AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY 154:479–485 (2014)
Patterns in Ritual Tooth Avulsion at Roonka Arthur C. Durband,1,2,3* Judith Littleton,4 and Keryn Walshe2,3 1
Department Department 3 Department 4 Department 2
of of of of
Sociology, Anthropology, and Social Work, Texas Tech University, Struck, Lubbock, TX Archaeology, Flinders University, Bedford Park, Australia Anthropology, Science Centre, South Australian Museum, Australia Anthropology, University of Auckland, Auckland, New Zealand
KEY WORDS
dental modification; Australia; Murray River; Holocene
ABSTRACT Tooth avulsion is the intentional removal of one or more teeth for ritual or aesthetic reasons, or to denote group affiliation. Typically the maxillary incisors are the teeth most often selected for removal. Previous authors have discussed the presence of tooth avulsions in several individuals recovered from Roonka, but those papers did not examine any patterns in those removals that might be present. Analysis of the tooth avulsions at Roonka reveals a change in the practice over time, with the older burials from phase II typically showing removal of both maxillary central incisors with a left side bias when only one tooth is removed,
and the more recent phase III burials showing only one incisor avulsed and a right side bias for removal. Frequencies in the practice also changed over time, with avulsions being much more common in the older phase II burials. Historical evidence suggests that any particular regional or social group would have its own particular pattern of tooth avulsion, so these changes in tooth avulsions at Roonka suggest that the site was either used by multiple groups of people for burials, or that there was significant cultural change during the occupation of the site. Am J Phys Anthropol 154:479–485, 2014. VC 2014 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
INTRODUCTION
Previous work at Roonka has suggested that there was long-term biological continuity over the long depositional history represented by the inhumations (Smith et al., 1988; Prokopec et al., 1994). Smith et al. (1988) found no indications of microevolutionary trends in tooth size or dental non-metric traits of the Roonka sample, indicating relative stability and genetic homogeneity over several thousand years. Prokopec et al. (1994) arrived at a similar conclusion after study of the crania and mandibles from Roonka. In contrast to this biological continuity, however, other evidence appears to suggest changes in cultural behavior over time at the site. Some of these identified changes include the sex composition of burials, burial modes, and the types of artifactual material in the graves (Pretty, 1986, 1988; Pate, 2006). Changes in cultural practices such as tooth avulsion have also reportedly taken place over time at Roonka (Smith et al., 1988; Prokopec et al., 1994). Ritual tooth avulsion, which involves the intentional removal of one or more teeth, has been practiced throughout much of Australia, particularly in the east and southeast (see review in Campbell, 1925: 83–107; Campbell, 1981). The practice was fairly common in the Murray-Darling basin, with men showing avulsions most frequently. Avulsions among women are more common along the Darling River, and in more northern
The site of Roonka, in the lower Murray River Valley of South Australia, was excavated between 1968 and 1977. During this time a large series of human remains were recovered; both as surface scatter after they had been revealed through extensive erosion as well as through a large scale salvage excavation (Pretty, 1971, 1977; Walshe, 2009). Several publications have discussed various aspects of these remains (Prokopec, 1975, 1979; Pietrusewsky, 1979; Prokopec et al., 1984, 1994; Smith et al., 1988; Pretty and Kricun, 1989; Pretty et al., 1998; Walshe, 2009), but a comprehensive description of these skeletons has not yet been published. These remains range in age from approximately 8,000 years BP to the time of European arrival in Australia (Pretty, 1977, 1986, 1988; Pate et al., 1998). The large series of burials, coupled with the time depth they represent, provide Roonka with a potential for illuminating aspects of Australian prehistory that is unmatched at other sites. In particular, discussions surrounding the "intensification" or "complexification" of Aboriginal society during the late Holocene (Lourandos, 1997; Pate, 2006) can be informed through study of the skeletons and associated archaeological remains. Likewise, debates over land use and occupation at sites like Roonka (Pardoe, 1988; Littleton, 2007; Littleton and Allen, 2007) can also be addressed. Roonka has been argued to represent a site with a single group in residence over a long period of time, with increasing social complexity into the late Holocene (Lourandos, 1997; Pardoe, 1988; Pate, 2006). Other authors (Littleton and Allen, 2007; Hiscock, 2008) find this evidence for "intensification" unconvincing, arguing that use of sites like Roonka would have been relatively infrequent and not indicative of continuous occupation by a single group of people. Ó 2014 WILEY PERIODICALS, INC.
*Correspondence to: Arthur C. Durband; Department of Sociology, Anthropology, and Social Work, Texas Tech University, MS 41012, Holden Hall 158, Lubbock, TX 79409-1012, USA. E-mail: [email protected] Received 30 April 2014; accepted 30 April 2014 DOI: 10.1002/ajpa.22531 Published online 14 May 2014 in Wiley Online Library (wileyonlinelibrary.com).
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areas of Australia (Pardoe, 2008). This practice appears to have a long history here (Campbell, 1981; Campbell and Prokopec, 1984; Webb, 1995). The upper central incisors are the teeth most often removed, followed by the upper lateral incisors, and only very rarely are the mandibular incisors avulsed (Campbell, 1925, 1981; Wood, 1968). The earliest example of this practice may be the Lake Mungo 3 individual, which is missing both lower canines (Webb, 1995). While it would be most unusual for canines to be avulsed, let alone the mandibular canines, Webb (1995) feels that intentional avulsion is the most likely explanation for their absence. Campbell and Prokopec (1984) find further evidence for tooth avulsion at 7,840 6 440 years BP at Roonka, and Macintosh et al. (1970; Macintosh, 1971) reported on tooth avulsion in the Lake Nitchie burial dating to 6,820 6 200 years BP. Other work discusses tooth avulsions in more modern Australian samples, including anthropological work on skeletal samples (Campbell, 1925, 1981; Wood, 1968; Elvery et al., 1998; Pardoe, 2001, 2008), and ethnographic observations of living people (Curr, 1883; Taplin, 1898; Howitt, 1904; Mathews, 1905; Spencer and Gillen, 1927; Thorpe, 1932; Sharp, 1939a, b; Elkin, 1940). This work documents regional and group differences in the practice of this distinctive ritual. This article will examine the practice of tooth avulsion at Roonka, including the specific patterns that are present in individuals that have participated in this form of body modification. These data will provide information on the prevalence of this activity, as well as highlight differences in removal patterns that could potentially reflect cultural change or the movement of different groups through the landscape.
MATERIALS AND METHODS The original Roonka crania and mandibles are housed at the South Australian Museum, and were examined by the lead author during July, 2012. Additional study of the remains, including the scoring of tooth wear, took place in January, 2014. Each cranium and mandible was examined visually for avulsed teeth in the maxillae and mandible. Following previous papers on this subject, a tooth was considered to have been intentionally avulsed if the tooth was missing and the alveolar region of the former socket was completely healed to a thin ridge, with no indication of trauma or other pathological conditions that would explain the loss of the tooth (Campbell, 1925, 1981; Smith, et al. 1988). While it is possible that accidental trauma could be responsible for the loss of one or more anterior teeth, Campbell (1981) has dismissed this possibility as too uncommon or infrequent to warrant consideration as a cause. Wear, another potential cause of tooth loss, was scored for teeth immediately adjacent to the avulsion, as well as on the M1s, using a scale adapted by Littleton and colleagues (2013) from a method devised by Scott (1979; Littleton and Frohlich, 1993). In the couple of cases where an individual had lost adjacent teeth postmortem the health of the alveoli was examined. One individual, A85, was mentioned by Prokopec (1979) as possibly having either agenesis or avulsion of the upper right lateral incisor. This individual has been included in the avulsed sample, but this possible alternative should be noted. To investigate patterns in the avulsions at Roonka the individuals are arranged by phases, after Pretty (1977, 1988). Roonka II is thought to date between 4,000 and American Journal of Physical Anthropology
7,000 years BP, though some radiocarbon ages are slightly older, and corresponds to a time period where the site was used solely as a necropolis (Pretty, 1977). A51 is said to come from Roonka II (Pretty, 1988) but has been dated to only about 1,230 years BP (Pate et al., 1998; Pretty et al., 1998), which underscores the challenges in understanding the stratigraphic relationships of these burials. Roonka III corresponds to a period of more intensive occupation of the site as a living area, and has been dated to less than 4,000 years BP (Pretty, 1977). While the relationships between phases II and III are somewhat imprecise at present, the radiocarbon ages that have been obtained from the phase III burials (Pate et al., 1998; Pretty et al., 1998) generally correspond to the scenario described by Pretty (1977, 1988).
RESULTS The individuals from Roonka identified as having tooth avulsions, and the individual teeth avulsed, are listed in Table 1. While most of these individuals have been identified in previous articles on this subject, this project identified some new evidence of this practice. Avulsions in A29 and A30A from Trench A have not been discussed by earlier authors. Some individuals found outside of Trench A (Baulk and Trench 1A) also have avulsions that are being reported here for the first time, probably due to the fact that previous papers on the Roonka series (Prokopec, 1979; Campbell and Prokopec, 1984; Pretty and Kricun, 1989; Smith et al., 1988) concentrate on only the material from Trench A. The A42189 individual from the Roonka Flat Dune will be discussed in more detail below. As shown in Table 1, tooth wear for this sample is moderate and sometimes heavy. However, the identified avulsions all show characteristic healing with no evidence of disease or trauma to the alveolus. The adjacent teeth and alveoli are likewise healthy with strong alveolar bone, and none of the worn teeth show open pulp cavities. The avulsions seen in the Roonka remains are generally similar to those reported for other Australian populations (Campbell, 1925, 1981; Wood, 1968; Elvery et al., 1998), with the upper central and lateral incisors being avulsed most frequently (Fig. 1, Fig. 3). But Roonka also shows two clear examples of mandibular tooth avulsion, with an additional two individuals that show possible mandibular avulsions. A107 from Roonka II has both lower central incisors avulsed (Fig. 2), and Skeleton 1 from Trench 1A shows avulsion of the lower right central incisor. Neither of these individuals show any signs of apical abscesses or other periodontal disease that could explain the loss of these mandibular teeth, and the adjacent teeth in A107 are strong and healthy. The Baulk 1 individual has a clear avulsion of the maxillary right lateral incisor, and evidence suggestive of an avulsion of the mandibular right central incisor, but postmortem damage to the mandibular alveoli make a firm diagnosis difficult. Individual A42189 from the Roonka Flat Dune may also show evidence of mandibular avulsions, but this individual’s dentition is difficult to interpret. The A42189 mandible has only six teeth and one empty socket anterior to the molars, and it is possible that some or all of these missing teeth are congenitally absent in this individual. The surviving teeth also show significant damage to the enamel, making identifications even more challenging, so radiographs or CT scans will
1670
3920
3780
8280
7710
1230
C14 date
I1s, Upper Left I2 Right I1 Right I1 Right I2 Right I2 Right I2 Right I2 Left I1
Left I1 I1s I1s I1s (but wax hides sockets) I1s Left I1 I1s Left I1, both Lower I1s
Upper Right I2, maybe Lower Right I1 Possibly Upper I1s Missing 3 lower unidentified teeth Upper Right I1, Lower Right I1
Upper Upper Upper Upper Upper Upper Upper Upper
Upper Upper Upper Upper Upper Upper Upper Upper
Avulsions
edentulous 8 enamel damaged 7
8 4 9 edentulous 4 5 8 6
7 9 8 8 6 6 5 9
Adjacent tooth wear
edentulous 10 enamel damaged 6
8 4 9 edentulous 5 5 8 7
7 10 9 7 7 7 4 9
Upper M1 wear
Unknown Dorsal erect Unknown Recumbent contracted
Contracted Contracted Contracted Dorsal extended Supine Dorsal extended Dorsal extended Contracted
Dorsal extended Erect Erect Dorsal extended Slumped erect Slumped erect Dorsal extended Slumped erect
Burial postures
None None Bone point 2 bone points, 2 stone flakes Buttons Shell Hearthstones Shell, quartz
Shell earrings? None Animal bones Small bones, flakes, seeds Ochre, shell, teeth Ochre Ochre, bone point Possible fish bone ornament
Grave goods
219.1
218.4 219.4
218.7
d13C
12.3
14 13.9
12.7
d15N
Dates from Pate et al. (1998) and Pretty et al. (1998). Isotopic data from Pate (1998). Dental wear scored by the authors using the scale from Littleton and colleagues (2013). Data on burial postures and grave goods obtained from unpublished site reports.
Roonka II A 37 A 51 A 63 A 66 A 89 A 104 A 106 A 107 Roonka IIIb A 12a A 21a A 23 A 29 A 30A A 65 A 85 A 92 Unknown Baulk 1 Baulk 2 A42189 Tr 1A Sk1
Phase/ Indiv
TABLE 1. Individuals with tooth avulsions arranged by phase, with particular pattern of avulsion, burial positioning, and any associated grave goods
TOOTH AVULSION AT ROONKA
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Fig. 1. Avulsion of lateral right incisor in Roonka Trench A individual A65. [Color figure can be viewed in the online issue, which is available at wileyonlinelibrary.com.]
Fig. 2. Avulsion of mandibular central incisors in Roonka Trench A individual A107. [Color figure can be viewed in the online issue, which is available at wileyonlinelibrary.com.]
be necessary in order to determine what teeth are present and which may be missing. When the data are collated by phase some general patterns do emerge. Roonka II commonly has avulsions of both maxillary central incisors, with five of the eight individuals with avulsions showing this pattern, and there is no evidence of lateral incisor removal. Three of the eight individuals associated with Roonka II, A37, 104, and 107, show avulsion of just one maxillary central incisor, and in each case it is the left tooth that is removed. A107 also shows avulsion of both mandibular central incisors, a pattern that appears to be unique at Roonka. Avulsion is not seen in all males of phase II, as American Journal of Physical Anthropology
Fig. 3. Avulsion of right central incisor in Roonka Trench 1A Skeleton 1. [Color figure can be viewed in the online issue, which is available at wileyonlinelibrary.com.]
previously reported (Smith et al., 1988; Prokopec et al., 1994), though it was performed on most of them (sex diagnoses from Pretty et al., 1998 and author). Pretty and Kricun (1989: 214) assert that "the single specimen with unilateral tooth avulsion [is] from the Roonka II period," a statement that is also not supported by the present reading of the data. Removal of single maxillary teeth is actually the most common manifestation of avulsion seen at Roonka, and is even seen multiple times in Roonka II (Table 1). The burials placed in Roonka III show different patterns of avulsions than those attributed to phase II. Whereas both maxillary central incisors are often avulsed in Roonka II, only a single central or lateral incisor is commonly removed during phase III. Only one phase III individual has had both maxillary central incisors avulsed, but this individual is also missing their maxillary left lateral incisor, a tooth that does not appear to have been removed during Roonka II. The remaining phase III individuals are missing only a single central or maxillary lateral incisor. These avulsions show a strong right side bias, with six of the seven single tooth avulsions on that side. Among those individuals with single avulsions, removal of the maxillary central or lateral incisors were split nearly evenly. Three individuals lost their central incisor and four lost their lateral incisor, and all lateral incisor avulsions were on the right side. This pattern of avulsion, with single maxillary incisors from the right side being the predominant manifestation, is quite different than the pattern seen during Roonka II. A85, an individual mentioned by Prokopec (1979) as possibly showing either an agenesis or avulsion of the right maxillary lateral incisor, fits well with the avulsion pattern shown throughout this phase and this influenced the decision to include that individual with the avulsed sample. There is no evidence for avulsion of mandibular teeth during Roonka III. The frequency of avulsions also appears to have changed during phase III, affecting a much lower percentage of burials than in phase II. Indeed, tooth avulsion is most commonly absent in phase III burials. Out of at least 27 identified male burials in phase III (Pretty et al., 1998)
TOOTH AVULSION AT ROONKA only eight show avulsions, compared to roughly 85% of males from Roonka II depending on sex diagnoses of fragmentary remains. A third subset of burials that have avulsions has not been assigned to either of the aforementioned phases. These include two individuals from the Baulk group of burials, one unusual individual from the Roonka Flat Dune mentioned above, and one individual from Trench 1A. Of these, Baulk Skeleton 2 has a pattern that is probably most similar to that seen in Roonka II, with both maxillary central incisors appearing to be avulsed, but damage in the area prevents a definitive diagnosis. The pattern seen in Baulk Skeleton 1 and Trench 1A Skeleton 1 differ from those seen in phases II or III. Both of these individuals have the maxillary right central incisor avulsed, and also appear to have the mandibular right central incisor avulsed as well. While both mandibles are somewhat damaged in the area in question, there are no partial roots or open alveoli that can be attributed to the right central incisor in either case. At the very least the maxillary teeth are clearly avulsed, but if the mandibular teeth are as well, which seems reasonable based on the available evidence, then these two individuals would tentatively represent another pattern of avulsions that would differentiate them from the individuals placed in phases II and III.
DISCUSSION While previous work identified the practice of tooth avulsion at Roonka (Prokopec, 1979; Smith et al., 1988; Pretty and Kricun, 1989; Prokopec et al., 1994), those projects did not pursue analysis of any specific patterns that might be present in the data. Based upon the results presented here, it would appear that there are distinct differences in tooth avulsion patterns over time at Roonka. Individuals interred in the Roonka II phase have only maxillary central incisors avulsed. In the majority of cases both central incisors are avulsed, though in three of eight cases only one maxillary central incisor was removed. In each instance where a single incisor was avulsed it was always on the left side. There are no avulsions of maxillary lateral incisors in phase II. Phase III individuals predominantly show removal of only one incisor, and in roughly half of these cases it is a maxillary lateral incisor that is avulsed. Phase III also shows a strong bias to the right side, with this pattern seen in six of the seven individuals with single avulsions. While maxillary avulsions were clearly the most common manifestation of this practice at Roonka, and the only type seen in phase III, mandibular removals are also seen in this collection. At least two, probably three, and possibly four, Roonka individuals, or roughly 17–22% of the overall sample of individuals with avulsions, show evidence for mandibular avulsion. If the phase III individuals, none of which show mandibular avulsions, are removed from the sample that prevalence jumps to 30–40% of the individuals from phase II and burials unassigned to a phase. Either of these rates of mandibular avulsion is significantly higher than the observed rate seen by other authors. Campbell (1925) reports only three cases of the removal of one or both lower incisors in more than 300 skulls, while Campbell (1981) found a mandibular avulsion in only one of the 262 mandibles he surveyed in Victoria. There is also a much higher proportion of avulsions in the older phase II sample when compared to the younger phase III indi-
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viduals. These data may suggest as many as seven different configurations of tooth avulsion in the eighteen individuals with evidence for this practice (excepting the unusual A42189 individual). While it is unwise to attempt to draw any firm conclusions from the diversity in individual patterns due to the small sample size, it is certainly interesting to note. A certain level of diversity in a behavior like tooth avulsion is to be expected, and has been documented throughout Australia (Campbell, 1925) and along the Murray River (Taplin, 1898; Campbell, 1981). The challenge is interpreting what this diversity in avulsion patterns may mean for our understanding of the behaviors taking place at Roonka Flat. A series of hypotheses will need to be examined as possible frameworks for understanding these results. Tooth avulsions often reflect customs specific to a particular region or population (Campbell, 1925, 1981; Sharp, 1939a, b). Removal of one or more incisors would be a readily identifiable marker of group affiliation. The area along the Murray River would have had higher population densities, and there is evidence for the use of other cultural signatures like cranial deformation (Brown, 1981; Anton and Weinstein, 1999; Durband, 2008) to distinguish group identity in that region (Hiscock, 2008; Durband and Westaway, 2013). As such, it is possible that the different patterns of tooth avulsions both within and between these phases may indicate that different populations or social groups were using Roonka as a persistent place for burials (Littleton, 2007; Littleton and Allen, 2007). For example, pattern changes both within and between phases II and III, including the significant reduction in avulsion frequency between phases II and III, might signal new shifts in population movements through the area containing Roonka. In order for tooth avulsions to be held as evidence for different groups of people, however, this practice would need to be demonstrably consistent amongst the groups in question. There is some evidence that suggests that the consistent removal of particular teeth would be the typical pattern in any given population. Wood (1968) found that most male crania at Broadbeach showed dental avulsion, and that the right upper central incisor was the tooth of choice in all but one case. Campbell (1925) provides a series of data compiled from a variety of sources and regions, and these observations also tend to support the contention that particular groups or regional populations showed a consistent pattern of tooth avulsion. For a few groups, Campbell (1925) does present a narrow range of variability in the teeth chosen for avulsion. One of these examples, a group from New South Wales, chose which central incisor to remove based upon the handedness of the individual (Campbell, 1925). Handedness is an unlikely explanation for the diversity of avulsions seen at Roonka, as bilateral asymmetry of the upper limbs, often used as a method of determining the dominant side in skeletal remains (Steele, 2000; Steele and Mays, 2005), does not correlate with the side of single tooth avulsions at Roonka (Hill, personal communication). Based on these data, it appears unlikely that a single population at Roonka could encompass the diversity in patterns of tooth avulsions sampled at that site. Another interpretation for the variety of patterns in tooth avulsions at Roonka is cultural change during the lengthy period of site occupation. It is possible that preferences for the tooth/teeth to be removed changed for any number of reasons, including aesthetic choice or American Journal of Physical Anthropology
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progression in the rituals associated with avulsions. The change in frequency over time, with avulsions becoming less common in phase III, could also be argued as reflecting a shift in preferences or associated ritual. On the other hand, there are no apparent concomitant changes in burial postures or grave goods associated with the avulsed individuals, nor are any of these goods and burial postures markedly different from other individuals that did not receive dental avulsions. Thus, if the changes in tooth avulsion patterns and prevalence were caused by modifications to associated cultural customs or rituals, these modifications developed without impacting any of the other behaviors sampled in the archaeological assemblage. Improvements in dating resolution would contribute to our understanding of any behavioral changes seen at Roonka. At present there are absolute dates for only a small subset of the remains, and this hampers our ability to understand the sequencing of these burials and the development of the site over time. While the dates that have been obtained generally correspond to the phases originally envisioned by Pretty (1977, 1988), burials like A51 remind us of the complexity of this site. That burial was placed in phase II (Pretty, 1988), yet dates to only 1,230 years BP (Pate et al., 1998). A51 might appear to fit in better with the individuals in phase II that show the same pattern of avulsions, but the dates would suggest that this is in fact the most recent example of tooth avulsion at the site. Better temporal understanding of the site formation and burial accumulation will allow a stronger test of hypotheses surrounding cultural evolution at Roonka. Expansion of work on stable isotopes from bone collagen (Pate, 1997, 1998, 2000) could also help further explore these questions. Previously, this research has been interpreted as demonstrating little movement of people or foods between environmental zones around Roonka (Pate et al., 2002; Pate, 2006). These results have been cited in support of models invoking increased sedentism and "intensification" at the site (Pate, 2006). It may also be possible, however, to examine these data for patterns within the site. If several populations within the lower Murray River environmental zone were moving through Roonka this could be reflected in subtle differences in bone chemistry. While only four individuals from Roonka IIIb have both tooth avulsions and published bone chemistry data (Table 1, isotopic data from Pate, 1998), even within this small sample there is variability that may be indicative of a pattern of dietary differences between individuals. If each of the individuals with tooth avulsions could be sampled, this could potentially reveal patterns that may support hypotheses of either different social/group affiliations or cultural change at the site. Similarly, extraction of ancient DNA (aDNA) from the individuals buried at Roonka would enable the testing of a series of hypotheses about the relationships of the people buried here. Most germane to this project is the contention that there is long-term stability and genetic homogeneity at Roonka (Smith et al., 1988; Prokopec et al., 1994). This would imply a lengthy occupation of the site by a single group of people, a conclusion that could be incompatible with the results of the present study. Study of aDNA from a large subset of burials, including the individuals with tooth avulsions, would help clarify any potential relationships that might exist between these individuals or groups. This knowledge American Journal of Physical Anthropology
would contribute to our ability to examine theories of cultural change vs. population movements and the possibility of “intensification” taking place at sites like Roonka.
CONCLUSIONS Analysis of the patterns of tooth avulsions seen at Roonka has revealed different configurations of incisor removal both within and between burial phases. Historical evidence suggests that any particular regional population or group would have its own particular pattern of tooth avulsion, so the variability seen in tooth avulsions at Roonka suggests that the site was either used by multiple groups of people for burials, or that there was significant change in this practice that took place during the use of the site. Based on the current state of the evidence, these patterns in tooth avulsions suggest the possibility that multiple groups were using the site over the long period of archaeological accumulation.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The First Peoples of the River Murray and Mallee Region graciously provided permission to study the skeletal remains from Roonka. Peter Ellison, Peter White, and several anonymous reviewers made suggestions that improved the final version. Eleanor Adams provided valuable logistical support. Ethan Hill checked upper limb bilateral asymmetry of individuals from Roonka with tooth avulsions from his own unpublished data. Colin Pardoe provided comments on a draft of this manuscript, and access to unpublished reports. Any errors that remain are the sole responsibility of the authors.
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TOOTH AVULSION AT ROONKA Littleton J, Allen H. 2007. Hunter-gatherer burials and the creation of persistent places in southeastern Australia. J Anthropol Archaeol 26:283–298. Littleton J, Frohlich B. 1993. Fisheaters and farmers: dental pathology in the Arabian Gulf. Am J Phys Anthropol 92:427– 447. Littleton J, Scott R, McFarlane G, Walshe K. 2013. HunterGatherer variability: dental wear in South Australia. Am J Phys Anthropol 152:273–286. Lourandos H. 1997. Continent of hunter-gatherers: new perspectives in Australian prehistory. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Macintosh NWG, Smith KN and Bailey, AB. 1970. Lake Nitchie skeleton—unique aboriginal burial. Archaeol Phys Anthropol Oceania 5:85–101. Macintosh NWG. 1971. Analysis of an aboriginal skeleton and a pierced tooth necklace from Lake Nitchie, Australia. Anthropologie 9:49–62. Mathews RH. 1905. Ethnological notes on the aboriginal tribes of New South Wales and Victoria. Sydney: FW White. Pardoe C. 1988. The cemetery as symbol: the distribution of prehistoric Aboriginal burial grounds in southeastern Australia. Archaeol Oceania 23:1–16. Pardoe C. 2001. Return of Larrakia skeletal remains: expert assessment and documentation of Larrakia skeletal remains collected by W.R. Smith in 1906, and held by the National Museum of Australia, Canberra. Unpublished report provided to the Repatriation Unit, National Museum of Australia, Canberra. p 40. Pardoe C. 2008. Gunbower Island archaeology. Unpublished report prepared for the Department of Sustainability and Environment, Victoria, Australia. p 137. Pate FD. 1997. Bone collagen diagenesis at Roonka Flat, South Australia: implications for isotopic analysis. Archaeol Oceania 32:170–175. Pate FD. 1998. Bone collagen stable nitrogen and carbon isotopes as indicators of prehistoric diet and landscape use in southeastern South Australia. Aust Archaeol 46:23–29. Pate FD. 2000. Bone chemistry and palaeodiet: bioarchaeological research at Roonka Flat, lower Murray River, South Australia 1983–1999. Aust Archaeol 50:67–74. Pate FD. 2006. Hunter-gatherer social complexity at Roonka, South Australia. In: David B, Barker B, McNiven IJ, editors. Social archaeology of Australian indigenous societies. Canberra: Aboriginal Studies Press. p 226–241. Pate FD, Brodie R, Owen TD. 2002. Determination of geographic origin of unprovenanced Aboriginal skeletal remains in South Australia employing stable isotope analysis. Aust Archaeol 55:1–7. Pate FD, Pretty GL, Hunter R, Tuniz C, Lawson EM. 1998. New radiocarbon dates for the Roonka Flat Aboriginal burial ground, South Australia. Aust Archaeol 46:36–37. Pietrusewsky M. 1979. Craniometric variation in Pleistocene Australian and more recent Australian and New Guinea populations studied by multivariate procedures. Occasion Paper Hum Biol 2:83–123. Pretty GL. 1971. Excavations at Roonka Station, Lower Murray River, South Australia, 1968–1970. J Anthropol Soc South Aust 19:6–15.
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Pretty GL. 1977. The cultural chronology of Roonka Flat – a preliminary consideration. In: Wright RVS, editor. Stone tools as cultural markers: change, evolution, and complexity. Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies: Prehistory and Material Culture Series No. 12. p 288–331. Pretty GL. 1986. The prehistory of South Australia. In: Richards E, editor. The flinders history of South Australia: Social History. vol. 1. Wakefield Press. p 3–62. Pretty GL. 1988. Radiometric chronology and significance of the fossil hominid sequence from Roonka, South Australia. In: Prescott JR, editor. Early Man in the Southern Hemisphere, Supplement to Archaeometry: Australasian Studies 1988. p S32–S52. Pretty GL, Henneberg M, Lambert KM, Prokopec M. 1998. Trends in stature in the South Australian Aboriginal Murraylands. Am J Phys Anthropol 106:505–514. Pretty GL, Kricun ME. 1989. Prehistoric health status of the Roonka population. World Archaeol 21:198–224. Prokopec M. 1975. Anthropology of the past population at Roonka. J Anthropol Soc South Aust 13:3–12. Prokopec M. 1979. Demographic and morphological aspects of the Roonka population. Archaeol Phys Anthropol Oceania 14: 11–16. Prokopec M, Simpson D, Morris L, Pretty GL. 1984. Craniosynostosis in a prehistoric Aboriginal skull: a case report. Ossa 9–11:111–118. Prokopec M, Pretty GL, Smith P. 1994. Australian aboriginals: prehistoric South. Variab Evol 4:23–56. Scott EC. 1979. Dental wear scoring technique. Am J Phys Anthropol 51:213–217. Sharp RL. 1939a. Tribes and Totemism in north-east Australia. Oceania 9:254–275. Sharp RL. 1939b. Tribes and Totemism in north-east Australia (Continued). Oceania 9:439–461. Smith P, Prokopec M, Pretty G. 1988. Dentition of a prehistoric population from Roonka Flat, South Australia. Archaeol Oceania 23:31–36. Spencer B, Gillen FJ. 1927. The Arunta. London: Macmillan. Steele J. 2000. Skeletal indicators of handedness. In: Cox M, Mays S, editors. Human osteology: in archaeology and forensic science. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p 307– 323. Steele J, Mays S. 2005. Handedness and directional asymmetry in the long bones of the human upper limb. Int J Osteoarchaeol 5:39–49. Taplin G. 1898. Folklore, manners, customs, and languages of the South Australian Aborigines. Adelaide: Government Printers, North Terrace. Thorpe WW. 1932. Some mutilatory rites practised by the Australian Aborigines. Mankind 1:124–133. Walshe K, editor. 2009. Roonka: fugitive traces & climatic mischief. Adelaide: Hyde Park Press. Webb SG. 1995. Palaeopathology of Australian Aborigines. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Wood WB. 1968. An aboriginal burial ground at Broadbeach, Queensland: skeletal material. Mankind 6:681–686.
American Journal of Physical Anthropology
Patterns in Ritual Tooth Avulsion at Roonka Arthur C. Durband,1,2,3* Judith Littleton,4 and Keryn Walshe2,3 1
Department Department 3 Department 4 Department 2
of of of of
Sociology, Anthropology, and Social Work, Texas Tech University, Struck, Lubbock, TX Archaeology, Flinders University, Bedford Park, Australia Anthropology, Science Centre, South Australian Museum, Australia Anthropology, University of Auckland, Auckland, New Zealand
KEY WORDS
dental modification; Australia; Murray River; Holocene
ABSTRACT Tooth avulsion is the intentional removal of one or more teeth for ritual or aesthetic reasons, or to denote group affiliation. Typically the maxillary incisors are the teeth most often selected for removal. Previous authors have discussed the presence of tooth avulsions in several individuals recovered from Roonka, but those papers did not examine any patterns in those removals that might be present. Analysis of the tooth avulsions at Roonka reveals a change in the practice over time, with the older burials from phase II typically showing removal of both maxillary central incisors with a left side bias when only one tooth is removed,
and the more recent phase III burials showing only one incisor avulsed and a right side bias for removal. Frequencies in the practice also changed over time, with avulsions being much more common in the older phase II burials. Historical evidence suggests that any particular regional or social group would have its own particular pattern of tooth avulsion, so these changes in tooth avulsions at Roonka suggest that the site was either used by multiple groups of people for burials, or that there was significant cultural change during the occupation of the site. Am J Phys Anthropol 154:479–485, 2014. VC 2014 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
INTRODUCTION
Previous work at Roonka has suggested that there was long-term biological continuity over the long depositional history represented by the inhumations (Smith et al., 1988; Prokopec et al., 1994). Smith et al. (1988) found no indications of microevolutionary trends in tooth size or dental non-metric traits of the Roonka sample, indicating relative stability and genetic homogeneity over several thousand years. Prokopec et al. (1994) arrived at a similar conclusion after study of the crania and mandibles from Roonka. In contrast to this biological continuity, however, other evidence appears to suggest changes in cultural behavior over time at the site. Some of these identified changes include the sex composition of burials, burial modes, and the types of artifactual material in the graves (Pretty, 1986, 1988; Pate, 2006). Changes in cultural practices such as tooth avulsion have also reportedly taken place over time at Roonka (Smith et al., 1988; Prokopec et al., 1994). Ritual tooth avulsion, which involves the intentional removal of one or more teeth, has been practiced throughout much of Australia, particularly in the east and southeast (see review in Campbell, 1925: 83–107; Campbell, 1981). The practice was fairly common in the Murray-Darling basin, with men showing avulsions most frequently. Avulsions among women are more common along the Darling River, and in more northern
The site of Roonka, in the lower Murray River Valley of South Australia, was excavated between 1968 and 1977. During this time a large series of human remains were recovered; both as surface scatter after they had been revealed through extensive erosion as well as through a large scale salvage excavation (Pretty, 1971, 1977; Walshe, 2009). Several publications have discussed various aspects of these remains (Prokopec, 1975, 1979; Pietrusewsky, 1979; Prokopec et al., 1984, 1994; Smith et al., 1988; Pretty and Kricun, 1989; Pretty et al., 1998; Walshe, 2009), but a comprehensive description of these skeletons has not yet been published. These remains range in age from approximately 8,000 years BP to the time of European arrival in Australia (Pretty, 1977, 1986, 1988; Pate et al., 1998). The large series of burials, coupled with the time depth they represent, provide Roonka with a potential for illuminating aspects of Australian prehistory that is unmatched at other sites. In particular, discussions surrounding the "intensification" or "complexification" of Aboriginal society during the late Holocene (Lourandos, 1997; Pate, 2006) can be informed through study of the skeletons and associated archaeological remains. Likewise, debates over land use and occupation at sites like Roonka (Pardoe, 1988; Littleton, 2007; Littleton and Allen, 2007) can also be addressed. Roonka has been argued to represent a site with a single group in residence over a long period of time, with increasing social complexity into the late Holocene (Lourandos, 1997; Pardoe, 1988; Pate, 2006). Other authors (Littleton and Allen, 2007; Hiscock, 2008) find this evidence for "intensification" unconvincing, arguing that use of sites like Roonka would have been relatively infrequent and not indicative of continuous occupation by a single group of people. Ó 2014 WILEY PERIODICALS, INC.
*Correspondence to: Arthur C. Durband; Department of Sociology, Anthropology, and Social Work, Texas Tech University, MS 41012, Holden Hall 158, Lubbock, TX 79409-1012, USA. E-mail: [email protected] Received 30 April 2014; accepted 30 April 2014 DOI: 10.1002/ajpa.22531 Published online 14 May 2014 in Wiley Online Library (wileyonlinelibrary.com).
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areas of Australia (Pardoe, 2008). This practice appears to have a long history here (Campbell, 1981; Campbell and Prokopec, 1984; Webb, 1995). The upper central incisors are the teeth most often removed, followed by the upper lateral incisors, and only very rarely are the mandibular incisors avulsed (Campbell, 1925, 1981; Wood, 1968). The earliest example of this practice may be the Lake Mungo 3 individual, which is missing both lower canines (Webb, 1995). While it would be most unusual for canines to be avulsed, let alone the mandibular canines, Webb (1995) feels that intentional avulsion is the most likely explanation for their absence. Campbell and Prokopec (1984) find further evidence for tooth avulsion at 7,840 6 440 years BP at Roonka, and Macintosh et al. (1970; Macintosh, 1971) reported on tooth avulsion in the Lake Nitchie burial dating to 6,820 6 200 years BP. Other work discusses tooth avulsions in more modern Australian samples, including anthropological work on skeletal samples (Campbell, 1925, 1981; Wood, 1968; Elvery et al., 1998; Pardoe, 2001, 2008), and ethnographic observations of living people (Curr, 1883; Taplin, 1898; Howitt, 1904; Mathews, 1905; Spencer and Gillen, 1927; Thorpe, 1932; Sharp, 1939a, b; Elkin, 1940). This work documents regional and group differences in the practice of this distinctive ritual. This article will examine the practice of tooth avulsion at Roonka, including the specific patterns that are present in individuals that have participated in this form of body modification. These data will provide information on the prevalence of this activity, as well as highlight differences in removal patterns that could potentially reflect cultural change or the movement of different groups through the landscape.
MATERIALS AND METHODS The original Roonka crania and mandibles are housed at the South Australian Museum, and were examined by the lead author during July, 2012. Additional study of the remains, including the scoring of tooth wear, took place in January, 2014. Each cranium and mandible was examined visually for avulsed teeth in the maxillae and mandible. Following previous papers on this subject, a tooth was considered to have been intentionally avulsed if the tooth was missing and the alveolar region of the former socket was completely healed to a thin ridge, with no indication of trauma or other pathological conditions that would explain the loss of the tooth (Campbell, 1925, 1981; Smith, et al. 1988). While it is possible that accidental trauma could be responsible for the loss of one or more anterior teeth, Campbell (1981) has dismissed this possibility as too uncommon or infrequent to warrant consideration as a cause. Wear, another potential cause of tooth loss, was scored for teeth immediately adjacent to the avulsion, as well as on the M1s, using a scale adapted by Littleton and colleagues (2013) from a method devised by Scott (1979; Littleton and Frohlich, 1993). In the couple of cases where an individual had lost adjacent teeth postmortem the health of the alveoli was examined. One individual, A85, was mentioned by Prokopec (1979) as possibly having either agenesis or avulsion of the upper right lateral incisor. This individual has been included in the avulsed sample, but this possible alternative should be noted. To investigate patterns in the avulsions at Roonka the individuals are arranged by phases, after Pretty (1977, 1988). Roonka II is thought to date between 4,000 and American Journal of Physical Anthropology
7,000 years BP, though some radiocarbon ages are slightly older, and corresponds to a time period where the site was used solely as a necropolis (Pretty, 1977). A51 is said to come from Roonka II (Pretty, 1988) but has been dated to only about 1,230 years BP (Pate et al., 1998; Pretty et al., 1998), which underscores the challenges in understanding the stratigraphic relationships of these burials. Roonka III corresponds to a period of more intensive occupation of the site as a living area, and has been dated to less than 4,000 years BP (Pretty, 1977). While the relationships between phases II and III are somewhat imprecise at present, the radiocarbon ages that have been obtained from the phase III burials (Pate et al., 1998; Pretty et al., 1998) generally correspond to the scenario described by Pretty (1977, 1988).
RESULTS The individuals from Roonka identified as having tooth avulsions, and the individual teeth avulsed, are listed in Table 1. While most of these individuals have been identified in previous articles on this subject, this project identified some new evidence of this practice. Avulsions in A29 and A30A from Trench A have not been discussed by earlier authors. Some individuals found outside of Trench A (Baulk and Trench 1A) also have avulsions that are being reported here for the first time, probably due to the fact that previous papers on the Roonka series (Prokopec, 1979; Campbell and Prokopec, 1984; Pretty and Kricun, 1989; Smith et al., 1988) concentrate on only the material from Trench A. The A42189 individual from the Roonka Flat Dune will be discussed in more detail below. As shown in Table 1, tooth wear for this sample is moderate and sometimes heavy. However, the identified avulsions all show characteristic healing with no evidence of disease or trauma to the alveolus. The adjacent teeth and alveoli are likewise healthy with strong alveolar bone, and none of the worn teeth show open pulp cavities. The avulsions seen in the Roonka remains are generally similar to those reported for other Australian populations (Campbell, 1925, 1981; Wood, 1968; Elvery et al., 1998), with the upper central and lateral incisors being avulsed most frequently (Fig. 1, Fig. 3). But Roonka also shows two clear examples of mandibular tooth avulsion, with an additional two individuals that show possible mandibular avulsions. A107 from Roonka II has both lower central incisors avulsed (Fig. 2), and Skeleton 1 from Trench 1A shows avulsion of the lower right central incisor. Neither of these individuals show any signs of apical abscesses or other periodontal disease that could explain the loss of these mandibular teeth, and the adjacent teeth in A107 are strong and healthy. The Baulk 1 individual has a clear avulsion of the maxillary right lateral incisor, and evidence suggestive of an avulsion of the mandibular right central incisor, but postmortem damage to the mandibular alveoli make a firm diagnosis difficult. Individual A42189 from the Roonka Flat Dune may also show evidence of mandibular avulsions, but this individual’s dentition is difficult to interpret. The A42189 mandible has only six teeth and one empty socket anterior to the molars, and it is possible that some or all of these missing teeth are congenitally absent in this individual. The surviving teeth also show significant damage to the enamel, making identifications even more challenging, so radiographs or CT scans will
1670
3920
3780
8280
7710
1230
C14 date
I1s, Upper Left I2 Right I1 Right I1 Right I2 Right I2 Right I2 Right I2 Left I1
Left I1 I1s I1s I1s (but wax hides sockets) I1s Left I1 I1s Left I1, both Lower I1s
Upper Right I2, maybe Lower Right I1 Possibly Upper I1s Missing 3 lower unidentified teeth Upper Right I1, Lower Right I1
Upper Upper Upper Upper Upper Upper Upper Upper
Upper Upper Upper Upper Upper Upper Upper Upper
Avulsions
edentulous 8 enamel damaged 7
8 4 9 edentulous 4 5 8 6
7 9 8 8 6 6 5 9
Adjacent tooth wear
edentulous 10 enamel damaged 6
8 4 9 edentulous 5 5 8 7
7 10 9 7 7 7 4 9
Upper M1 wear
Unknown Dorsal erect Unknown Recumbent contracted
Contracted Contracted Contracted Dorsal extended Supine Dorsal extended Dorsal extended Contracted
Dorsal extended Erect Erect Dorsal extended Slumped erect Slumped erect Dorsal extended Slumped erect
Burial postures
None None Bone point 2 bone points, 2 stone flakes Buttons Shell Hearthstones Shell, quartz
Shell earrings? None Animal bones Small bones, flakes, seeds Ochre, shell, teeth Ochre Ochre, bone point Possible fish bone ornament
Grave goods
219.1
218.4 219.4
218.7
d13C
12.3
14 13.9
12.7
d15N
Dates from Pate et al. (1998) and Pretty et al. (1998). Isotopic data from Pate (1998). Dental wear scored by the authors using the scale from Littleton and colleagues (2013). Data on burial postures and grave goods obtained from unpublished site reports.
Roonka II A 37 A 51 A 63 A 66 A 89 A 104 A 106 A 107 Roonka IIIb A 12a A 21a A 23 A 29 A 30A A 65 A 85 A 92 Unknown Baulk 1 Baulk 2 A42189 Tr 1A Sk1
Phase/ Indiv
TABLE 1. Individuals with tooth avulsions arranged by phase, with particular pattern of avulsion, burial positioning, and any associated grave goods
TOOTH AVULSION AT ROONKA
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Fig. 1. Avulsion of lateral right incisor in Roonka Trench A individual A65. [Color figure can be viewed in the online issue, which is available at wileyonlinelibrary.com.]
Fig. 2. Avulsion of mandibular central incisors in Roonka Trench A individual A107. [Color figure can be viewed in the online issue, which is available at wileyonlinelibrary.com.]
be necessary in order to determine what teeth are present and which may be missing. When the data are collated by phase some general patterns do emerge. Roonka II commonly has avulsions of both maxillary central incisors, with five of the eight individuals with avulsions showing this pattern, and there is no evidence of lateral incisor removal. Three of the eight individuals associated with Roonka II, A37, 104, and 107, show avulsion of just one maxillary central incisor, and in each case it is the left tooth that is removed. A107 also shows avulsion of both mandibular central incisors, a pattern that appears to be unique at Roonka. Avulsion is not seen in all males of phase II, as American Journal of Physical Anthropology
Fig. 3. Avulsion of right central incisor in Roonka Trench 1A Skeleton 1. [Color figure can be viewed in the online issue, which is available at wileyonlinelibrary.com.]
previously reported (Smith et al., 1988; Prokopec et al., 1994), though it was performed on most of them (sex diagnoses from Pretty et al., 1998 and author). Pretty and Kricun (1989: 214) assert that "the single specimen with unilateral tooth avulsion [is] from the Roonka II period," a statement that is also not supported by the present reading of the data. Removal of single maxillary teeth is actually the most common manifestation of avulsion seen at Roonka, and is even seen multiple times in Roonka II (Table 1). The burials placed in Roonka III show different patterns of avulsions than those attributed to phase II. Whereas both maxillary central incisors are often avulsed in Roonka II, only a single central or lateral incisor is commonly removed during phase III. Only one phase III individual has had both maxillary central incisors avulsed, but this individual is also missing their maxillary left lateral incisor, a tooth that does not appear to have been removed during Roonka II. The remaining phase III individuals are missing only a single central or maxillary lateral incisor. These avulsions show a strong right side bias, with six of the seven single tooth avulsions on that side. Among those individuals with single avulsions, removal of the maxillary central or lateral incisors were split nearly evenly. Three individuals lost their central incisor and four lost their lateral incisor, and all lateral incisor avulsions were on the right side. This pattern of avulsion, with single maxillary incisors from the right side being the predominant manifestation, is quite different than the pattern seen during Roonka II. A85, an individual mentioned by Prokopec (1979) as possibly showing either an agenesis or avulsion of the right maxillary lateral incisor, fits well with the avulsion pattern shown throughout this phase and this influenced the decision to include that individual with the avulsed sample. There is no evidence for avulsion of mandibular teeth during Roonka III. The frequency of avulsions also appears to have changed during phase III, affecting a much lower percentage of burials than in phase II. Indeed, tooth avulsion is most commonly absent in phase III burials. Out of at least 27 identified male burials in phase III (Pretty et al., 1998)
TOOTH AVULSION AT ROONKA only eight show avulsions, compared to roughly 85% of males from Roonka II depending on sex diagnoses of fragmentary remains. A third subset of burials that have avulsions has not been assigned to either of the aforementioned phases. These include two individuals from the Baulk group of burials, one unusual individual from the Roonka Flat Dune mentioned above, and one individual from Trench 1A. Of these, Baulk Skeleton 2 has a pattern that is probably most similar to that seen in Roonka II, with both maxillary central incisors appearing to be avulsed, but damage in the area prevents a definitive diagnosis. The pattern seen in Baulk Skeleton 1 and Trench 1A Skeleton 1 differ from those seen in phases II or III. Both of these individuals have the maxillary right central incisor avulsed, and also appear to have the mandibular right central incisor avulsed as well. While both mandibles are somewhat damaged in the area in question, there are no partial roots or open alveoli that can be attributed to the right central incisor in either case. At the very least the maxillary teeth are clearly avulsed, but if the mandibular teeth are as well, which seems reasonable based on the available evidence, then these two individuals would tentatively represent another pattern of avulsions that would differentiate them from the individuals placed in phases II and III.
DISCUSSION While previous work identified the practice of tooth avulsion at Roonka (Prokopec, 1979; Smith et al., 1988; Pretty and Kricun, 1989; Prokopec et al., 1994), those projects did not pursue analysis of any specific patterns that might be present in the data. Based upon the results presented here, it would appear that there are distinct differences in tooth avulsion patterns over time at Roonka. Individuals interred in the Roonka II phase have only maxillary central incisors avulsed. In the majority of cases both central incisors are avulsed, though in three of eight cases only one maxillary central incisor was removed. In each instance where a single incisor was avulsed it was always on the left side. There are no avulsions of maxillary lateral incisors in phase II. Phase III individuals predominantly show removal of only one incisor, and in roughly half of these cases it is a maxillary lateral incisor that is avulsed. Phase III also shows a strong bias to the right side, with this pattern seen in six of the seven individuals with single avulsions. While maxillary avulsions were clearly the most common manifestation of this practice at Roonka, and the only type seen in phase III, mandibular removals are also seen in this collection. At least two, probably three, and possibly four, Roonka individuals, or roughly 17–22% of the overall sample of individuals with avulsions, show evidence for mandibular avulsion. If the phase III individuals, none of which show mandibular avulsions, are removed from the sample that prevalence jumps to 30–40% of the individuals from phase II and burials unassigned to a phase. Either of these rates of mandibular avulsion is significantly higher than the observed rate seen by other authors. Campbell (1925) reports only three cases of the removal of one or both lower incisors in more than 300 skulls, while Campbell (1981) found a mandibular avulsion in only one of the 262 mandibles he surveyed in Victoria. There is also a much higher proportion of avulsions in the older phase II sample when compared to the younger phase III indi-
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viduals. These data may suggest as many as seven different configurations of tooth avulsion in the eighteen individuals with evidence for this practice (excepting the unusual A42189 individual). While it is unwise to attempt to draw any firm conclusions from the diversity in individual patterns due to the small sample size, it is certainly interesting to note. A certain level of diversity in a behavior like tooth avulsion is to be expected, and has been documented throughout Australia (Campbell, 1925) and along the Murray River (Taplin, 1898; Campbell, 1981). The challenge is interpreting what this diversity in avulsion patterns may mean for our understanding of the behaviors taking place at Roonka Flat. A series of hypotheses will need to be examined as possible frameworks for understanding these results. Tooth avulsions often reflect customs specific to a particular region or population (Campbell, 1925, 1981; Sharp, 1939a, b). Removal of one or more incisors would be a readily identifiable marker of group affiliation. The area along the Murray River would have had higher population densities, and there is evidence for the use of other cultural signatures like cranial deformation (Brown, 1981; Anton and Weinstein, 1999; Durband, 2008) to distinguish group identity in that region (Hiscock, 2008; Durband and Westaway, 2013). As such, it is possible that the different patterns of tooth avulsions both within and between these phases may indicate that different populations or social groups were using Roonka as a persistent place for burials (Littleton, 2007; Littleton and Allen, 2007). For example, pattern changes both within and between phases II and III, including the significant reduction in avulsion frequency between phases II and III, might signal new shifts in population movements through the area containing Roonka. In order for tooth avulsions to be held as evidence for different groups of people, however, this practice would need to be demonstrably consistent amongst the groups in question. There is some evidence that suggests that the consistent removal of particular teeth would be the typical pattern in any given population. Wood (1968) found that most male crania at Broadbeach showed dental avulsion, and that the right upper central incisor was the tooth of choice in all but one case. Campbell (1925) provides a series of data compiled from a variety of sources and regions, and these observations also tend to support the contention that particular groups or regional populations showed a consistent pattern of tooth avulsion. For a few groups, Campbell (1925) does present a narrow range of variability in the teeth chosen for avulsion. One of these examples, a group from New South Wales, chose which central incisor to remove based upon the handedness of the individual (Campbell, 1925). Handedness is an unlikely explanation for the diversity of avulsions seen at Roonka, as bilateral asymmetry of the upper limbs, often used as a method of determining the dominant side in skeletal remains (Steele, 2000; Steele and Mays, 2005), does not correlate with the side of single tooth avulsions at Roonka (Hill, personal communication). Based on these data, it appears unlikely that a single population at Roonka could encompass the diversity in patterns of tooth avulsions sampled at that site. Another interpretation for the variety of patterns in tooth avulsions at Roonka is cultural change during the lengthy period of site occupation. It is possible that preferences for the tooth/teeth to be removed changed for any number of reasons, including aesthetic choice or American Journal of Physical Anthropology
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progression in the rituals associated with avulsions. The change in frequency over time, with avulsions becoming less common in phase III, could also be argued as reflecting a shift in preferences or associated ritual. On the other hand, there are no apparent concomitant changes in burial postures or grave goods associated with the avulsed individuals, nor are any of these goods and burial postures markedly different from other individuals that did not receive dental avulsions. Thus, if the changes in tooth avulsion patterns and prevalence were caused by modifications to associated cultural customs or rituals, these modifications developed without impacting any of the other behaviors sampled in the archaeological assemblage. Improvements in dating resolution would contribute to our understanding of any behavioral changes seen at Roonka. At present there are absolute dates for only a small subset of the remains, and this hampers our ability to understand the sequencing of these burials and the development of the site over time. While the dates that have been obtained generally correspond to the phases originally envisioned by Pretty (1977, 1988), burials like A51 remind us of the complexity of this site. That burial was placed in phase II (Pretty, 1988), yet dates to only 1,230 years BP (Pate et al., 1998). A51 might appear to fit in better with the individuals in phase II that show the same pattern of avulsions, but the dates would suggest that this is in fact the most recent example of tooth avulsion at the site. Better temporal understanding of the site formation and burial accumulation will allow a stronger test of hypotheses surrounding cultural evolution at Roonka. Expansion of work on stable isotopes from bone collagen (Pate, 1997, 1998, 2000) could also help further explore these questions. Previously, this research has been interpreted as demonstrating little movement of people or foods between environmental zones around Roonka (Pate et al., 2002; Pate, 2006). These results have been cited in support of models invoking increased sedentism and "intensification" at the site (Pate, 2006). It may also be possible, however, to examine these data for patterns within the site. If several populations within the lower Murray River environmental zone were moving through Roonka this could be reflected in subtle differences in bone chemistry. While only four individuals from Roonka IIIb have both tooth avulsions and published bone chemistry data (Table 1, isotopic data from Pate, 1998), even within this small sample there is variability that may be indicative of a pattern of dietary differences between individuals. If each of the individuals with tooth avulsions could be sampled, this could potentially reveal patterns that may support hypotheses of either different social/group affiliations or cultural change at the site. Similarly, extraction of ancient DNA (aDNA) from the individuals buried at Roonka would enable the testing of a series of hypotheses about the relationships of the people buried here. Most germane to this project is the contention that there is long-term stability and genetic homogeneity at Roonka (Smith et al., 1988; Prokopec et al., 1994). This would imply a lengthy occupation of the site by a single group of people, a conclusion that could be incompatible with the results of the present study. Study of aDNA from a large subset of burials, including the individuals with tooth avulsions, would help clarify any potential relationships that might exist between these individuals or groups. This knowledge American Journal of Physical Anthropology
would contribute to our ability to examine theories of cultural change vs. population movements and the possibility of “intensification” taking place at sites like Roonka.
CONCLUSIONS Analysis of the patterns of tooth avulsions seen at Roonka has revealed different configurations of incisor removal both within and between burial phases. Historical evidence suggests that any particular regional population or group would have its own particular pattern of tooth avulsion, so the variability seen in tooth avulsions at Roonka suggests that the site was either used by multiple groups of people for burials, or that there was significant change in this practice that took place during the use of the site. Based on the current state of the evidence, these patterns in tooth avulsions suggest the possibility that multiple groups were using the site over the long period of archaeological accumulation.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The First Peoples of the River Murray and Mallee Region graciously provided permission to study the skeletal remains from Roonka. Peter Ellison, Peter White, and several anonymous reviewers made suggestions that improved the final version. Eleanor Adams provided valuable logistical support. Ethan Hill checked upper limb bilateral asymmetry of individuals from Roonka with tooth avulsions from his own unpublished data. Colin Pardoe provided comments on a draft of this manuscript, and access to unpublished reports. Any errors that remain are the sole responsibility of the authors.
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