The Journal of Primary Prevention, VoL 14, No. L 1993

Military Downsizing and Its Potential Impfications for Hispanic, Black, and White Soldiers Kara B. Richards 1 and Gary L. Bowen 2

Current military downsizing efforts may pose a significant stressor event for service members who face involuntary separation. This may be especially the case for those who face poor prospects for employment in the civilian labor market. Focusing on male, married junior- and mid-enlisted soldiers, this article examines potential implications of involuntary separation for Hispanic, black, and white soldiers by exploring variations in their level of institutional integration and satisfaction with the Army as a way of life for families. Only partial support is found for the research hypotheses. In all cases in which sign~cant differences are found, Hispanics report a more favorable organizational attitude than either blacks or whites. A socio-cultural and historical perspective is offered in examining these findings, and implications from the analysis are discussed for targeting soldiers for preventive intervention. KEY WORDS: Job loss; milita~ downsizing; unemployment. The Armed Forces have experienced demobilization efforts after the cessation of a war throughout the course of American history (Ballard, 1983). The military is now, once again, facing a tremendous downsizing effort that will result in a large number of displaced men and women. U.S. Public Law 101-510 (1990), the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 1991, forecasts a 25% percent reduction in military forces that includes a defense budget reduction from $291 billion in 1992 to $240 billion in 1995 (Schmitt, 1991). The Pentagon's reductions will take U.S. troop 1KaraB. Richarclsis a 1992 graduate, Schoolof SocialWork,The Universityof North Carolina at Chapel Hill. 2Crd/y L. Bowen is Professor, School of Social Work, The Universityof North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Campus Box 3550, Chapel Hill, NC 27599-3550. 73 © 1993 I4,,,~- SciencesPress,Inc.

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levels to their lowest level since 1950 and military spending to its lowest level since 1939 (Schmitt, 1991). Unlike previous downsizing efforts after wartime, the present reduction in force size is unique given that a high proportion of current military members volunteered for military service, many of whom fully expected to make the military service a career (D. R. Segal, 1989). The current downsizing efffort is also taking place at a time in which the national economy is experiencing rapid structural changes, including declining employment opportunities in manufacturing industries and permanent job displacements that are associated with plant closings and employment cutbacks (Voydanoff, 1990). As a consequence of these structural changes and given the dynamic interaction between employment opportunities in the civilian economy and military recruitment and retention (Goldberg & Greenston, 1986; Wilson & Butler, 1978), the civilian labor market may have great difficulty in accommodating the large number of service members who will face involuntary separation. This problem may be intensified by the current economic recession (Voydanof, 1990; Voydanoff & Donnelly, 1988). Despite the potential negative consequences of downsizing on service members and their families, .little research is available that has identified those service members most likely to define involuntary separation as a significant stressor event (Kozlowsld, Choa, Smith, Hedlund, & Walz, 1991). This article examines the potential implications of downsizing for Hispanic, black, and white soldiers by exploring variations in their level of institutional integration and satisfaction with the Army as a way of life for families. It focuses on a group of soldiers who volunteered for military service and who are among those most vulnerable to involuntary separation: young, male, married, junior-enlisted (E-1 to E-4) and mid-enlisted 0E-5 to E-6) soldiers. The aim is to identify service members and their families who may benefit most from the development of preventive programs and supports to help them avoid the potential psychological, marital, and family distress that has been identified in the extensive literature on the consequences of job loss since the depression of the 1930s (see Voydanoff, 1990; Voydanoff & Donnelly, 1988 for a review of this literature).

BACKGROUND Historical Perspective Military service is more than just a job; it is a selection of a lifestyle that has consequences for almost every aspect of an individual's life

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(Bowen, 1989). Military service places unusually heavy demands on both service members and their families since organizational demands are considered superordinate to those of the family. The military creates "organization families" in which families find their lives dominated by demands placed on them by a system that they are not tied to by either kinship or friendship, but instead, through the work commitment of a family member (Bowen & Orthner, 1989; Orthner, Bowen, & Beare, 1990). This system maintains a significant amount of control over the values and norms of the people who align themselves with it (Orthner et al., 1990). The military, as an organization, legitimates self-sacrifice and commitment through the operation of normative values (M. W. Segal, 1989). Segal (1988) refers to military service as a "greedy" institution because of the great demands it places on the time, energy, commitment, and loyalty of members and their families. At the same time, the military institution provides social, economic, and psychological benefits that might not be available to those families in the civilian world (Bowen, 1989). Consequently, both members and their families may be heavily invested in their ties to the military organization. The military has served historically as a mechanism for integration into American society. Enlistment in the service has typically provided the soldier with a sense of pride and patriotism towards the United States (Stouffer, Suchman, DeViuney, Star, & Williams, 1949). The military has been particularly significant in providing opportunities for minorities that have not been accessible to them in the civilian world. For example, black male high school seniors perceive more opportunities in the military than do white male high school seniors (Segal, Bachman, & Dowdell, 1978). The military has been at the "forefront of the experiment of racial equality," and it has thus served as a catalyst in the process of minority assimilation into the American economy, work force, and society (Butler & Holmes, 1983, p. 170). Although there has been little research conducted on the effects of military service on Hispanic soldiers and their families, the military setting provides all minorities with opportunities including prestige, authority, income, and advancement that are often unavailable to them in the civilian world (Wilson & Butler, 1978). Compared to the civilian world, the military is a more salient environment for minorities with respect to employment opportunities and quality of family life (Buffer & Holmes, 1983; Moynihan, 1986). For example, Segal, Bachman, and Dowdell (1978) describe military service as a "bridging environment" for minorities since blacks more so than whites view it as a mobility channel (p. 128).

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Richards and Bowen

Military vs. Civilian Opportunities Military service is based on the premise that all soldiers are treated equally. In 1965, Daniel Moynihan asserted that military service was the only experience open to blacks in which they are treated like equals (Moynihan, 1986). Discrimination and prejudice against minorities is often seen as less of a factor in the military than in civilian life (Buffer, 1988; D. R. Segal, 1989). Overrepresentation of blacks in the military, in particular in the Army, can be attributed not only to less discrimination within the military setting, but also to economic frustration for blacks in civilian life (Stewart & Scott, 1978). Thus, blacks and other minorities who find that they are not marketable in the civilian labor market may find that they are marketable in the military labor market (Young, 1982). Blacks and Hispanics may have increasingly poor prospects for employment in the civilian labor force for a variety of reasons. Among these are job flight from the cities to the suburbs; the decline of industrial manufacturing jobs; proliferation of lower-paying, entry-level jobs in the service and information processing spheres; the current downsizing movement within the militaW, and continued discrimination and racism (Staples, 1986; Wilson, 1987; Winnick, 1988). Not only do black men have a higher likelihood than white men of being unemployed or working part-time, but also the unemployment rate for blacks over the past forty years has remained steady at twice the white unemployment rate (Farley & Allen, 1987; Staples, 1986). In 1991 the unemployment rate for civilian, noninstitutionalized males over the age of 16 was 6.2% for white males, 10.5% for Hispanic males, and 12.1% for black males (Green & Beeker, 1992). For individuals in family units, unemployment rates in 1990 were 5% for whites, 8.2% for Hispanics, and 11.7% for blacks (Marshall, 1991). In 1985 whereas 13.3% of all families earned less than $10,000, 25.3% of Hispanic families and 30.6% of black families earned less than $10,000 (Winnick, 1988). Unemployment and underemployment have direct implications on both black and Hispanic families and their children since one-third of Hispanic children and almost one-half of black children live in poverty (Winnick, 1988). The current military downsizing movement is taking place during a time when the nation remains on the down side of the cycle of recession and expansion. Civilian labor opportunities are decreasing (Chilman, 1991; Voydanoff, 1990). A fundamental restructuring of industries such as computers, manufacturing, transportation, and financial services is occurring. Over the next four years General Motors will be eliminating 74,000 jobs, nearly 18% of its employees (Levin, 1991; Swardson, 1991).

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Many Other corporate employers including IBM, McDonnell Douglas, Sears and Roebuck, Xerox, Westinghouse Electric, and Manufacturers Hanover have terminated thousands of jobs. All of these cutbacks will affect the availability of jobs for those military personnel who will be involuntarily separated.

Military Service and Race/Ethnicity The likelihood of serving in the Army is significantly linked to race/ethnidty. Minority representation in the Armed Forces has steadily increased since the advent of the All-Volunteer Force (General Accounting Office, 1991). Black and Hispanic male, senior high school students have higher enlistment probabilities than their white counterparts (Hosek & Peterson, 1986). In terms of recruitment, black males are twice as likely as white males to be recruited into the military (Blair, 1978). Yet, even though blacks express a greater intention to serve in the military, they also are more likely to express that military service is not their preference (Blair, 1978). Blacks have disproportional rates of reenlistment and representation in the Army (Moore, 1991; D. R. Segal, 1989). While blacks comprise 12.4% of the total U.S. population, they comprise 31.6% of enlisted Army personnel (Department of Defense, 1990; U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1991). Further, the black reenlistment rate is 1.6 times greater than the white rate (Moskos, 1982; Young, 1982). Even though Hispanics comprise 8.6% of the total U.S. population and only 4.3% of enlisted Army personnel, they are the fastest growing population in the United States and in the military (Garcia & Montgomery, 1991; Hollman, 1990a; HoUman, 1990b; Department of Defense, 1990). A recent analysis of enlisted personnel using the 1985 Department of Defense (DoD) survey found that black and Hispanic Army members in the E-1 to E-6 ranks were significantly more satisfied with military life than were white Army members of the same rank (Lowman, Bowen, & Janofsky, 1987). Further, black and Hispanic enlistees were significantly more satisfied with the military as a good environment in which to raise a family than white enlistees (Lowman, Bowen, & Janofsky, 1987). Additional support for these data are found in the results from the 1985 Army Experience Survey of enlisted soldiers who separated from Army service after one term of service (Westat, Inc., 1986). When asked to compare Army life with civilian life, 56.5% of white veterans found life as a civilian more satisfying than Army life (Westat, Inc., 1986). In comparison, only 39.4% of black veterans and 46.2% of Hispanic veterans

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thought that civilian life was more satisfying than military life (Westat, Inc., 1986). Finding a job in the civilian economy may be more difficult for minority veterans than for their white counterparts. In the 1985 Army Experience Survey, 20.6% of black veterans and 18.9% of Hispanic veterans were unemployed and looking for work; only 10.3% of white veterans were unemployed and looking for work (Westat, Inc., 1986). In an earlier study, Stewart and Scott (1978) reported that black veterans had significantly higher rates of unemployment than either white veterans or black civilian males with no military service. In the same Army Experience Survey, 56.6% of blacks and 55.7% of Hispanics stated that they found it difficult to get their first full-time job after leaving the Army. On the other hand, only 37.2% of whites found it difficult to find their first full-time job (Westat, Inc., 1986). Unemployment typically translates into economic hardship especially for black veterans. Twenty-six percent of black veterans reported that compared to active duty service, their standard of living in civilian life was worse, while only 15.3% of whites and 15.7% of Hispanics reported that their standard of living in civilian life was worse (Westat, Inc., 1986). Although it is assumed that the training minorities receive in the military will extend into and contribute to their occupational and social mobility in the civilian world, studies reveal that this is not necessarily the case for black veterans. The skills that black veterans obtain in the military are insufficient to maintain any sustained amount of mobility for a period of time in the civilian labor market (Young, 1982). Thus, occupational and social mobility appears to exist for minorities only while they are on active duty (Young, 1982). Overall, these data suggest that both blacks and Hispanics perceive military service as a better environment than the civilian world for work and family life. Whites, on the other hand, perceive fewer differences between military and civilian opportunities. These racial/ethnic group differences may be due in part to perceptions and experiences by minority group service members of greater racism and discrimination in the civilian employment sector than in the mih'tary community. A SOCIAL EXCHANGE PERSPECTIVE Social exchange theory proposes that decision-making is based upon reinforcement resulting from need fulfillment. Thus, people make decisions they perceive will maximize their outcomes (Roloff, 1981). Furthermore, individuals' reactions and perceptions about their current situations are in-

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fluenced by expectations about the consequences of leaving or quitting their current situation (Motowidlo & Lawton, 1984; Thibaut & Kelley, 1959). Mobley, Griffeth, Hand, and Meglino (1979) propose that perceptions of alternatives have a causal effect on an individual's expectancy about benefits or consequences of leaving their current employment situation. In the process of turnover decision-making, the beliefs or expectancies of individuals about alternative employment opportunities may actually be biased by their present affective states. People who are satisfied with their current employment situation are likely to be pessimistic about alternative situations while being too optimistic about the future of their current jobs (Motowidlo & Lawton, 1984). It is likely that service members who perceive the military as the best environment for living and working and whose families are most integrated into the military system may experience greater trauma as a result of downsizing. Although data are not available to test this hypothesis directly, it is possible to examine how Hispanics, blacks, and whites may vary in their level of institutional integration and satisfaction with the Army as a way of life for families. Because Hispanics and blacks are less likely than whites to have employment opportunities in the civilian sector, it is hypothesized that Hispanic enlisted members and black enlisted members who are married will be more integrated/satisfied with the Army as a way of life for families than their white counterparts. In addition, it is hypothesized that Hispanic members and black members will not differ in their levels of integration/satisfaction.

METHODOLOGY Source of Data

Respondents were a nonprobability sample of 148 male, married soldiers from Fort Bragg, North Carolina and Fort Riley, Kansas. These soldiers had participated in a larger study effort in Spring, 1987, which was sponsored by the Office of the Chief of Chaplains, U.S. Army. This study was designed to examine variations in family strengths and adaptation among soldiers across racial/ethnic groups. Sample respondents were proportionally selected at their posts by unit chaplains based on their racial/ethnic group (Hispanic; Black, Not of Hispanic Origin; and White, Not of Hispanic Origin) and rank/pay grade (E-1 to E-4, E-5 to E-6). The decision to limit the selection of respondents to three racial/ethnic groups and two rank/pay grade groups was based on the relatively high propor-

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tional representation of these groups in the U.S. Army and the special interest of the sponsor.

Subjects The average respondent was 27.1 years old and had been married 4.1 years. Nearly nine out of ten respondents were in their first marriage (88.9%), and the majority had children living with them in the household (69.4%). Of those respondents with children in the household, the mean age of the youngest child was approximately three years. As a consequence of proportional sampling, more than one-half of respondents reported their racial/ethnic group as either Hispanic (28.3%) or Black, Not of Hispanic Origin (33.7%). The remaining respondents reported their racial/ethnic group as White, Not of Hispanic Origin (37.8%). The majority of Hispanic soldiers were either of Puerto Rican (52.3%) or Mexican/Mexican American/Chicano (26.2%) descent. Like racial/ethnic group identification, soldiers were nearly evenly split into junior-eniisted grades (E-1 to E-4) and mid-enlisted grades (E-5 to E-6) because of proportional sampling, 48% and 52% respectively. On the average, sample respondents had served in the Army approximately six and one-half years; nearly one-half were assigned to combat arms units (45.9%). Fewer than one-third (27.7%) lived on post. Comparisons of racial/ethnic groups were made on selective demographic variables using crosstabulation analysis and one-way analysis of variance (see Table 1). Only one significant difference emerged; a higher proportion of black respondents (68.0%) was assigned to combat arms units than either Hispanic (39.0%) or white (30.9%) respondents.

Procedures All respondents completed a structured survey questionnaire, which was completed at either a post facility or in their homes under the supervision of project staf£ Participation in the study was voluntary, and respondents were assured that their responses would be kept confidential and that only the project team would have access to their completed questionnaires. On the average, the survey instrument took respondents 20 to 30 minutes to complete.

Dependent Variables Two dependent variable groups were defined for purposes of the analysis: institutional integration and quality of military family life. All de-

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Mifitary Downsizing Table 1. Demographic Profile of Sample Respondents by Racial/Ethnic Group

Characteristic

Racial/Ethnic Group Hispanic (n = 42)

Mean Year Born F(2, 144) = 0.0 Higl~_ School Graduates and Beyond y(2 (4, N = 146) = 6.4 First Marriage X 2 (2, N = 144) = 1.2 Mean Years Married F(2., 142) = 2.2 Children in Household X 2 (6, N -- 147) = 5.6 Mean Age Youngest Child F(2, 100) = 0.1 Mean Year Entry into Army F(2, 145) = 0.0 Rank/Pay Grade E-1 to E-4 (Junior Enlisted) E-5 to E-6 (Mid Enlisted) X 2 (2, N = 148) = 1.1 Unit Assigned Combat Arms Other X 2 (2, N = 146) = 15.6"* Live On-Post X 2 = ( 2 , N = 148) = 1.9

1959.9

Black (11=50) 1959.8

White (n = 56) 1959.9

80.9%

87.8%

96.4%

92.9%

89.1%

85.7%

5.0

3.2

4.4

69.0%

72.0%

67.3%

3.1

3.0

2.9

1980.5

1980.6

1980.4

52.4% 47.6%

42.0% 58.0%

50.0% 50.0%

39.0% 61.0%

68.0% 32.0%

30.9% 69.1%

31.0%

32.7%

21.4%

**p < .Ol.

pendent variables were treated as interval scale measures for purposes of analysis. Institutional integration was defined as the level of commitment family members feel toward the lifestyle and mission of the Army. The variable had a value and a behavioral component. Each component had three identical items: (a) share a commitment to the lifestyle and mission of the military, (b) appreciate the opportunity to serve their country as a military family, and (c) see the military as a patriotic duty, not just a job. On the value component, soldiers evaluated each item based on how important it was that members in their family share the specified pattern, preference, or behavior. A response continuum was provided ranging from one to seven, with one responding "not at all important" and seven representing "extremely important." On the behavioral component, soldiers evaluated the same items based on the extent to which they felt that members in their family actually

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share such patterns, preferences, and behaviors. A response continuum was provided ranging from one to seven, with one representing '~,ery little extent" and seven representing '~,ery great extent." The three items on each component were sub-averaged to create a scale, which retained the original response range. Reliability was determined for each component by using Cronbach's coefficient alpha. The coefficients were .83 for the value component and .89 for the behavior component. The quality of military family life was determined by three single items; each was analyzed separately. The first item asked respondents to evaluate on a five-point, Likert-type scale the extent to which they felt that they were able to have the kind o f family life that they wanted in the Army. Response choices ranged from 1 ("very great extent") to 5 ("very little extent"). On the second item, respondents evaluated the extent to which they felt that they would be better able to have the kind of family life that they wanted if they left the Army. Response choices were the same as for the first item, ranging from 1 ("very great extent") to 5 ('~¢ery little extent"). The third item asked respondents to evaluate on a six-point, Likert-type scale how satisfied they were with life for families in the Army. Response choices ranged from 1 ('~ery satisfied") to 6 ("very dissatisfied',). Independent Variable

The independent variable, racial/ethnic group identification, was treated as a categorical variable in the analysis. Respondents identified their racial/ethnic group as either Hispanic; Black, not of Hispanic origin; or White, not of Hispanic origin. For purposes of presentation and discussion, respondents are referred to as either Hispanics, blacks, or whites. Data Analysis

Two stages of analysis were conducted, all using SPSS, Release 4. The first stage of analysis involved a series of one-way ANOVAs to test for statistical differences in the dependent outcomes by the racial/ethnic group of respondents. For each one-way A N O V A that was significant at the .05 level, post-hoc comparisons of all pairs of means were conducted using the Scheffe (1959) method and a significance level of .10. The second stage of analysis involved an effort to control for the effects of the rank/pay grade of soldiers (E-1 to E-4, E-5 to E-6) and the type of unit to which they were assigned (Combat Arms, Other) on the relationship between each outcome measure and the independent variable,

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racial/etlmic group. Prior studies have either hypothesized or found these variables to be strong correlates of variation in some of the dependent measures (Bowerg 1989; Griffith & Helms, 1992). An analysis of variance design was specified using rank/pay grade and unit type as additional factors in the analysis. A classical experimental approach was specified for decomposing sums of squares, and a .05 probability level was used to establish statistical significance. Essentially, the question addressed in the second stage of analysis was whether racial/ethnic group identification of sample respondents was significantly associated with variations in the dependent outcomes beyond the effects of rank/pay grade and unit type. In the analysis, two-way interaction effects were examined between each of the variables in the analysis. The significance level of the F ratio for interpreting interaction effects was set at .05.

RESULTS Institutional Integration

The findings, which are presented in Table 2, demonstrated significant differences in the level of importance assigned by racial/ethnic groups to the institutional integration of their families. In addition, these differences remained statistically significant when rank/pay grade and unit type were controlled in the second stage of analysis, and no interaction effects were statistically significant between factors in the analysis. The adjusted effect size of the independent variable as reflected by Eta-squared was .06. Multiple comparison tests revealed only partial support for study hypotheses. As predicted, Hispanics (M = 5.8) assigned a higher level of importance to the institutional integration of their families than whites (M = 4.9). However, counter to our predictions, no significant differences were found between the level of importance that blacks (M = 4.9) and whites (M = 4.9) assigned to the level of institutional integration of their families. Also counter to our predictions, the mean difference between Hispanics and blacks was significantly different, with Hispanics assigning higher importance to the dependent variable than blacks. The results on the behavioral profile of institutional integration paralleled those for the value profile. Significant differences were found in the extent to which soldiers in the three racial/ethnic groups reported a high level of institutional integration of their families. In addition, these differences remained statistically significant when rank/pay grade and unit type were controlled in the second stage of analysis, and no interaction

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effects were statistically significant between factors in the analysis. The adjusted effect size of the independent variable as reflected by Eta-squared was .08. As predicted, Hispanics (M = 5.5) reported a higher level of institutional integration than whites (M = 4.4). However, counter to our predictions, no significant differences were found between the level of institutional integration of blacks (M = 4.8) and whites (M = 4.4). Also counter to our predictions, the mean difference between I-Iispanics and blacks was significantly different, with Hispanics reporting a higher level of institutional integration than blacks.

Quality of Military Family Life The findings, which are presented in Table 2, demonstrated significant differences on two of the three items used to assess the quality of military family life: (a) the extent to which soldiers felt that they were able to have the kind of family life that they wanted in the Army, and (b) their level of satisfaction with life for families in the Army. In both cases, these differences remained statistically significant when rank/pay grade and unit type were controlled in the second stage of analysis. Although no interaction effects were found between factors on the first significant variable, an interaction between racial/ethnic group and rank was found on the second significant variable. The adjusted effect sizes for racial/ethnic group in these analyses, as reflected by Eta-squared, was .10 and .08, respectively. No significant differences emerged by racial/ethnic group identification in the

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87

analysis involving the extent to which soldiers felt they would have a better family life if they left the Army. The pattern of findings on the extent to which soldiers felt able to have the kind of family life they wanted in the Army paralleled the findings on the two components of imfitutional integration. As predicted, Hispanics (M = 2.5) felt they were more likely to achieve this aim than whites (M = 3.2). However, counter to our predictions, no significant differences were found between blacks (M = 3.1) and whites (M = 3.2) on this variable. Also counter to our predictions, the mean difference between Hispanics and blacks was significantly different, with Hispanics feeling that they were better able to achieve this aim than blacks. Given the interaction between racial/ethnic group and rank/pay grade in the analysis involving satisfaction of life for families in the Army, the effect of racial/ethnic group in explaining variation in the dependent variable becomes meaningful only in the context of rank/pay grade. As seen in Figure 1, the lowest level of satisfaction with life for families in the Army was reported by whites in the mid-enlisted ranks (M = 3.8), followed by blacks in the junior-enlisted ranks (M = 3.6). Within both rank/pay grade groups, Hispanics reported the highest level of satisfaction with life for families in the Army, M = 2.6 and M = 2.5, respectively. In general, these findings provide further support to those reported above that suggest more positive organizational attitudes among Hispanics than either blacks or whites in the Army.

SUMMARY AND DISCUSSION The surprising result of this study is that blacks appear to be more similar to whites than to Hispanics in their attitudes toward military service and its benefits for their families. In all cases in which significant differences were found among the three racial/ethnic groups, on the variables of interest, Hispanics reported a more favorable organizational attitude than either blacks or whites. No statistically significant differences were found in the organizational attitudes of blacks and whites. Given that blacks and I-Iispanics are both more economically disadvantaged in the civilian economy than whites, it is possible that differences in the organizational attitudes of blacks and Hispanics may be explained by consideration of broader socio-cultural differences between these two groups. For example, a large number of Hispanics are Catholic (Falicov, 1982), and the military's hierarchical structure coincides with that of the Catholic church. In addition, Hispanic families tend to be more traditional in gender role orientations and male-centered than either black or white

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gichards and Bowen

families (Falicov, 1982; Garcia-Preto, 1982), and these features are very compatible with the "masculine-oriented" and "male-dominated" culture of the U.S. military (M. W. Segal, 1989). Differences in the organizational attitudes of blacks and Hispanics may also be explained by historical differences. Hispanics are the most recent minority to become a part of American culture. Blacks have had a much longer time to integrate into American culture than Hispanic.s, and they have actively served in the U.S. military since World War II. Despite available statistics that suggest that Hispanics fare better in the civilian labor market than blacks (Marshall, 1991), Hispanics may perceive less available options in the civilian economy than blacks since a large percentage of Hispanics are involved in migrant and farm labor and lower-paying jobs without health insurance (Report, 1992; Schick & Schick, 1991). There is a current debate over whether the military should be viewed as an institution or an occupation (Moskos & Wood, 1988). Questions arise that concern the possible effects civilization and occupationalism may have on military effectiveness (Moskos & Wood, 1988). The current downsizing movement within the military community reflects the message that military service is beginning to function more as a "job" than as a "calling." The implications of this message could have devastating consequences for military recruitment, retention, and readiness. Military service, with all its negative drawbacks including frequent relocations, separations, and long working hours, has consistently provided its members with one significant benefit--job security. Yet, as a result of personnel cutbacks, job security in the military may be becoming as precarious as job security in the civilian sector. Service members can no longer count on military service to function as their life careers. This new sense of vulnerability may have implications on how new recruits view service, on the loyalty that members feel toward service, and on the willingness of service members to go into battle and potentially give the ultimate sacrifice: their lives. Job security may be even more valuable to those service members who perceive fewer opportunities in the civilian sector and who have favorable attitudes toward military service. It is these soldiers who may have the most difficulty reintegrating into civilian society if they are involuntarily separated from the service. Unfortunately, the same population that is most likely to experience forced separation from military service (i.e., young, married, enlisted soldiers) is also the group most at-risk of economic displacement and poverty in the civilian economy (Chilman, 1991). Prevention programs that are targeted at these at-risk families could stop a process of spiraling downward mobility before it has a chance to begin.

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Recognizing the increased special needs of service members, especially Hispanics, who are involuntarily separated from duty would include providing them with assistance through preventive programs that support them as they are transitioning to the civilian world. Programs and services could include outplacement referrals, extended benefit packages, additional chaplain and family services, job fairs, and career planning seminars (Transition, 1992). A precursor to receiving transition services is acceptance that one might be displaced from the military. A soldier's denial of the possibility that he may lose his job will impede efforts aimed at helping the transition process. Boss (1988) notes that while denial is often an effective coping mechanism, it becomes dysfunctional when it does not cognitively prepare an individual for a separation event and thus, blocks family reorganization. Hispanic soldiers, in particular, may have a difficult time coping with displacement since they appear more integrated into military service than either black or white soldiers. As a consequence, they may deny the possibility of job loss and not utilize transition services. Preventive programs designed to assist in transitioning should address the potential implications of denial, including the use of aggressive outreach services. For example, human service providers on post could work with commanders and unit supervisors to meet with soldiers in small groups to discuss the probability and potential implications of job loss, including a discussion of transition services and support programs that are available to assist soldiers and their families. The present analysis has attempted to examine potential consequences of military downsizing on Hispanics, blacks, and whites by considering variations in their attitudes toward both military service and the quality of family life in the military. An indirect rather than a direct approach has been used in examining potential consequences of military downsizing by racial/ethnic group. Future studies should ask soldiers directly about their attitudes and concerns toward involuntary separation and about its implications for marriage and family life. Further research on the potential consequences of military downsizing should also include a larger and more representative sample to increase the generalizability of these findings. The nonprobability and restricted nature of the present sample limits its external validity. In addition, it is recommended that further studies of differences in organizational attitudes by racial/ethnic group include a sample of female soldiers for purposes of examining possible interaction effects between racial/ethnic group and gender. Recent research by Orthner, Bowen, Zimmerman, & Short (1992), in

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Riehards and Bowen

examining young single, soldiers and their relationships, underscores the potential importance of examining racial/ethnic group differences in the context of gender. Further research should also be expanded to include senior enlisted soldiers and officers and be extended to a comparative analysis of aH branches of the Armed Forces.

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

This article is based on an MSW essay submitted by Kara B. Richards to the School of Social Work, The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1992. The data were collected under contract MDA903-86-C-0260 for the U.S. Department of Army Office of the Chief of Chaplains by Dr. Gary L Bowen and Dr. Barbara J. Janofsky. Any opinions, findings, and conclusions expressed in this article are those of the authors and should not be construed as an official Department of Army position, policy, or decision, unless so designated by other documentation.

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Military downsizing and its potential implications for Hispanic, black, and white soldiers.

Current military downsizing efforts may pose a significant stressor event for service members who face involuntary separation. This may be especially ...
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