Substance Use & Misuse, 49:956–967, 2014 C 2014 Informa Healthcare USA, Inc. Copyright  ISSN: 1082-6084 print / 1532-2491 online DOI: 10.3109/10826084.2014.862024

ORIGINAL ARTICLE

New Drug Use Among Agricultural Workers Keith V. Bletzer Adjunct Faculty, School of Human Evolution and Social Change, Arizona State University, Tempe, Arizona, USA Most of the scientific literature on drug use covers urban areas of the industrialized world over the previous century. This means, our base of knowledge comes from a selected number of cities within the United States, which emphasize the East Coast or West Coast and areas that serve as commercial hubs for regions of the country. Drug use is infrequently investigated in less populated areas (e.g., Carlson, 2000; Carlson, Falck, & Siegal, 1999; Draus & Carlson, 2006, 2007) or rural locales (e.g., Donnermeyer & Sheer, 2001; Leukefeld, 1999; Thomas and Compton, 2008). Based on previous theoretical frameworks, one basic model for new drug use can be summarized, as follows. A neophyte is accompanied and/or guided by someone experienced, whether the encounter is anticipated or opportunistic. That is, the individual might seek the right place with the right person at the right time (anticipatory) or find oneself unwittingly present in a situation, where the motivation and opportunity (Draus & Carlson, 2006) arise with at least one person who has sufficient experience with drugs to provide guidance on use. Continuing drug use in contrast can serve as a means of membership in distinctive social worlds or a preferred reference group (Acker, 2002: pp 28–29, 194–204; Pearson, 1987:pp 9–20; Stephens, 1991: pp 67–103; Waterston, 1993: pp 234–236). A history of “adverse childhood experiences” has been linked to self-medication to cope with stress for substances as varied as alcohol (e.g., Dube et al., 2006) and injection drugs (e.g., Macleod et al., 2013; Ompad et al., 2005). Similarly, early poly-use experience has been linked to later injection drug use (Trenz, 2012; compare Bletzer, 2009). Socialization into drugs, and their use typically takes place through age-cohort peers, such as neighborhood companions

Research on drug use onset rarely examines the spatial dimensions of onset, owing to a literature that is overwhelming from urban areas of an industrialized country (United States). Narrative interviews from drug-using agricultural workers in contrast reveal another side of drug use onset, where influence of familiarity with place becomes evident, despite the expectation that the novelty and/or adventure within a lifestyle of seasonal employment and migratory labor that requires overnight accommodations on-the-season is likely to push/pull one into the first use of a new drug or the first drug that an individual has ever used. Keywords Drug use onset, agricultural labor, spatial dimensions of new drug initiation

INTRODUCTION

For a long time, it has been known that drug use can become all-encompassing over time and result in an embodied lifestyle (e.g., Bourgois & Schonberg, 2009; Preble & Casey, 1969; Stephens, 1991). The more intensive the use and greater the inclination toward “hard drugs,”1 the more an individual is assumed to have replaced prior identities with that of a drug habitu´e (Adams, 2008; Boeri, 2004; Stephens, 1991), which often generates a hidden dimension to one’s sense of self unknown to others (Garcia, 2010; Sterk-Elifson, 1996; compare Oakley, 1974:pp 5). Drug use is notable in certain environments for decreasing habitu´e attention to once significant social relationships (Adams, 2008; Bourgois & Schonberg, 2009; compare Garcia, 2010). Scenes and pathways of drug use, nonetheless, can vary and shift over time (Egan et al., 2011; Moore, 2004).

1

The categories “soft” and “hard drugs” are misleading, unscientific categories of active pharmacological substances which have been and continue to be used by individual and systemic stakeholders for achieving a range of goals and objectives which include the legal and/or social status of selected “drugs” in which their pharmacological actions and/or the simplified albeit complex “drug experiences” are not critical criteria. Editor’s note. Address correspondence to Keith V. Bletzer, Adjunct Faculty, School of Human Evolution and Social Change, Arizona State University, Tempe, AZ 85-2402, USA. E-mail: [email protected]

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and school classmates, and other adults and/or family members (Barker & Hunt, 2004; Eisner, 2005; Lende, 2002; Sterk-Elifson, 1996; Valdez, Neaigus, & Kaplan, 2008). Studies on spatial dimensions of drug use are rare.2 When they appear, the geography of drug distribution is focused on local and regional spaces (e.g., Rengert, 1996) or the historic basis for contemporary drug use in relation to shifting geo-economic landscapes (Garcia, 2010). Spatial movement in contrast has been considered as being a contributing factor to inclinations to lessen risk behavior (Rachlis et al., 2010) and efforts to remain drug free, as a recovery support through what has been called shift in geography (Pearson, 1987). That is, the novelty of a new social-cultural environment removes influential reminders and temptations associated with “people and places” of an addict lifestyle and provides the basis for a new life as a person in recovery. Geographic dimensions are rarely considered for situations that lead to onset. Given the preponderance of urbanized sampling in the drug literature, and an absence of designated spatial territories and action spheres, most models of drug use onset ignore spatial considerations and, thus, implicitly assume that individuals are fixed-inplace in a circumscribed area that comprises the user’s home environment. As they should, these models emphasize the social and economic factors of opportunity, and drug availability, willingness, and susceptibility as necessary for onset to occur, but they leave out a spatial dimension. One exception is the longitudinal study by David DeWit (1998) of the association of childhood re-locations before age 16 with timing of substance use onset across a wide range of drugs and alcohol, based on the stratified, multi-stage Ontario Mental Health Supplement (N = 9,953). He found that childhood re-location was associated with greater likelihood of earlier initiation into subsequent drugs after alcohol onset, particularly for male users. These drugs included marijuana, hallucinogens, crack-cocaine, and prescription drugs. All these substances (especially crack) were those reported by the sampled men and women in this study. To the concept of re-location that he investigated, I add that of new drug use over periods of temporary accommodation, namely, sojourn onset and seasonal initiation. Farm labor provides a unique population for investigation. The demands for short-hire physical labor are constant over a worker’s lifetime; a need for migratory mobility is continual over long and short distances, which provide structures of opportunity that compel adjustments in drug use patterns (Bletzer, 2004, 2009) but not the appropriate circumstances for new drug initiation that more frequently takes place in locales of familiarity, including the first drug ever used, and all others of later onset. The dimensions of agricultural labor include seasonally 2

The reader interested in exploring the complexities of the nexus of geography and substance use are referred to Gorman, D., (2008) Substance Use and its Interventions: Environmental & Context Issues. Substance Use & Misuse. 45:

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sporadic work, irregular employment, uncertainty of future work, weather intrusions, labor hierarchies based on tasks and likely productivity, regional variability in wages, and a work force that experiences high levels of mobility, geographic isolation, social–political isolation, difficult working conditions, and substandard housing. METHODS

Field research for this study covered several areas of dispersed population in the eastern United States, which were dependent on agriculture, as part of a 6-year extended ethnography across 13 states (1993–1999), where I conducted formal/informal interviews and observations over varied periods in eight primary sites, eight secondary sites, and many more that were casual. Areas that I visited were agricultural breadbaskets, that is, they typically encompassed more than one rural county, where population and acreage were devoted to growing and processing selected crops. Agriculture and food production were the main means of livelihood over a multi-county area. Outdoor settings in each site ranged from staging areas and shapeup zones where men and women waited for rides and/or sought work; town parks; and gathering spaces near convenience stores and public buildings. Indoor settings included billiard halls and game rooms; kitchens and living rooms offered as interview settings; camp dormitories and worker barracks, among others. Following the 6-year extended ethnography, I participated for another six years in regional migrant health forums organized annually as conferences, where I presented my field materials and co-organized workshops that brought together practitioners and professional researchers. I also served as evaluator-advisor on two projects focused on risk behaviors among migrant farm workers. These combined experiences provided insights into the changes that were continuing to occur and those aspects of agriculture that remained much the same. For this analysis, I emphasize taped/transcribed interviews from five locales in three contiguous states. Settings for these narrative interviews included apartments and trailers, and homes, visiting areas or booking rooms of two county correctional facilities, conference room at a residential drug treatment program, and two local parks (seated in my car). Interviews covered work-travel, drug use experience, and sexual history. In each of the five locales, I recruited men and women whom I knew, approached new individuals with an invitation to interview, accepted referrals “sent” or “brought” to me by someone already interviewed, and re-interviewed several individuals, sometimes in a new setting. In one locale, two persons whom I knew (one male, one female) and one new person (female) refused my interview invitation. In the other locales, there were no refusals. I trained university students from graduate programs (mostly in linguistics and anthropology) in techniques of transcription. I checked each transcription against the field tapes. The total sample was 127 persons (57 and 25 women born in the United States; two women and 43 men

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born outside the United States) with the dual criteria of experience in farm labor and with drugs and/or alcohol. Most were current users active in farm labor; some were in treatment (mostly at the residential treatment center) or in recovery. A few were recovering from injury or were former farm workers currently on disability. In one locale, six women whom I interviewed were recent farm workers currently active in commercial sex work (two others were raised on farms), and in another locale 16 were female sex workers, among whom a few sporadically returned to farm labor in which they had been active as adolescents and young adults. Men interviewed at the treatment program represented several locales of their state. All but one person interviewed at the correctional facilities as “follow-up” were already known to me from in-town contacts. Apart from the full sample of 127, 16 additional individuals were excluded when one or another criterion was not present, that is, no experience in agriculture or no drug/alcohol use. All together I taped 173 interviews that were usable for this analysis. I spent time with many of the individuals whom I formally interviewed and others who were present at local scenes in agricultural areas. In some settings, on unannounced occasions, drugs were used and/or alcohol was consumed. The taped interviews and observations received human subject clearance from the university with which I was affiliated at the time of research. For analysis, I draw on the full sample of 127 drug users with experience in agriculture. Farm labor varied for most men and some women in the sample from five to thirty-five or more years, to migratory labor and/or seasonal work during adolescence with/without continuation into adulthood, to limited farm labor experience for a few individuals of less than 5 years in early adulthood or adolescence. These 101 men and 26 women approximate the proportion of male and female workers in agricultural labor. Together they told 525 Tales of Onset. That is, they described the circumstances in which they first used and/or were currently using 525 different drugs, which included persons who were present (especially if or how someone might have “taught” them), where and when the event took place, and perceptions for why they “first used.” Drugs included alcohol, crack-cocaine, marijuana (these three were most common), powder cocaine, heroin, amphetamines, inhalants-solvents, freebase, acid-LSD, other hallucinogens, sedatives, PCP, and speedball. Individually, each person reported prior or current experience with 1 to 14 different drugs. The mean number of drugs initiated per person in the United States was greater for 45 trans-national workers (43 men, 2 women), once they had entered and spent some time in this country (4.52), than drugs that they had initiated outside the United States (2.23), or that of the 82 US-born men and women who initiated and used drugs in this country (3.38). RESULTS

In presenting data from the full sample of 127 men and women, I provide an overview of findings from the entire

sample in relation to the spatial dimensions of new drugs and/or alcohol used by men and women who perform farm labor, before presenting vignettes of cases randomly selected. Rather than steer analysis by selecting particular cases that “best match” the findings, I use the randomized vignettes to highlight characteristics that support statistical generalizations and identify those elements which, as we would expect, differ from the general patterns. Age of onset for the full sample differed little for the 525 drugs between farm workers born outside the United States (18.79 years) and those born in this country (19.55 years). It was nearly equivalent for the first drug ever used (trans-national 13.39 years; US-born 13.55 years). The age of first drug ever used across the full sample ranged from 4 years old to 53 years old, where 24 persons reported first onset under age 10. Oldest age for the first drug ever used was 25 years old. Forty-three of 398 drugs of later onset [525 − 127 = 398] were first initiated after age 30. Ten of these were first used over age 40; of these, three were initiated over age 50. For the 43, later onset drugs initiated over age 30, all but 13 were cocaine and/or crack-cocaine, similar to others in the sample whose most recent later onset drug was “crack.” Drugs first tried before age 10 usually were marijuana or alcohol (only one instance of both). Most drug initiation among the 127 users took place in a hometown, as a place of early childhood permanence (263/525 or 50.1%), or home-base where a family or adult individual had re-settled (212/525 or 40.6%), which for the most part entailed internal migration for both trans-national and US-born workers, as well as emigration to this country (see Alaniz, 2002). On the average ninetenths of the 525 Onset Tales took place in a home town, or home-base community. Less than 10% were “sojourn onset” and “seasonal initiation” (Table 1). Sojourn onset and seasonal initiation each comprise a situation in which someone is living outside their locale of regular residence, housed in a temporary accommodation. Labor camps where they are housed provide little more than what Giorgio Agamben (1998) has called “bare life,” which refers to a situation of minimized survival amenities, impermanence in living arrangements, exclusion from mainstream society, and circumstances that provide for administrative control. For farm workers, the frequency in which they experience temporary accommodations would lead to an assumption that seasonal initiation can happen regularly while living “on a camp” and performing migratory labor “on-the-season,” and less often (owing to lessened frequency) for a general situation of sojourn onset, when they visit families in a locale of previous residence, spend time in jail or, when younger, go on military furlough or attend boarding school or college. These situations in their own way parallel “bare life,” particularly the impermanence in arrangements for each and, for the more institutionalized settings, acquiescence to another set of rules and regulations, and prescribed isolation, apart from mainstream society and generally unrelated to employment, that is similar to the brief-hire time the workers spend living “on a camp” and performing farm labor.

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TABLE 1. Place of onset, by size of locale Rural N=%

N=%

Place of onset Home town Home-base “Sojourn” Seasonal

262 213 35 15

TOTAL

525

50.1 40.6 6.7 2.9

167 116 15 13

Small city N=% 53.7 37.3 4.8 4.2

311

50 47 9 0

Urban N=% 47.2 44.3 8.5 0.0

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The reverse actually is more common across the entire sample. I identified 35 cases of “sojourn onset” (4/35 or 11.4% for the first drug ever used) and 15 cases of “seasonal initiation” (3/15 or 20.0% for first drug every used), which together constitute less than 10% of the 525 Onset Tales. Interestingly, no one reported initiating a new drug or alcohol while “en route” to a temporary accommodation or during a return visit to a former locale of residence. We can consider the place where anyone spends most their time, owing to residence and participation in local activities including work or employment, “a locale of familiarity.” Such a place has cultural valence and some form of social affinity (Jamaat, 2011; Vela-McConnell, 1999) such as the creation of comfort and safety through program interventions (Zunker et al., 2008) or the ease of “virtual” online maneuverability (Legge et al., 2012), past remembered experiences of everyday events, favorite activities, friendships and family remembrances (Hirsch et al., 2009; Son & Kim, 2006), and local landmarks and spatial pathways (Bigelow, 1996). In this study of agricultural workers, these locales of familiarity grounded the general constructs of home town (birthplace) and any number of home-base communities to which one has relocated in succession and spent a relatively large amount of time (even for farm workers). Ninety-nine individuals of the sampled 127 reported only a home town and/or home-base for 379 drugs and/or alcohol they had initiated. None of the 99 reported any instance of sojourn onset or seasonal initiation. Not surprisingly, the number of rural locales (n = 283) for the home towns and home-base communities where onset took place was more than double the number of small cities (n = 97) and urban areas (n = 95) combined (see

45 50 11 2

41.7 46.3 10.2 1.9

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Tables 1 and 2); statistical difference was not significant. Twenty-seven individuals reported 145 instances of drugalcohol onset in situations of temporary accommodation and locale of familiarity (i.e., home town or home-base). One man who only used alcohol reported the first time he drank was on the coffee plantations in his home country. Mean number of Onset Tales in home towns and/or home-base communities was significantly lower at 3.86 than those at 5.30 where experiences per person combined locales of familiarity with temporary accommodations (ttest = −2.672, 124DF, p < .009). Thus, most of the drug–alcohol use onset for men and women with experience in farm labor was an event that took place in a locale of familiarity. This was unexpected to have very few cases of sojourn onset and/or seasonal initiation, as many in the sample recently performed or currently were performing migratory farm labor. Moreover, nearly all the onset events that had taken place in a home-base community (thus, not their home town) typically occurred at least a year or more after having resettled, giving sufficient time in an agricultural cycle to become “familiar” with a new place of residence. It is known that farm workers spend considerable time migrating to one or more work sites on-the-season, including at some time nearly everyone among the 127 in my sample, yet, as mentioned, there were few reports of initiation of drugs/alcohol on-the-season in agriculture. The other situations of brief encounter similarly were infrequent. Thus, the pattern of new drug use in a situation of temporary accommodation was the exception rather than the rule of first use in a locale of familiarity. When traveling on-the-season, men and women continued the drugs to which they were accustomed. Data

TABLE 2. Place of onset, by sequence of drugs ever used Place of onset

1st ever

2nd ever

3rd ever

4th ever

5th ever

6th-14th

TOTAL

Home town Mean onset age Home-base Mean onset age “Sojourn” Mean onset age Seasonal Mean onset age TOTAL

94 13.12 26 14.77 4 13.50 3 14.33 127 13.50

61 15.82 42 19.74 4 18.00 2 17.00 109 17.43

42 18.55 48 23.25 8 24.38 1 17.00 99 21.28

26 19.85 30 25.63 8 26.75 1 18.00 65 23.34

13 17.92 22 24.68 5 31.80 2 17.50 42 23.10

43 24.40 26 22.39 7 20.20 7 25.17 83 23.67

279 16.42 194 22.17 36 24.10 16 19.88 525 19.34

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FIGURE 1. Continuing connections on-the-season: Illicit and licit drug use.

collected through the Migrant Worker Risk Study (another study for which I served as project director) indicated that “re-connection” usually was accomplished by the third week of a worker’s residence in a new locale, whether it was a labor camp on-the-season or an agricultural locale that would become the individual’s new home-base community (Figure 1). Having become accustomed to one or more drugs/alcohol, they could find the means to secure for their personal use. Although the number of cases from an institutional setting are relatively small, it appears that re-connection is less likely for certain substances that are not available (see Bletzer, 2009). Most men and women were evening users after a long day in the fields, citrus groves, and fruit orchards. I found several men who reported morning use, which among other populations often identifies drug dependence, whereas several women active in sex work reported that they used “first thing in the morning,” especially in homebase communities when not actively performing farm labor. After-work use on a labor camp supports claims by farm workers that drugs such as crack-cocaine and marijuana act as analgesics that eliminate or neutralize pains and body aches of physical labor (Bletzer, 2009: pp 344). Eight men reported using drugs “in the field” (these were ground crops more than fruit trees in orchards and groves). Thus, using drugs and/or alcohol was uncommon at a work-site while working on-the-season. Men more than the women reported that they took the opportunity

to switch to a less potent drug (e.g., typically crack to marijuana or alcohol), whereas more women chose to cease using temporarily, while they were performing farm labor on-the-season (Bletzer, 2009: pp 347). Each of these two practices entails a variation in reduced use under the circumstances of working on-the-season, which is unique to agriculture. Comparing for differences in first use among home town and home-base with sojourn onset and/or seasonal initiation by mean number of drugs in a user’s repertoire (F = 4.816, 4DF, p < .0001) and mean age at onset for the first drug ever used (F = 24.186, 5DF, p < .0001) indicates that first trying a new substance in a home town is associated with a slightly younger age for the first (13.12) and second (15.82) drugs ever used, compared to the later onset drugs, and remains among the lowest mean onset ages for users that reach the higher end of their repertoire at six or more reported drugs (Table 3). This is contrary to what DeWit (1998) found in his sample of Ontario youth, where re-location led to onset at earlier ages. Interestingly, as a special case of temporary accommodation that takes place on-the-season outside a home town or home-base community, the experience of “sojourn onset” is associated with consistently low mean onset ages for later onset drugs at a mean age of 20.20 years (Table 3), whereas overall mean onset age for drugs–alcohol initiated in a home town understandably is significantly lower than those for a homebased community (Pearson chi square, p < .0001). A closer look at seasonal initiation and sojourn onset reveals characteristics that override temporary accommodation at the core of the experience. In cases of sojourn onset, one variation was a person already familiar with a locale but had not been there awhile. Five were cases where someone returned home to visit family (three men, two women), and three were men who had re-settled in the town where they attended school and previously worked in agriculture. One of the three men was on military furlough. In each instance, former acquaintances provided them with something “new.” Another man went to visit his deceased brother’s wife an hour’s travel from homebase; when her son offered crack in a cigarette, he accepted (over age 30). An adolescent woman followed her older sister to a new locale; 6 months later at a club, she accepted an offer of a “joint” that she did not know was “laced with crack.” Two other women re-settled in a new locale, after each had been involved in the “sex trade” elsewhere. In cases of seasonal initiation, the individual

TABLE 3. Place of onset, by mean number of reported drugs and mean onset age Place Home town Home-base Both HT / HB Seasonal Combined

One drug

Mean #

Mean onset age

Sampled

Range

Variation

13 1 1 1 0 16

3.12 4.57 4.50 n/a 5.42 4.14

13.57 14.10 12.40 11.00 14.23

49 21 30 n/a 26 126

49 21 30 n/a 26

4.776 5.557 6.121 n/a 7.454

Key: HT = Home town; HB = Home-base; combined HT and/or HB with temporary accommodations, whether “seasonal” and/or “sojourn”

NEW DRUG USE AMONG AGRICULTURAL WORKERS

became familiar with the locale through repeated summer trips. Two of six men migrated regularly each summer during their childhood and adolescence with parents and siblings (two to the same respective farm, where one attended local summer school and the other during his teen years left camp after work to make friends with local youth). A third also migrated with his parents and siblings regularly to the same states; in one locale, he found transportation one summer to take him to a local bar where her purchased “3–2–1” (adolescent-sanctioned alcohol). A fourth and fifth commuted regularly; one by crew bus to a farming county from his home-base in an adjacent county and one by van to a construction job in the county seat. After a couple of years, the first man accepted an offer of marijuana from a co-worker (he later re-settled in the farming county) and the second accepted an offer of cocaine, after regularly meeting a co-worker at his home to secure a ride to the construction site. The young man who left camp to make friends of local youth each summer was the second highest with a repertoire of 11 drugs in his lifetime. He acquired five new substances over four summers, ages 17 to 20, while working on-the-season. By age 21, he had met a local woman who became his girlfriend (although married, he traveled with family, not his wife); he occasionally smoked marijuana with both his wife, while back at home, and with his girlfriend, and traveled with the latter’s brother to a nearby city, where he initiated freebase at age 21 and heroin and cocaine at age 22. His familiarity with the summer setting, and connections with an insider in the local area, facilitated this process of continuing seasonal initiation. His final substance, crack-cocaine, he first tried in his home-base community 5 years later, after his family no longer traveled on-the-season. A few individuals spent brief time in situations that were time-phased stints, where the beginning and end points were known. One man and one woman first used a new drug while in the institutional setting of college. By the end of his first year, the young man had tried opiates and heroin (he admitted he wanted “to become his own man . . . distinct from my upbringing”). By her second year, the woman had tried mescaline, and the following year became dependent on sedatives that originally had been prescribed to her for medical reasons. One man spent 6 months in jail as an adolescent; after 3 months in this institutional setting, he accepted an offer of marijuana, after continual enticement by his companions (all known to him from town). Most everyone who visited family in contrast, some in Mexico, some in the states, each returned to a prior place of residence and resumed use of substances to which they were accustomed to using. Trying something new in a place of residence typically took place more than a year later, excepting the special circumstances of three men already mentioned who severed relations with their spouse (two owing to arguments; the other given concerns of wife and mother for his safety in a country where young men were either conscripted or killed by the military). Each returned to a place of prior residence in the states. One began using crack and cocaine within the first week of his return, and the other initiated

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crack the first month of return. Time-phased stints provide opportunity to develop familiarity with a place with the knowledge that one’s presence is limited to a known ending point. The institutionalized settings mentioned here, college and jail, serve as rites of passage for a personal change in status-identity. One will not be the same person on their release (jail) or graduation (college). Severing a relationship with a loved one similarly results in a change in status-identity from “married” (partnership) to “single” (individual). Finally, several instances occurred where there was an “equity differential” whereby an individual might consider it prudent to “acquire temporary membership” and accept an offer of a new drug. The young man in jail, for example, was in the awkward position with knowledge of transgression by his companions. To lessen concerns they might have for his trustworthiness, he accepted their offer halfway through his time in jail. One man as an adult had regularly worked in citrus harvests and in his 30s in the grove one day he accepted an offer of “meth” from his boss; at the time he was living in town rather than a camp. While traveling with a companion, another man accepted an offer of staying in a local resident’s house, after he found them sleeping on cardboard (they had arrived in the small city 2 days earlier); when he and his buddy were offered crack, they accepted. The next time that the one man tried crack was 4 years later in another state. Interestingly, other situations of equity differential, constructed as “soft coercion,” were not evident in Onset Tales for those who had tried one or another new substance in a home town or a home-base community. Similar to the literature on drug use onset, those in the farm labor sample recognized a momentary confusion but they were “willing,” nonetheless. A few stopped after limited use, owing to complications and incompatibility with bodily reactions. Thus, 20 of the 50 cases of temporary accommodation, as described, were constructed with living arrangements that developed familiarity over time, where under other circumstances the return to a prior locale, migrating on-the-season or temporary travel/commuting, would not preclude the initiation of a new substance. Five others in the sample were in transition from one status-identity to another and these individuals in turn chose to alter their status-identity as users by adding another substance, and two persons acquiesced to soft coercion owing to a situation of equity differential, as a means of bringing a familiarity to what was little more than a temporary but uneven relationship. Nearly half of the fifty cases that involved temporary accommodations, then, are seen in light of examination to come closer to a situation of familiarity. CASE VIGNETTES

The following case vignettes were randomly chosen from the sample of 127 men and women, using Randomness and Integrity Services, Ltd (http://random.org). I have grouped these seven cases by general patterns of similar characteristics, but it should become obvious that few farm workers who were interviewed literally fit the

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statistical findings based on measures of central tendency. Interpretative comments are provided for each group of narratives. The seven cases presented below have spent a cumulative total of close to 96 years in agriculture. The first four cases represent individuals whose only place to try a new substance was their home town. The fifth and sixth cases initiated substances both in their home town and later in a home-base community, and the seventh initiated his first substances in his home town, before trying more new substances in another city in his home country, and in the United States as the only instance among these seven for “sojourn onset.” Substances reported for the first four cases were two each for two, three for the third, and five for the fourth. Ages of initiation varied (listed in order of presentation): 18 to 24 for #075, 8 to 9 for #103, 7 to 28 for #055, and 13 to 22 for #49, which ranked sixth, seventh, third, and fifth for dispersion in ages at 6, 1, 21, and 9 years apart, respectively. Two men were born in Mexico, and one man and one woman were each born in the southern United States. None of the seven were among those in the full sample having the youngest and oldest age of new drug use, at age 4 and 53, respectively. These seven were representative of the proportion of new drugs tried (two to six) typical of the entire sample, where 16 individuals reported having used 10 or more, and 37 reported seven to nine, different substances through their Onset Tales. #075: Male age 41 born as the youngest of 10 children in a border province of Mexico with 26 to 30 years in local seasonal and migratory farm labor in his home country and the United States: First drank alcohol at age 18 while assisting his family in working their farmland in northern Mexico, and once tried marijuana in the same area in his 20s before entering the United States: He described his early pattern of drinking as “not excessive” every 8 or 15 days (“1-2 weeks” in Spanish) and later in the states “no more than two beers” (unas dos cervezas) while preparing his evening meal, after work. He recalls thinking when he first tried alcohol, “How nice (suave) this feels . . . How beautiful (bonito) it was.” Drinking at fiestas in Mexico, as he described it, was mostly commercial liquor, although fruits in his local area (maguey cactus and a form of corn called tehuina) were prepared into beverages by fermentation. Despite the length of time in the states and extensive experience in agriculture in blueberry, tomatoes, and tobacco, he never went past alcohol and never again used marijuana. He carried with him the importance of remembering social obligations in relation to alcohol consumption, “thinking about one’s family responsibilities (por la responsabilidad de la familia). [(One interview)] #103: Age 53 born in central Mexico as the youngest of seven children with 6 to 10 years in local seasonal and migratory farm labor (blueberry, oranges, pepper, spinach, tobacco, etc.), as well as itinerant bread delivery in the United States: First drank an alcoholic beverage prepared by his mother from agave-cactus (pulque) as a child around age 8 on the homestead where his fam-

ily lived in central Mexico; the next time was commercial beer 2 years later at age 10, where he fought with his drinking companion in a local tavern: “I remember it well; he was my best friend. I never drank again (no volv´ıa a tomar m´as).” That is, until his girlfriend left him when he was an older adolescent in the states, “She betrayed me (me traccion´o),” he went on a 15-day binge. He returned to Mexico and gained experience in “manly sports” and “skills in music.” On separation after a 22-year marriage, he drank heavily and re-entered the states (this time he was caught, sent back, but tried again), where he drank regularly for a short time: “Drinking was my downfall, like a two-sided sword (la primera copa ser´ıa mi derrota otra vez . . . la espada de dos filos).” Unlike the three men in the full sample who left their home country abruptly after a visit and initiated use of another substance shortly after re-entry and return to a place where they already were familiar (including #79 below), he had never used drugs. Unlike most the other men in the full sample, he remained in Mexico and delayed his first re-entry into the states. [(One interview)] #055: Age 40 born in the southern United States as the youngest of five children with 6 to 10 years in local seasonal and migratory farm labor: First drank alcohol at age 7, smoked marijuana at age 11, and initiated crack-cocaine at age 28, while working in a produce shed in his Lower South home town. When he was a child, his dad gave him moonshine he made and beer that he purchased, “to pep me a little . . . with a burst of energy,” when they “went to honky-tonk clubs.” By age 12, he drank regularly, which he quit at age 26 when he “got into expensive clothing.” He used the allowance that he received from his father to pool his money with a friend to purchase “a fifty-cent joint,” which made him sick; next time was several months later. First time that he smoked crack was with packing house co-workers in his home town, where he worked for 6 years after completing a three-year prison sentence: “Somebody introduced me to it.” Next time was a few days later, “As many times as I come up with the money,” which led to regular use. He said he smokes “on the job, off the job,” and “borrowed money from the boss,” which he was able to pay back. When he was young, his parents separated: “My mom took the girls; my dad took me.” Apart from introducing him to alcohol, his father was strict: “He’s stuck in his ways . . . Got a lot of whippings . . . I wanted to get away . . . Seem like I was caged in.” He never married but currently has been dating a childhood friend, who also received beatings when she was a child. [(One interview)] #049: Female age 35 born in the southern United States as the youngest of four children, plus one step-sister, with 11 to 15 years in local seasonal and migratory farm labor: First drank alcohol as a child and initiated marijuana at age 15 as an emancipated teenager in her Lower South home town, where she initiated freebase and cocaine a few months apart at age 21, and crack-cocaine at age 22 in her home town: She sometimes took sips of liquor from her father’s cabinet at home (another woman in my sample reported a similar experience of “stealing from a liquor cabinet”). Later her father and cousin offered “her a taste

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from a pitcher of beer . . . I know that I have an addiction; I was drinking since I was young.” Having watched her father and sisters smoking pot, she tried it on her own, after taking marijuana her father had. She smoked freebase at age 21 with her “old man,” but later shot him, because he regularly beat her. After her parents posted her bond, she was acquitted of homicide, owing to abuse that she had received from him. She received his life insurance; apart from purchasing drugs, she reported that she bought a car, which she tried “to wreck” to take her own life. Born while her parents were “on the road,” she lived “everywhere ((stretched)) they go . . . We unload, go ‘n’ sleep; go to work.” As an older teen to the time of her interview, she performed sex work off-and-on. Although she was in solitary confinement, she was permitted to interview at the jail (my field notes indicate that “her eyes redden on seeing me”). Her second interview was completed in town. [(Two interviews)] The fifth and sixth cases initiated their use of substances both in their home town and later in a home-base community. The number of substances each reported using were five for the fifth and six for the sixth. The variation in ages was 6 to 24 for #027 and 8 to 46 for #047, which ranked third and first for dispersion in ages at 18 and 38 years, respectively. One man was born in the southern United States and one was born in the Caribbean, among two who reported having tried six new drugs. These two were the youngest (age 28) and oldest (age 67) among these seven cases, and one also was the oldest of the entire sample of 127. At age 28, #027 was 10 years older than the youngest in the entire sample (at age 18). #027: Male age 28 born in the Caribbean as the youngest of eight children with 11 to 15 years in local seasonal and migratory farm labor mostly in the United States: First smoked marijuana at age 6 in his home town in the Caribbean, later resumed marijuana use at age 18 in his home town, where he initiated cocaine (age 19), pills (early 21), heroin, and crack-cocaine (early 20s): He says that he first used marijuana “to not feel the pain . . . ” of sexual molestation by older sister age 10 (“that killed my mom”), and later as an older teenager, he “smoked after every meal . . . Whole lot of ideas would flood my mind . . . Me and my brother [(inhale)] grew a lot of weed . . . We sell it on the local level.” He secured cocaine (“you feel invincible”) and took pills he secured with “a friend, who gave them to me free [(inhale)] he was selling to everybody else.” Later through other friends he was introduced to crack, “I stole to support my crack habit; you can’t get the monkey off your back right easy. You need help.” For him, this happened when he was imprisoned, “Jail broke the vicious cycle of addiction for me.” More than once he thought about using heroin and even paid “a junkie” in the states to talk to him about his experience. Eventually, he snorted a few times to prolong the crack high, but stopped, having never injected. He found the combination made him “nauseous,” gave him a sinus problem, and “brought on depression.” Years later while working on a labor camp in the Middle South, he used this health condition to persuade the labor contractor that he needed medical help and, thus, was able to leave the camp where

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crack was available, “You work for it or get a cash advance and buy your drugs.” [(One interview)] #047: Age 67 born in a city of the southern United States as the oldest of three children with 21 to 25 years in local seasonal and migratory farm labor: First drank alcohol as a child, smoked marijuana at age 15 and tried speed a few times a year later in his urban home town in the Lower South (“seaboard town” he called it), before sniffing cocaine “using a card” in his late 20s as a winter construction worker in a northeastern city, and crack-cocaine “using a can with ashes” in his early 40s when he returned to seasonal shrimper in the Gulf of Mexico (first experienced at age 14). His father worked as a professional. Exposed to a range of people through the travelers passing through the port city where he spent his childhood, he said “I learned people” in relation to treating them appropriately with respect. He attended Catholic School, where everyone wore a uniform, which leveled variation in income, “No comparison was possible.” As a young child he assisted his grandmother and her son (his uncle) in locally selling moonshine; during this time he drank a half pint “and stayed drunk the whole week.” As a young adult he “drank every day, mostly at bars,” while “I was making good money” in a small city near the farm town where he was interviewed. He remembers a time in agriculture, “We weren’t allowed off the camps . . . You have to do what they say ‘do’.” He used mostly crack on-the-season, while working as a “cutter” in watermelon, which has a reputation for high levels of use (see Bletzer & Weatherby, 2009), and continued, while working in peppers and living in the farm town where he was interviewed: “I didn’t want to get high like that no more . . . You can stop doing anything you want to do.” He still uses crack, occasionally, when someone invites him. To my question on his last use, he said, “Smoked rock about six months ago; it don’t do nothing to me.” [(Two interviews)] The seventh individual initiated substances both in his home town and later home-base communities in his home country, Mexico, and in the United States, and was the only case among the seven cases to have the experience of “sojourn onset,” which took place in this country. The range in which he tried new drugs was ages 11 to 27 (#079), which ranked fourth for dispersion in ages at 16. He was among two of the seven to report six drugs that he had used, where first use ever took place in his home country. #079: Male age 31 born in central Mexico as an only child with 6 to 10 years in local seasonal and migratory farm labor in the eastern United States: First huffed inhalants at age 11, smoked marijuana and drank alcohol a few weeks apart at age 12 in his home town in central Mexico, before huffing paint and aerosol spray at age 14, while working and living as an emancipated teen in a border city; initiated crack-cocaine “on a bottle with ashes” (bote con cenizas) and snorted cocaine a few days apart at age 28 in the United States in the sixth locale where he had lived, one week on return from visiting his family in Mexico where he had severed relations with his wife. He again tried crack the next day, after robbing a store for money to make his purchase, and soon became a

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regular user. He fondly remembers the supply of marijuana that he regularly received from a buddy in his neighborhood (barrio), “Here take a fistful” (un pu˜no). Although he became a regular user of crack, he sometimes robbed stores to pay for drugs, “I never robbed homes” (nunca met´ı yo a casas) and for a brief time sold it to meet expenses in what he calls, “Circular business . . . One never can save money” (negocio redondo . . . no puede ahorrar uno dinero). Other times while working in the fields he remembers his struggles, “They paid by the week; I waited a week without smoking crack or drinking” (me pagaban por semana; a veces me aguantaba una semana sin fumar piedra sin tomar). He says that he only snorted cocaine, when it was offered. He had ceased all use at the time of two interviews at a residential drug user treatment facility. A few months after completing the program, he returned to drinking, I was later told by his companions, and the crack to which he was accustomed. In one interview, he told me, “I’ve never met anyone who could control crack use” (no he conocido a alguien que la controle). He was unusual in this respect as none of the men had relapsed whom I interviewed through the treatment program (I returned every 5 weeks for more than a year, staying with program graduates in a rented house and visiting the center to interview newly enrolled participants or occasionally re-interview). Three others in my sample also initiated a new drug within weeks of return from a home country, if they had severed their relationship with a spouse. Yet those who came with knowledge that they had a family, and/or spouse-girlfriend, continued their customary substance(s) in the states. [(Two interviews)] DISCUSSION

The common experience of men and women who perform farm labor and use drugs is new drug and alcohol use within the context of a locale with which they are familiar, which is a home town or the home-base community where they and/or their family have moved. Most Tales of Onset taped/transcribed as narrative life stories from agricultural workers sampled through an extended ethnography were not unlike those of adolescents and young adults in mainstream society, who first try drugs and/or alcohol with neighborhood companions, school classmates, older more experienced family members, and sometimes a person with whom they have a romantic relationship. Despite the experience of many farm workers with travel and work on-the-season in this country and/or work on family lands outside the United States, few initiated using a drug or began consuming alcohol in the context of short-term accommodation, brief visitation, or recent arrival in a place that became a home-base. Continuation of drugs already initiated is more common on-the-season among farm workers. At the same time, migratory labor on-the-season can become the setting for reduced use by some, who utilize the opportunity to shift use to another lesser substance, or cease all together for the few months comprising “the agricultural season.” This brief cessation and/or reduced use can be a response to lessened access to resources, although opportunities “to re-connect” are typi-

cally not limited. Importantly, reduced use acts to prolong onslaught of tolerance and facilitate a modified renewal of drug effects (Bletzer, 2009: pp 344–345). The labor camps where workers are housed, and even the other, varied instances of temporary accommodations that they experience, provide little more than what Giorgio Agamben (1998) has called “bare life,” which refers to a situation of reduced survival amenities, impermanence in sometimes unsettling living arrangements where they stay or to which they return, exclusion from society through geographic isolation, and circumstances that provide administrative control whether it takes place through a process of institutionalization in a time-phased facility (e.g., jail, college) or with supervision by a labor contractor “on a camp.” As they have been doing for many decades into the present, agricultural workers move about and relocate fairly often. Onset of new drugs is delayed until they spend sufficient time in the new environment to where it has become “familiar.” Similarly, the men who enter the United States for the first time typically do not initiate new drugs until they have spent time in residence in one or more locales in one or more states (see Alaniz, 2002), where the site of initiation has become a locale of familiarity. Despite the general susceptibility of immigrants to significantly intensified drug use once they are living in the United States, those making visits to their home country are susceptible to later onset on return, when they sever a relationship with a significant other and/or home country. Those born in this country reported similar levels of use for drugs and alcohol which they try for first time in a locale of familiarity. Agricultural labor is not an activity that is ergonomically free from concerns for a healthy lifestyle. One must act to assure good health. It should come as no surprise that some of the farm workers whose life stories I presented, have been able to surmount obstacles that were physically harmful, whereas most suffered consequences of drug/alcohol use, at least for a time, before their efforts pulled them from the “grips” of chemical dependence (see Bletzer, 2004, 2009). The quest for altered states of consciousness (Siegel, 2005) and resilience of our species and corresponding search for individual survival and compulsions above that of the entire group are reflected in the excerpted data. Over time, familiarity of social space pushes and pulls people in unusual ways, generating preferential practices and ensuing lifestyles that include identities associated with drug use and alcohol consumption. These experiences of onset and use primarily in locales of familiarity are revealed through field data collected among agricultural workers that overrides usual emphasis on their movement and travel across multiple locales for varied periods of time during sometimes multiple seasons throughout the year. Once they return from the “bare life” of temporary accommodations, travel for visiting family and acquaintances, or transition from the initial period of residential re-location, farm workers in a locale of familiarity are more apt to try a new drug.3 3

The reader is referred to Hills’s criteria which were developed in order to help assist researchers and clinicians determine if risk factors were

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STUDY LIMITATIONS AND FUTURE RESEARCH

GLOSSARY

Use of life stories provides reflective details that are selfreported and sometimes time distant. The strength of the narrative interview style in eliciting constructed reflection is offset by its foundation in self-reporting. The present sampling framework utilized for field research with agricultural workers combined opportunistic techniques that resemble field recruitment methods based on a combination of “respondent-driven” and “chain-referral” approaches, which override some of the concerns over using nonprobability methods. The collected data in this study were limited to the eastern United States. Future research should consider the meaning of familiarity from the perspective of habitu´es who perform agricultural labor, and how they explain this pattern of choices limited to locales of lengthy residence versus situations of temporary accommodations. The consideration of a spatial dimension might also apply to drug/alcohol users in similar settings, where seasonal variation and/or geographic movement are common. These considerations can be applied to re-focus and strengthen prevention strategies and interventions for persons and groups known to use drugs/alcohol.

Bare life: Term proposed by Giorgio Agamben to refer to a situation that conjoins politics and potential for violence, whereby someone is excluded from legal protections, which can include any situation of reduced survival amenities, impermanence in living arrangements, geographic isolation, and potential for administrative control. Chemical dependence: One of several terms that refers to addiction or substance abuse, generally taking place after a long-term period of drug use, which can refer to something as basic as the sensation of “craving” to more extreme cases of persistent efforts to secure the desired substance. Huffed: Mode of use primarily for inhalants, also called “sniffing” (nasal inhalation). Labor contractor: Person licensed to hire individuals to perform farm labor, typically responsible for accommodations and transportation to/from the worksite (farm, orchard, grove, etc.), and supervision on the job, which sometimes for large work crews is distributed among individual “crew leaders.” Locale of familiarity: Place where someone feels comfortable and knowledgeable, owing to having resided in that locale for sufficient and/or considerable time. Respondent-driven (called by some researchers, “chain referral sampling”): Strategy for sampling where respondents already interviewed and/or tested, identify likely places to encounter appropriate candidates for inclusion, and/or “bring” or “send” these individuals for recruitment; this strategy is said to have developed from the model of “targeted sampling.” Seasonal initiation: Tried a new drug while living and working on-the-season, performing farm labor. Shift in geography: Model for substance abuse treatment based on arrangements to have someone live in another locale to remove them from accessibility to known “people and places” (popular phrase in Narcotics Anonymous for “triggers” that pull one back into use). Sojourn onset: Having tried a new drug while in shortterm living arrangements or staying in temporary accommodations. Tales of onset: Person’s story of how they first used one or more substances, generally including information on setting, persons present distinguished as having used previously or never used, and whether someone “instructed” them in how to use to get a maximum experience from the drug.

Declaration of Interest

The author declares no conflict of interest. The author alone is responsible for the content and writing of the paper. THE AUTHOR Keith V. Bletzer, Ph.D., Adjunct Faculty, School of Human Evolution and Social Change, Arizona State University (Tempe, AZ) is formally trained in medical–cultural–social anthropology and public health. He has focused on prevention activities and field research that blends community training-teaching and social justice. Bridging academia and nonacademia, his long-term work has considered the impact of socio-medical adversity on low-income populations, especially for people immigrating to the United States. Interest in adversity began with earlier work on youth services utilization as one response to poverty among mostly immigrant families (Latinos in the Northeast), matured through medical anthropology fieldwork on life-threatening afflictions (health seeking in lower Central America), and extended into new populations with work on HIV/AIDS (farm workers in the Midwest; migrants in the Southeast; Native Americans in Southwest), drug/alcohol use (migrants in the eastern United States), and sexual violence (sex workers in the Southeast; women of three populations in the Southwest). He has worked with team projects of varied methodologies and performed single-investigator endeavors. Publication increasingly has included articles that bring the contributions of anthropology to a nonspecialist audience. Email: [email protected]

causes of a particular disease or outcomes or merely associated. [Hill, A. B. (1965). The environment and disease: associations or causation? Proceedings of the Royal Society of Medicine 58: 295–300.]. Editor’s note.

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