Religious involvement and death anxiety.

OMEGA, Vol. 69(1) 59-78, 2014

RELIGIOUS INVOLVEMENT AND DEATH ANXIETY*

NEAL KRAUSE, PH.D. R. DAVID HAYWARD, PH.D. University of Michigan

ABSTRACT

The purpose of this study is to test a conceptual model that aims to clarify the relationship between religious commitment and death anxiety. This model contains the following hypotheses: (1) people who affiliate with Conservative Protestant congregations will be more likely to attend worship services; (2) people who go to church more often will be more likely to feel they belong in their congregations; (3) those who feel they belong in their congregations will be more deeply committed to their faith; (4) individuals who are more deeply committed to their faith will be more likely to forgive others; (5) people who forgive others are more likely to feel they have been forgiven by God; and (6) individuals who feel they are forgiven by God will experience less death anxiety. Data from a nationwide survey of older Mexican Americans provides support for each hypothesis.

The core tenets of terror management theory (TMT) specify that the awareness of impending death is a source of great distress for many people (Becker, 1973). However, a number of researchers have argued that religion can significantly *This research was supported by grants from the John Templeton Foundation and the National Institute on Aging (RO1 AG026259).

59 Ó 2014, Baywood Publishing Co., Inc. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/OM.69.1.d http://baywood.com

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reduce feelings of death anxiety because it is based on concepts that cannot be disconfirmed easily and because many faith traditions hold out the promise of literal immortality (Vail, Rothschild, Weise, Solomon, Pytszczyaski, & Greenberg, 2010). But religion is a complex construct that subsumes a bewildering array of dimensions and conceptual components (Fetzer Institute/National Institute on Aging Working Group, 1999). Therefore, it is not surprising to find that researchers have found that a wide range of religion measures are associated with diminished feelings of death anxiety. For example, Harding, Flannelly, and Costa (2005) report that belief in the existence of God as well as belief in an afterlife is associated with less death anxiety. In contrast, Cohen et al. (2005) examined the relationship between intrinsic and extrinsic religiousness and death anxiety. Intrinsic religiousness refers to individuals who have a sincere approach to their faith, whereas people with an extrinsic religious orientation have ulterior motives for being involved in a congregation (e.g., they attend in order to cultivate social relationships). Cohen et al. (2005) found that greater intrinsic religiousness was associated with diminished feelings of death anxiety while an extrinsic orientation was associated with greater death anxiety. Unlike the other studies that have been discussed so far, Harville et al. (2003-2004) assessed the relationship between other select aspects of religion and a measure of death-related depression. They found that people who were more certain about their religious beliefs tended to experience less depression that is associated with death. Finally, Krause and Bastida (2012) report that older people with a deeper sense of religiously-based meaning in life tend to experience less death anxiety. Although it may seem as though any facet of religion may reduce feelings of death anxiety, it is surprising to find that Hood, Hill, and Spilka (2009) report that when the literature is taken as a whole, findings from research on religious involvement and death anxiety are inconsistent. However, they go on to point out that there is an exception to this overall pattern of findings. More specifically, these investigators note that feelings of death anxiety appear to be lower among people who are deeply committed to their faith. The notion that strong commitment to a faith tradition tends to allay fears associated with death makes sense, but it does not go far enough. Part of being committed to a faith tradition involves endorsing a specific set of religious beliefs. Consequently, researchers should be able to resolve inconsistencies in research by looking beyond religious commitment per se to the specific religious beliefs that people embrace. The purpose of the current study is to examine the relationship between religious commitment and feelings of death anxiety. In the process, we aim to contribute to the literature in three potentially important ways. First, we cast the study of religious commitment and death anxiety in a wider context by developing a conceptual model that uses social identity theory to show how feelings of religious commitment arise (Ysseldyk, Matheson, & Anisman, 2010). Second, this perspective is developed further by arguing that specific beliefs about forgiveness by God mediate the effects of strong religious commitment on death anxiety.

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Third, in the process of addressing these conceptual issues, our model is estimated with data provided by members of a racial/ethnic group that has largely been overlooked in research on religion and death anxiety - older Mexican-Americans. The theoretical underpinnings of our work are provided below in three main sections. We begin by reviewing the literature on Mexican-American views of death in order to embed our work in a wider cultural framework. Following this, the conceptual model that guided our empirical analysis is presented. Finally, the data for this study was provided by a nationwide sample of older Mexican Americans. Consequently, it is important to briefly reflect on the nature of the relationship between religious involvement and death anxiety among people who are in the final stage of life. MEXICAN AMERICAN VIEWS ABOUT DEATH One of the most popular Mexican American festivals is Dias de Los Muertos (Day of the Dead; Fernandez, 2007). This is a time when dead loved ones are remembered in a number of ways. For example, altars are typically constructed in the home and are adorned with pictures of the deceased surrounded by flowers, candles, and even their favorite food or drink. During this festival, family members also go to the cemetery to decorate and clean the graves of a loved one who has passed away. Sometimes these graveside visits turn into all night vigils. Although there is a solemn side to Dias de Los Muertos, it is a festive time as well. Parades are held and the individuals who participate in them dress in costumes that reflect some aspect of death. For example, some wear costumes that have full body length skeletons painted on them. Special candies and breads in the shape of a skull or crossbones are also prepared (e.g., pan de muertos—dead bread). But beneath the gaiety and celebration lies a important social function. As Leon (2004) points out, “. . . the living and dead family members and friends are joined together in an atmosphere of communion and spiritual regeneration” (p. 124). The festive nature of Dias de Los Muertos, as well as the belief that the living are reunited with the dead, would seem to suggest that Mexican Americans are not unduly troubled by feelings of death anxiety. However, the scant research that is available suggests otherwise. Some time ago, Markides (1981) reviewed the literature on the death-related attitudes of Mexican Americans. He observed that even though festivals like Dias de Los Muertos seem to convey an acceptance of death and a high level of comfort with it, “. . . many Mexican Americans have difficulty dealing with death—their own and that of others” (Markides, 1981, p. 80). Similar views were expressed by Brandes (2006), who notes that, “. . . funerals belie the popular image of Mexicans as unafraid of death, jocular when confronted by death, and maintaining an intimate, almost cozy relationship with death” (p. 5). Some investigators suggest that the paradoxical views of death in MexicanAmerican culture may be traced to broad historical factors in which relatively positive Aztec views of death became synthesized with a Catholic perspective that


emphasizes fear of final judgment (Doran & Hansen, 2006). However, additional changes in Mexican-American culture further cloud the issue. During the past century, a growing number of Latinos have left the Catholic Church to join Conservative Protestant congregations (i.e., Evangelical, Pentecostal, Charismatic). Espinosa (1999) refers to this exodus as a “religious revolution” (p. 597). In fact, Espinosa, Elizondo, and Miranda (2003) report that approximately 28% of all Latinos are members of Pentecostal or Charismatic denominations. This shift is consequential for the current study because research by Vila (2005) suggests that the defining characteristic of Conservative Protestant congregations in the Mexican-American community has to do with the assurance of being saved belief that comes from developing a personal relationship with Jesus Christ. Viewed broadly, the literature that is reviewed in this section is consistent with the theme we developed earlier. More specifically, the literature suggests that Mexican American views of death, and therefore their feelings of death anxiety, are complex and may depend upon the specific belief systems that are upheld. This perspective is further refined in the section that follows by weaving denominational affiliations, religious commitment, and specific religious beliefs into a more tightly integrated whole. A CONCEPTUAL MODEL OF RELIGIOUS BELIEFS AND FEELINGS OF DEATH ANXIETY The latent variable model that was developed for this study is presented in Figure 1. Two steps were taken to simplify the presentation of this conceptual scheme. First, the elements of the measurement model (i.e., the factor loadings and measurement error terms) are not depicted graphically in Figure 1, even though a full measurement model was estimated during the data analytic phase of this study. Second, the relationships among the constructs in the model were estimated after the effects of age, sex, education, and marital status were controlled statistically. Although a number of relationships are embedded in Figure 1, the following linkages capture the core theoretical thrust of this conceptual scheme: 1. Mexican Americans who affiliate with conservative Protestant congregations will be more likely to attend worship services than Mexican Americans who are members of other faith traditions; 2. Mexican Americans who go to church more often will be more likely to feel they belong in their congregations; 3. those who feel they belong in the place where they worship will feel more deeply committed to their faith; 4. individuals who feel more deeply committed to their faith will be more likely to forgive others; 5. people who forgive others are more likely to feel they have been forgiven by God; and


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Figure 1. A conceptual model of religious commitment and death anxiety.

6. Mexican Americans who feel they are forgiven by God are less likely to experience feelings of death anxiety. The theoretical rationale for these linkages is provided briefly below. Conservative Protestant Affiliation and Church Attendance In her in-depth study of Latino Pentecostal churches, Sanchez Walsh (2003) maintains that, “Loyalty and authority remain essential to understanding how religious identity operates within the confines of the church” (p. 103). She goes on to point out that one of the ways in which loyalty is demonstrated is through regular attendance at worship services. This view is supported by empirical research which shows that Conservative Protestants are more likely to attend worship services than individuals who affiliate with other faith traditions (Barna, 2002). Church Attendance and Belonging According to the central tenets of social identity theory, if individuals want to be part of a group, and if they want to be accepted by the other group members, then they must participate in the rituals of the group (Ysseldyk et al., 2010). This


principle emerges in the findings reported by Sanchez Walsh (2003), who indicates that, “The Pentecostal . . . enactment of rites, specifically, helps to raise the sense of community. . . .” (p. 113). It is for this reason that it is hypothesized in Figure 1 that more frequent church attendance will be associated with a stronger sense of belonging in a congregation. Belonging and Religious Commitment If individuals identify with a group and feel they belong in it, then social identity theory suggests that they will be motivated to internalize the beliefs of other group members (Ysseldyk et al., 2010). As Vila (2005) reports, Mexican Americans who are members of Conservative Protestant congregations are expected to demonstrate “fervent commitment” to their faith that is expected to “permeate all realms of the convert’s life” (p. 78). It follows from this that Mexican Americans who are Conservative Protestants will be more deeply committed to their faith because they are more likely to feel they belong in the place where they worship. This perspective helps show why Stark and Finke (2000) maintain that people will express strong commitment to their faith if they are surrounded by individuals who are more deeply committed to their religious beliefs. Religious Commitment and Forgiveness of Others As Lundberg (2010) points out, forgiveness of others is one of the core tenets of Christianity. So if individuals are more deeply committed to their faith, then it follows that they should be more willing to forgive others for the things they have done. This is in fact what several studies reveal (e.g., Covert & Johnson, 2009; Wade, Meyer, Goldman, & Post, 2008). We aim to capitalize on these findings by using them to lay the groundwork for showing how specific religious beliefs are associated with death anxiety. However, two additional steps are needed to fully develop this line of reasoning. Forgiveness of Others and Feeling Forgiven by God As the literature on forgiveness evolved, researchers quickly became aware that this complex conceptual domain involves more than forgiving others—it is also important to assess being forgiven by God (McCullough, Pargament, & Thoresen, 2000). Although the distinction between the two types of forgiveness is widely recognized in the literature, fewer researchers are aware that there may be a substantive relationship between the two. Consistent evidence of this comes from three sources. The first is C. S. Lewis, who was one of the most influential Christian writers of the past century. In his widely-cited volume, Mere Christianity, (Lewis, 1952), he unequivocally states that Christian doctrine makes it, “. . . perfectly clear that if we do not forgive we shall not be forgiven (by God)” (p. 116; see also John Calvin, 1536/2006, p. 152). Second, Exline (2008) provides


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empirical evidence for this notion by showing that some people believe that forgiving others is a necessary prerequisite for being forgiven by God. This view is captured in the following item that was taken from her study: “If I do not forgive others, God will not forgive me” (Exline, 2008, p. 131). Third, precisely the same view is reported in a qualitative study by Krause and Ingersoll-Dayton (2001). One of the participants in their study stated that, “If I don’t forgive you, He (God) is not going to forgive me. That’s almost an unpardonable sin” (Krause & Ingersoll-Dayton, 2001, p. 261). Based on the findings from these sources, it is predicted in Figure 1 that study participants who forgive others will be more likely to believe they have been forgiven by God. Forgiveness by God and Death Anxiety According to the basic tenets of terror management theory, one of the main functions of religion is to help people cope more effectively with overwhelming feelings of terror that arise from awareness of their own mortality (Vail et al., 2010). This function is performed in the following way. An individual’s value, and therefore their worthiness for attaining immortality, depends upon living up to the standards that are laid out in sacred texts. However, since all individuals fall short of engaging in proscribed religious behaviors, it is important to focus on their beliefs about the consequences of falling short of religious goals. If a person believes they have been forgiven by God for their transgressions, then it follows that their sense of worthiness for attaining immortality should remain intact. But if they believe they have not been forgiven by God for breeching religious standards, then they are likely to be more anxious about what awaits them in the afterlife.

RELIGION AND DEATH ANXIETY IN LATE LIFE Recall that the data for this study were provided by older Mexican Americans. Although it is not possible to examine age differences in religiousness and death anxiety with these data, it is important to briefly reflect on how studying people who are at this stage in the life course might influence the study findings. There do not appear to be any studies in the literature that assess whether feelings of death anxiety change over the life course of older Mexican Americans. However, data that was obtained in the general population suggests that feelings of death anxiety tend to be lower in late life than in either mid-life or young adulthood (Thorson & Powell, 1994). Although the reasons for these age differences are not clear, Neimeyer (1994b) suggests that they may be due, in part, to differences in religious involvement over the life course. More specifically, a number of researchers suspect that people become more religious as they grow older (see Krause, 2008, for a review of this research). If this is true, then the influence of the


religion on feelings of death anxiety should be especially evident in samples comprised of older people. METHODS Sample The population for the current study was defined as all Mexican Americans aged 66 and over who were retired (i.e., not working for pay), not institutionalized, and who speak either English or Spanish. The sampling frame consisted of all eligible study participants who resided in the following five-state area: Texas, Colorado, New Mexico, Arizona, and California. The sampling strategy that was used for the widely-cited Hispanic Established Population for Epidemiological Study (HEPESE) was adopted for the current study (see Markides, 2003, for a detailed discussion of the steps that were followed). All interviews were conducted by Harris Interactive (New York). The interviews were administered face-to-face in the homes of the older study participants. Because all of the interviewers were bilingual, study participants were able to choose whether they wanted to be interviewed in either English or Spanish. The wide majority of interviews (84%) were conducted entirely in Spanish. Interviewing took place in 2009-2010. A total of 1,005 interviews were completed successfully. The response rate was 52%. As shown in Figure 1, a sense of belonging in one’s congregation figures prominently in the study model. When this survey was being designed, the members of the research team felt it did not make sense to ask study participants about their sense of belonging in a congregation if they either don’t attend church at all or if they only go to church rarely. Consequently, questions on belonging were not administered to study participants who indicated that they go to church services no more than once or twice a year. After deleting these study participants from the sample, the analyses presented below are based on the responses of 663 older Mexican Americans. The full information maximum likelihood estimation (FIML) procedure was used to impute missing values in the data. Simulation studies suggest that the FIML procedure is preferable to listwise deletion because listwise deletion may produce biased estimates (Enders, 2010). Preliminary analyses reveal that the average age of the older Mexican Americans in this sample was 73.4 years (SD = 6.2 years), approximately 39% were older men, the average number of years of schooling was 6.7 (SD = 3.9 years), and approximately 56.3% were married at the time the survey took place. Measures Table 1 contains the measures that were used in this study. The procedures that were used to code these indicators are provided in the footnotes of this table.


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Table 1. Core Study Measures 1. Conservative Protestant Affiliationa Binary variable contrasting Conservative Christians with all others. 2. Church Attendanceb How often do you attend religious services? 3. Sense of Belonging in a Congregationc A. I feel like I really belong in my congregation. B. Being a member of my congregation is an important part of who I am. C. I feel welcomed in my congregation. D. I feel accepted by the people in my congregation. 4. Religious Commitmentc A. My faith shapes how I think and act each and every day. B. I try hard to carry my religious beliefs over into all my other dealings in life. C. My religious beliefs are what lie behind my whole approach to life. 5. Forgiveness of Others A. How often do you feel resentful towards others for things they have done?d B. How often do you hold a grudge?d C. How often do you forgive others for things they have done to you?e 6. Forgiveness by God A. I have done some things that even God may not forgive.d B. I believe God has forgiven me for the things I have done wrong.f 7. Death Anxietyc A. I find it hard to face up to the fact that I will die. B. Thinking about death makes me feel uneasy. C. I do not feel prepared to face my own death. D. I am disturbed by the shortness of life. aThis variable is scored in the following manner (coding in parenthesis): affiliates with all other denominations (0); Conservative Protestant (1). bThis variable is scored in the following manner: several times a week (9); every week (8); nearly every week (7); 2-3 times a month (6); about once a month (5); several times a year (4); about once or twice a year (3); less than once a year (2); never (1). cThese variables are scored in the following manner: strongly disagree (1); disagree (2); agree (3); strongly agree (4). dThese variables are scored in the following manner: strongly agree (1); agree (2); disagree (3); strongly disagree (4). eThis variable is scored in the following manner: never (1); once in a while (2); fairly often (3); very often (4). fThis variable is scored in the following manner: strongly disagree (1); disagree (2); uncertain (3); agree (4); strongly agree (5).


Conservative Protestant Affiliation A detailed series of questions were administered at the beginning of the survey to determine the religious preferences of the study participants. Once a specific denominational affiliation was identified, the coding scheme provided by Smith (1990) was used to determine if a respondent affiliates with a Conservative Protestant congregation. Preliminary analysis reveals that 21.6% of the study participants self-identified as Conservative Protestants. A binary variable was created which contrasts Conservative Protestants with people who affiliate with all other denominations. Church Attendance

The measure of church attendance reflects how often older study participants attended worship services in the past year. This measure was taken from the Fetzer Institute/National Institute on Aging Working Group (1999). A high score represents more frequent attendance. The mean level of church attendance is 7.0 (SD = 1.5). Sense of Belonging in a Congregation

Four indicators were used to measure the extent to which older Mexican Americans feel they belong in the place where they worship. A high score stands for a greater sense of belonging. These indicators were taken from the work of Krause and Bastida (2011). The mean of these measures is 13.7 (SD = 2.0). Religious Commitment

This construct was assessed with three indicators that come from the Fetzer Institute/National Institute on Aging Working Group (1999). A high score represents stronger religious commitment. The mean of this measure is 9.9 (SD = 1.6). Forgiving Others

As shown in Table 1, forgiveness of others is measured with three items. These indicators were developed through an extensive series of qualitative and quantitative studies (see Krause, 2002, for a discussion of the development of these indicators). These items assess whether older study participants feel resentful toward others, hold a grudge, and whether they are able to forgive people for things they have done. A high score on these indicators represents respondents who are more forgiving. The mean is 10.2 (SD = 1.7). Forgiveness by God

This construct was measured with two items that were also developed with the procedures described by Krause (2002). A high score on these indicators denotes study participants who believe they have been forgiven by God. The correlation between the two measures is .215 (p < .001). The mean is 8.5 (SD = 1.3).


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Death Anxiety

Four indicators were used to measure death anxiety. These items were taken from scales that are in the literature (see Neimeyer, 1994a, for a discussion of these measures). These indicators ask older study participants whether thinking about death makes them uneasy, whether they are prepared to face their own death, whether they are disturbed by the shortness of life, and whether it is hard for them to face up to the fact that they will die. These items are coded so that a high score reflects more anxiety about dying. The mean of the brief composite that was developed by summing the scores on these items is 8.2 (SD = 2.6). Demographic Control Variables

Recall that the relationships among the constructs in Figure 1 were evaluated after the effects of age, sex, education, and marital status were controlled statistically. Age is scored in a continuous format and education reflects the total number of years of schooling that was completed successfully by study participants. In contrast, sex (1 = men; 0 = women) and marital status (1 = married; 0 = otherwise) are scored in a binary format. RESULTS The findings from this study are presented below in three sections. The first section contains a discussion of issues involving the estimation of the study model as well as information on the fit of the latent variable model to the data. Internal consistency reliability estimates are provided in section two for the multiple item measures. Following this, substantive results are reviewed in the third section. Assessing the Fit of the Model to the Data The model depicted in Figure 1 was estimated with maximum likelihood procedure in Version 8.80 of the LISREL statistical software program (du Toit & du Toit, 2001). However, use of the maximum likelihood estimator is based on the assumption that the observed indicators have a multivariate normal distribution. Preliminary tests (not shown here) revealed that this assumption had been violated in the current study. Although there are a number of ways to deal with departures from multivariate normality, the straightforward approach provided by du Toit and du Toit (2001) was followed here. More specifically, these investigators report that departures from multivariate normality can be handled by converting raw scores on the observed indicators to normal scores prior to estimating the model (du Toit & du Toit, 2001, p. 43). Based on this recommendation, the analyses presented below were performed with observed indicators that have been normalized. Because the FIML procedure was used to handle item non-response, the LISREL software program provides only two goodness-of-fit measures. The first is the full


information maximum likelihood chi-square value (c2 = 714.342 with 160 df, p < .001). Unfortunately, this statistic is not very informative because chi-square values are quite sensitive to the size of a study sample (i.e., chi-square values based on large samples are often significant, indicating a poor fit to the data). However, the second goodness-of-fit measure is more useful—the root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA). The RMSEA value for the model in Figure 1 is .074. As Kelloway (1998) reports, values below .05 represent a very good fit of the model to the data, while values up to .10 indicate a good fit of the model to the data. Based on these guidelines, the fit of the model to the data appears to be adequate. Reliability Estimates Table 2 contains the factor loadings and measurement error terms that were derived from estimating the study model. These coefficients are important because

Table 2. Factor Loadings and Measurement Error Terms for Multiple Item Measures (N = 663) Construct 1. Sense of Belonging in a Congregation A. I feel I really belongc B. Important part of who I am C. I feel welcomed D. I feel accepted 2. Religious Commitment A. My faith shapes B. Carry beliefs over C. Beliefs lie behind whole life 3. Forgiveness of Others A. Feel resentful toward others B. Hold a grudge C. Forgive others 4. Forgiveness by God A. Done things God does not forgive B. God has forgiven me 5. Death Anxiety A. Hard to face up to dying B. Death makes me uneasy C. Not prepared to face death D. Disturbed by shortness of life

Factor Loadinga

Measurement Errorb

.611 .568 .942 .944

.627 .678 .113 .109

.857 .892 .857

.266 .205 .265

.658 .865 .530

.568 .252 .719

.553 .606

.694 .632

.816 .797 .590 .681

.333 .368 .652 .537

aThe factor loadings are from the completely standardized solution. The first-listed item for each latent construct was fixed to 1.0 in the unstandardized solution. bMeasurement error terms are from the completely standardized solution. All factor loadings and measurement error terms are significant a the .001 level. cItem content is paraphrased for the purpose of identification. See Table 1 for the complete text of each indicator.


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they provide information on the reliability of the multiple item study measures. However, researchers have yet to reach a consensus on the cut point for identifying acceptable factor loadings. For example, Kline (2005) suggests that items with standardized factor loadings in excess of .600 tend to have good reliability while Shevlin and Miles (1998) report that factor loadings of .500 are of “medium” magnitude. As the data in Table 2 indicate, the standardized factor loadings range from .530 to .944, suggesting that the reliability of the multiple-item measures is adequate. Although the factor loadings and measurement error terms that are associated with the observed indicators provide useful information about the reliability of each item, it would be helpful to know something about the reliability for the multiple item scales as a whole. Fortunately, it is possible to compute these reliability estimates with a formula provided by DeShon (1998). This procedure is based on the factor loadings and measurement error terms in Table 2. Applying the formula described by DeShon (1998) to these data yields the following reliability estimates for the multiple item constructs in this study: belonging in a congregation (.860), religious commitment (.902), forgiving others (.783), and death anxiety (.815). Substantive Findings The substantive findings that were derived from estimating the study model are presented in Table 3. Consistent with the theoretical rationale that was provided earlier, the results reveal that compared to older people who affiliate with other faith traditions, Conservative Protestants attend worship services more frequently (b = .282; p < .001). The findings further indicate that older Mexican Americans who attend church more often are more likely to feel as though they belong in the place where they worship (b = .198; p < .001). And older study participants who feel they belong in their congregations are more likely to report that they are committed to their faith (b = .185; p < .001). The data in Table 3 suggest that older Mexican Americans who are more deeply committed to their faith are, in turn, more likely to say they forgive others for the things they have done (b = .102; p < .01). This is important because the findings indicate that older people who forgive others are also more likely to feel they have been forgiven by God (b = .137; p < .05). Finally, the results reveal that older Mexican Americans who feel they have been forgiven by God are less likely to be troubled by feelings of death anxiety (b = –.693; p < .001). The magnitude of this relationship is quite strong by social and behavioral science standards. Taken together, the variables in the study model explain 42.5% of the variance in feelings of death anxiety. One advantage of working with latent variable models arises from the fact that it is possible to compute the direct, indirect, and total effects that operate through a

*p < .05; **p < .01; ***p < .001.

.096

.040 (.009) –.078* (–.233) .112* (.040) .061 (.178) .282*** (.992)

–.013a (–.001)b .015 (.013) –.145 (–.005) –.048 (–.040)

.004

Church Attendance

Conservative Protestant

aStandardized regression coefficient. bMetric (unstandardized) regression coefficient.

Multiple R2

Forgiven by God

Forgiven Others

Religious Commitment

Belonging

Church Attendance

Conservative Protestant

Marital Status

Education

Sex

Age

Independent Variables

.111

.153*** (.010) –.110** (–.090) .074 (.007) –.006 (–.005) .104** (.101) .198*** (.055)

Belonging

.164

.001 (.001) –.144*** (–.144) –.020 (–.002) .018 (.018) .224*** (.226) .120** (.040) .185*** (.226)

.173

.107** (.008) .029 (.028) .040 (.005) .032 (.031) –.014 (–.016) .138** (.045) .284*** (.335) .102*** (.099)

Religious Commitment Forgive Others

Dependent Variables

Table 3. Religious Involvement and Connectedness with Others (N = 663)

.322

–.018 (–.002) –.014) (–.016) .103 (.013) –.038 (–.041) .053 (.069) –.017 (–.006) .113 (.150) .441*** (.483) .137* (.155)

Forgiven by God

.425

–.127** (–.013) –.077 (–.105) –.128** (–.021) –.022 (–.029) .025 (.040) –.069 (–.032) –.043 (–.071) .155** (.211) –.023 (–.033) –.639*** (–.793)

Death Anxiety



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study model. A simple example helps clarify the meaning of these terms. The model depicted in Figure 1 suggests that religious commitment is associated with greater forgiveness by God and greater forgiveness by God is, in turn, associated with less death anxiety. When this indirect effect is added to the direct effect that is reported in Table 3, the resulting total effect provides a better vantage point for viewing the relationship between religious commitment and death anxiety. Breaking down a relationship into direct, indirect, and total effects is known in the literature as the decomposition of effects (Alwin, 1988). Three decomposition of effects help clarify and add greater depth to the study findings. The first has to do with the relationship between religious commitment and death anxiety. At first, it would seem as though the direct effect of religious commitment on death anxiety is at odds with the conclusions that are reached by Hood et al. (2009). More specifically, the data in Table 3 indicate that a greater religious commitment is associated with stronger feelings of death anxiety (b = .155; p < .01). However, when this direct effect is added to the indirect effects that operate through the two forgiveness measures (b = –.293; p < .001; not shown in Table 3), the resulting total effect (b = –.138; p < .01; not shown in Table 3) is more in line with the review by Hood et al. (2009). The influence of a Conservative Protestant affiliation has been discussed at several junctures in this study. However, the data in Table 3 seem to indicate that the direct effect of worshiping in Conservative Protestant congregations on death anxiety is not statistically significant (b = .025; n.s.). However, when the indirect effects that operate through the model (b = –.117; p < .001; not shown in Table 3) are taken into account, the resulting total effect indicates that compared to older Mexican Americans who affiliate with other faith traditions, Conservative Protestants tend to experience somewhat lower levels of death anxiety (b = –.092; p < .05; not shown in Table 3). The third decomposition has to do with the relationship between forgiving others and death anxiety. The findings in Table 3 may create the impression that forgiving others has no bearing on concerns about death (b = –.023; n.s.). However, when the indirect effects that operate through forgiveness by God are taken into account (b = –.088; p < .05; not shown in Table 3), the resulting total effect (b = –.111; p < .05) suggests that forgiving others may help allay feelings of death anxiety. But given the relative difference in the size of the direct and indirect effects, a more precise conclusion would be that forgiving others tends to reduce feelings of death anxiety primarily because people are more likely to believe that doing so helps assure they will be forgiven by God.

DISCUSSION As we noted earlier, the basic tenets of terror management theory specify that people can experience a good deal of anxiety about dying (Vail et al., 2010).


However, researchers who endorse this theoretical perspective go on to argue that involvement in religion may help allay these fears. The purpose of the current study was to explore one way in which religion may perform this important function. We developed a latent variable model that is based on research which suggests that greater commitment to religious beliefs and values is associated with less death anxiety. But we aimed to move beyond this simple relationship to the study of specific religious beliefs because there is significant variation in the religious beliefs and values that individuals may become committed to. Forgiveness seemed especially well-suited for this purpose because, according to some faith traditions, it has clear implications for what a person might expect to find in the afterlife (Bancroft, 1996). The findings from our conceptual scheme provide support for the following relationships. First, the data suggest that Conservative Protestants are more likely to attend worship services than those who affiliate with other faith traditions. Second, individuals who attend church more often are more likely to feel they belong in the place where they worship. Third, people who feel they belong in their congregations are likely to be more committed to their faith. Fourth, those who are more deeply committed to their faith are more likely to forgive other people for the things they have done. Fifth, individuals who forgive others are more likely to believe they have been forgiven by God. And sixth, people who believe they have been forgiven by God experience less death anxiety. These results contribute to the literature in several potentially important ways. To begin with, other researchers have assessed whether constructs that are closely akin to religious commitment are associated with death anxiety (e.g., intrinsic religiousness; Cohen et al., 2005). We made an effort to take this research a step further by showing how the potentially beneficial effects of religious commitment might arise. More specifically, we showed that greater religious commitment is associated with forgiveness (both forgiveness of others and forgiveness by God) and that forgiveness, in turn, reduces feelings of death anxiety. This appears to be the first time that forgiveness has been linked empirically with death anxiety. In addition, we evaluated these relationships with data that were provided by a largely overlooked racial/ethnic group—older Mexican Americans. Finally, many of the studies that have been done so far focus solely on the direct effects of religion measures on death anxiety (e.g., Harding et al., 2005). We attempted to move beyond this by showing that there are logical and meaningful relationships among different dimensions of religion (e.g., belonging in a congregation and religious commitment). By following this strategy, we aimed to weave the literature into a more coherent whole. Although the model that we developed, and the findings that emerged from estimating it, may have contributed to the literature, a considerable amount of work remains to be done. For example, we focused on Mexican Americans only.


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Researchers need to know if the relationships we observed hold in other racial and ethnic groups. There is some evidence that older whites are less likely than older Mexican Americans to feel they have been forgiven by God (Krause, 2012). This raises the possibility that feeling forgiven by God may have a greater impact on death anxiety for older Mexican Americans than for older whites. Finding support for this hypothesis would be consistent with the greater emphasis on death-related issues in the Mexican-American community. In the process of exploring this as well as other issues, it is important for researchers to address the limitations in our work. One shortcoming is especially important in this respect. The data for this study were gathered at a single point in time, making it impossible to conclusively determine the direction of causality among the constructs in our study model. We proposed, for example, that people who feel they belong in a congregation are subsequently more likely to become committed to the beliefs of that faith tradition. But one might just as easily argue that individuals who are more committed to their faith are more likely to feel they belong among people with similar views. Clearly, this as well as other issues involving causality must be evaluated more rigorously with data that have been collected at more than one point in time. Man is the only creature who is aware of his mortality. This awareness inevitably raises questions about what, if anything, happens after death. Given the plethora of views on this issue (Hebblethwaite, 2010), as well as our inability to resolve the discrepancies among them, it is not difficult to see why some people may become anxious. But as the findings from the current study suggest, high levels of anxiety can be averted. Probing more deeply into the factors that assuage feelings of death anxiety holds out the promise of helping people live more comfortably in this life. We hope the issues we have raised and the findings we have presented encourage other investigators to address this important quality of life issue. REFERENCES Alwin, D. F. (1988). Structural equation models for research on human development and aging. In K. W. Schaie, R. T. Campbell, W. Meredith, & S. C. Rawlings (Eds.), Methodological issues in aging research (pp. 71-170). New York, NY: Springer. Bancroft, E. H. (1996). Elemental theology: An introduction to conservative doctrine. Grand Rapids, MI: Kregel. Barna, G. (2002). The state of the church 2002. Ventura, CA: Issachar Resources. Becker, E. (1973). The denial of death. New York, NY: Free Press. Brandes, S. (2006). Skulls to the living, bread to the dead: The Day of the Dead in Mexico and beyond. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Calvin, J. (1536/2006). The institutes of the Christian religion. In J. F. Thornton & S. B. Varenne (Eds.), John Calvin: Steward of God’s Covenant. (pp. 41-159). New York, NY: Random House.


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Direct reprint requests to: Neal Krause, Ph.D. Department of Health Behavior and Health Education School of Public Health University of Michigan 1415 Washington Heights Ann Arbor, MI 48109-2029 e-mail: [email protected]

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