indicate the number of pictured situations that they have experienced. Hansburg suggests that the projective nature of the instrument elicits current rather than past feelings in reaction to separation. The instrument enables individuals to be scored on six psychological systems: attachment need, individuation capacity, painful tension, hostility, reality avoidance, and self-evaluation (comprised of self-love loss, self-esteem preoccupation, and identity stress). Furthermore, Hansburg (1980b) describes the following general attachment protocols based on the interrelationships among systems: secure attachment, anxious attachment, and detachment. Various patterns are subsumed under these general attachment styles.

Hypotheses It was predicted that identity achievers and moratoriums would present profiles indicative of greater intrapsychic differentiation than would foreclosure or diffusion subjects. The following hypotheses were made: (1) ldentity achievers would evidence more secure attachment (suggestive of postrapprochement organization) than anxious or detachment styles. (2) Moratoriums would evidence more secure attachment and detachment (suggestive of differentiation, practicing, and rapprochement) than anxious attachment. (3) Foreclosures would evidence more anxious attachment (suggestive of symbiotic unity) than other attachment styles. (4) Diffusions would evidence more detachment (suggestive of presymbiotic organization) than other styles. (5) On assessment of psychological systems, females would demonstrate higher attachment needs than males for both mild and strong cues, and males would demonstrate higher individuation needs than females for both mild and strong cues. (6) Diffusions would report significantly fewer separation experiences in their own lives than other identity statuses.

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METHOD

Subjects Initial subjects for the study were 140 students (80 females and 60 males) enrolled in introductory education, law, sociology, and advanced education courses at a New Zealand university. Because of the low numbers of identity achievers in introductory courses, students comparable in age were solicited from advanced education courses. All classes contained large percentages of mature students; thus, participants were limited to those aged 22 years and under. Mean ages for women and men were 19.7 and 18.7 years, respectively. Subjects identified themselves as belonging to one of the following ethnic groups: Pakeha (European origin, 92%), Maori or Pacific Island (4o70), and Asian (4o7o). The study was presented as one o f "factors influencing values and decision making," and all took part on a voluntary basis. A minimum o f 10 subjects per sex per identity status was set, though effort was made to collect information from as broad a data base as possible in anticipation of follow-ups with first-year students.

Measures Ego Identity Status Interview. Ego identity status was determined by use of the semistructured interview and scoring manual developed by Marcia (1964), with the addition of a criterion area examining sex-role beliefs (Matteson, 1974). Subjects were classed as identity achievers, moratoriums, foreclosures, or diffusions for each criterion area and were assigned a global identity status rating. Separation Anxiety Test. Responses to separation were assessed by use o f Hansburg's Separation Anxiety Test. For each of Hansburg's six psychological systems, subjects received a numerical score which was presented as a percentage of the total number of responses made by the individual. Median scores were comparable to United States norms. On the basis of manual attachment protocols derived from numerical relationships among psychological systems, subjects were also classed according to one of the following attachment patterns, which fell into one o f the three general groupings: secure attachment (secure and mild anxious attachment); anxious attachment (strong and severe anxious attachment); and detachment (detached, hostile detached, excessive self-sufficiency, dependent detached). Subjects also indicated the number of mild and strong separation situations depicted by test pictures that they had actually experienced.

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Procedure The Separation Anxiety Test was pilot-tested for cultural relevance. Subjects reported pictures to be characteristic of separation experiences in the New Zealand context, and median scores were comparable to United States norms. During the second of three university terms, each subject was given the Ego Identity Status Interview, questions regarding the relative importance of identity status criterion areas (Kroger, 1985), and Hansburg's SAT in a single test session lasting approximately one hour. While the criterion areas of the identity status interviews were presented in counterbalanced order, the SAT was always given following the interview session. It was felt that some rapport needed to be established before the subject was given this more in-depth projective measure. Identity status interviews were administered by the author and a male and female research assistant who had both completed a graduate counseling practicum. No attempt was made to match sex of interviewer with sex o f subject. Interviewers also served as raters for the study. Each interview was rated by the interviewer and one of the remaining two judges. Reliability between two judges was 78.8°70 across the five ratings per interview, as compared with a chance expectation of 20070. In cases o f disagreement, a third rater adjudicated. Overall reliability reached 96.0% when initial agreements were combined with agreements between two of three judges on earlier cases o f discrepant ratings. Remaining disagreements were resolved by the author. Five subjects (all males, two moratoriums and three foreclosures) were dropped from the study because of SAT response frequencies falling below the minimum level suggested by Hansburg as necessary to provide a meaningful protocol. Thus, 135 subjects (80 females and 55 males) formed the final sample of the study.

RESULTS Chi-squre tests revealed no significant differences between the sexes with respect to identity status or attachment style; thus, sexes were combined on subsequent analyses of attachment style. Attachment patterns were analyzed according to the three general attachment styles. All chi-squar-e comparisons were made relative to a uniform distribution across the three general .attachment modes. Identity achievers evidenced more secure attachment than anxious or detachment styles (x 2 = 16.16, df = 2, p < 0.001). No further significant differences appeared among attachment styles for any of the remaining statuses. When high (achievement and moratorium) statuses were combined, anxious attach-

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ment appeared less frequently than secure or detachment styles (x 2 = 14.01, df = 2, p < 0.001). No significant differences among attachment styles appeared for low statuses. For committed statuses (achievement and foreclosure), secure attachment was the predominant style (X2 = 12.03, d f = 2, p < 0.001). For uncommitted statuses (moratorium and diffusion), anxious attachment was less frequent than secure or detachment styles (x 2 = 6.97, df = 2, p < 0.05). Table I indicates the findings. A noteworthy identity status distribution appeared for the pattern o f severe anxious attachment. An exact multinomial test showed foreclosures evidencing the severe anxious attachment pattern more frequently than any other identity statuses ~ < 0.001). In assessing psychological systems, scores for mild and strong cues were considered separately for both the attachment and individuation systems, and the subgroups of the self-evaluation system (self-esteem preoccupation, self-love loss, and identity stress) were also scored separately. Results of t tests indicated sex differences on only 1 of the 10 systems assessed; females scored significantly higher than males on the painful tension measure (t = 2.23, d f = 133, p < 0.05). Because multiple t tests were used, this result should be treated with some caution. Using a two-way ANOVA, no significant main or interaction effects were found for identity status and sex on the reported number o f separation situations actually experienced. It is interesting that when identity statuses were regrouped according to committed versus uncommitted categories, the committed group evidenced significantly more mild separation experiences than the uncommitted group (t -- 2.44, df = 133, p = 0.02). No significant results appeared for strong cues with this identity status classification. Furthermore, differences of reported separations were not found on mild or strong cues for high versus low identity status groupings.

DISCUSSION As predicted, high identity statuses showed less anxious attachment than other attachment styles, indicative o f greater intrapsychic differentiation. However, when achievers and moratoriums were considered separately, the expected pattern o f less anxious attachment than other attachment styles for moratoriums was not evidenced. In the throes o f relinquishing internalized parents, moratoriums in theory would be experiencing adolescent parallels of differentiation, practicing, and rapprochement; the sheer number o f intrapsychic mechanisms encompassed by these subphases and subsumed under the more global identity status rating may have resulted in the lack o f significant differences among

14 (38.9)

8 (18.6)

9 (25.7)

6 (28.6)

9 (25.0)

8 (18.6)

5 (14.3)

1 (4.8)

Secure (n = 23)

7 (33.3)

14 (40.0)

16 (37.2)

23 (63.9)

Total secure styles ~

4 (19.0)

5 (14.3)

8 (18.6)

4 (11.1)

Strong (n = 2I)

0 (0)

5 (14.3)

0 (0)

0 (0)

Severe (n = 6 )

8 (18.6)

4 (11.1)

Total anxious styles E

4 (19.0)

10 (28.6)

Anxious (n = 26)

0 (0)

5 (14.3)

4 (9.3)

3 (8.3)

Detached (n = 12)

3 (14.3)

3 (8.6)

3 (7.0)

3 (8.3)

Hostile detached (n = 12)

19 (44.2) I1 (31.4) 10 (47.6)

3 (7.0) 0 (0) 3 (14.3)

3 (8.6) 4 (19.0)

9 (20.9)

9 (25.0)

Total Dependent detached styles detached (n = 7)

I (2.8) 2 (5.6)

Excessive self-sufficiency (n = 18)

Detached (n = 49)

"Percentages of subjects in each identity status having given attachment pattern are indicated in parentheses.

Achievement (n = 36) Moratorium (n = 43) Foreclosure (n = 35) Diffusion (n = 21)

Ego identity status

Mild anxiety (n = 37)

Secure (n = 60)

Table !, Number of Subjects by Attachment Pattern and Ego Identity Status a

o

g~

m. o

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Kroger

attachment styles. Moratoriums such as Josselson's (1982) "practicing" women wanting to " d o it alone" would likely show more styles of detachment than Donovan's "rapprochement-like" moratoriums (cited in Marcia, 1976), whose ambivalence over separateness in attaining positions of power might give rise to anxious attachment feelings. Moratoriums observed by Podd et al. (1970) in a "push-pull" pattern with authority similarly suggest rapprochement organization underscored by anxious attachment needs. Identity achievers from this study, however, did evidence the expected secure attachment style, indicative of probable resolution to the adolescent rapprochement crisis. Contrary to expectation, no significant differences in attachment styles appeared for foreclosures or diffusions; furthermore, no differences on such measures appeared when these two low identity statuses were combined. Difficulties in adapting the identity status rating manual to the realities of the New Zealand context may partially explain these results. Appearing in this study were a breed of foreclosures not detailed empirically in previous work using the Ego Identity Status Interview (Bourne, 1978a, 1978b; Marcia, 1980), although Waterman (1982) has postulated their theoretical existence: "[One can] become a Foreclosure by latching onto the first real possibility that is presented without ever evaluating other courses of action" (Waterman, 1982, p. 342). Such young New Zealanders in the present study evidenced strong commitment without exploration, but also without assumption of parental or peer values; they will be described more fully later in the discussion. Such foreclosures, adopting an unexamined commitment different from parental values, might be expected to evidence greater intrapsychic differentiat{0n (in the form of less anxious attachment) than the more prototypic foreclosure who maintains unquestioned childhood values. The relatively large percentage (31.4070) of detachment foreclosures is interesting. Such individuals might be expected to undergo an identity crisis in the not-too-distant future, in contrast to foreclosures who evidenced an anxious attachment style. It is noteworthy that only the foreclosures were severely anxiously attached, and all were prototypic. (One such young man was unable to give responses to a scene depicting a child standing by mother's coffin, indicating it was not possible for him even to think about this situation). In interviews, a number of diffusions resembled prototypic foreclosures in references to family attachments. The anxious attachment style characterized individuals who, unable to articulate or make commitments of their own, still seemed deeply embedded in the family nest. Secure attachment was often shown by diffusions who had difficulty in describing the identity status criterion areas as issues of importance in their lives. Relationships with friends and family were often described as

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surmounting the importance of occupational and ideological issues, particularly with the threat of nuclear war (the New Zealand government had recently adopted an antinuclear stance in response to public pressure) and problems resulting from the economic recession. The diversity of attachment patterns within identity statuses would, perhaps, partly explain the lack of significance for reported numbers of separations experienced across the identity stances. The association of mild separation experiences with commitment may indicate that nontraumatic realizations of separateness are important to the act of commitment. Finally, expected sex differences on attachment and individuation systems did not appear, although females did show more responses indicative of painful tension. Thus, while some evidence exists that females may respond to separation and loss differently than males, empirical results from the SAT do not support predictions made from the work of Chodorow (1978) or Gilligan (1982) that individuation responses are associated with males, while connection responses are associated with females. This finding may, however, be characteristic only of the New Zealand setting. Before concluding, a cautionary note must be sounded regarding the use of the Ego Identity Status Interview in the New Zealand context. Cultural and economic conditions necessitated some modifications of the original scoring manual. First, problems often arose in differentiating occupational moratoriums from diffusions because of effects of the economic recession. In fact, not attempting to make an occupational commitment but remaining open to many (any) alternatives seemed a more adaptive coping strategy for young New Zealanders in the present economic climate. Alternatively, downgrading the value of an occupational identity in the "overall scheme of things" to avoid the high probability of disappointment was a second, seemingly adaptive, coping mechanism. Thus, individuals who could articulate areas of occupational interest, but realized they might have to "bounce around" for their actual income were regarded as moratoriums rather than diffusions. Furthermore, Marcia's prototypic foreclosure was infrequently interviewed, at least among Pakeha students of New Zealand origin. Using the criterion of strong commitment without exploration and with adoption of parental values, an earlier New Zealand study, sampling women volunteers in a large first-year university education course, found only I 1O7o to be foreclosed in an age group comparable to that of the present study (Kroger, 1983). The present investigation decided to rate as foreclosed any individual showing strong commitment without exploration, regardless of parental learnings; by far the more common foreclosure pattern of this research was the latter. Typical of the New Zealand foreclosed was a

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Kroger

third-year student committed to teaching, who had the following to say about her career decision at age 16: "Well, I just sat down one day after hockey practice and said, 'Right; that's it, I want to teach.' I hadn't thought much about it b e f o r e . . , sometimes I think I missed s o m e t h i n g . . , it was just so easy for me. I watched my brother go through so much to decide, but it just wasn't that way for me." No relative or friend (adult or peer) appeared to have influenced her decision in any major way. An intending lawyer had made his commitment while watching a television law documentary, and an accountant-to-be had just tried to think what he could do while reading the financial column in a newspaper one evening before finishing secondary school. Again, no major familial or peer influences appeared in reports of the commitment process. In trying to account for the two foreclosure patterns, it is important to point out that New Zealand's partly socialized economy means that university students are paid a government stipend and are not reliant on parents for financial support, as would be characteristic of many youth in North American universities; hence, there may be less pressure on New Zealand students to live out parental dreams because of their financial independence during their university studies. Finally, diffusions often expressed feelings of closeness to families in their interviews (not characteristic of North American or Danish research), but either were not interested in or able to form occupational or ideological values for themselves; alternatively, some held strong, overriding commitments to philosophies of life that were not captured by the criterion areas of the identity status interview (e.g., "Having a happy life, living each moment as it comes, just being, is more important to me than anything you've asked about," responded a first-year English major). Thus, caution regarding the meaning of identity status criterion areas in the New Zealand cultural context must be exercised when interpreting results. Indeed, Erikson's entire model of psychosocial development may be less applicable for those growing up in extended family circumstances (Bettleheim, 1969); such a background was characteristic of Polynesian and Asian students in the present study. In general, this investigation points to numerous intrapsychic organizations that may underlie the more global identity status ratings; furthermore, SAT attachment patterns may allow a more detailed understanding of the actual separation-individuation process during adolescence and provide a useful diagnostic supplement to the identity status interview. It may be possible, for example, to predict individuals of various identity statuses most likely to change in the near future on the basis of SAT patterns. However, this study also raises some issues regarding the complexities of commitment versus noncommitment and appropriate

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criterion areas for assessment when the identity status framework is removed from its culture of origin. This study points out the necessity o f defining, more carefully, what is implied by " e x p l o r a t i o n " prior to commitment. While Grotevant and Cooper (1981) and Matteson (1977) have attempted to quantify " b r e a d t h " and " d e p t h " dimensions for this factor, it seems important to elaborate upon the process in terms o f both cognitive and behavioral components. One might speculate that for the majority o f foreclosures in the present study, some sort o f cognitive processing must have occurred prior to the seemingly spontaneous decisions of commitment. Though behavioral evidence o f exploration was lacking, the cognitive processes o f this group need to be explored in more detail to understand the form o f identity resolution these nonprototypic foreclosures made. Furthermore, care is needed in selecting issues of importance to the particular culture at a particular point in time which discriminate a m o n g individuals in the process o f decision making; the decision of how to structure one's time or how to balance work, leisure, and relationships m a y have been more suitable areas for exploration and c o m m i t m e n t a m o n g university students in the present New Zealand setting. Thus, the study o f intrapsychic processes underlying various ego identity statuses offers an opportunity to unravel the intricacies o f adolescent identity formation in some detail; care is needed, however, when transplanting the ego identity status model into foreign settings.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to express my appreciation to Dr. J a m e s Marcia for his time in dicussions which stimulated ideas for this study. Thanks also to Rita Chung and Grant D u f f y for their research assistance and to the students who volunteered their time to allow a closer glimpse o f the identity formation process.

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Separation-individuation and ego identity status in New Zealand university students.

This study explores intrapsychic structures underlying Marcia's ego identity statuses in terms of separation-individuation patterns. It was hypothesiz...
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