MEI-LINLEE, HUI-SHENGLIN, AND MING-CHENGCHANG

LIVING A R R A N G E M E N T S OF THE ELDERLY IN TAIWAN: Q U A L I T A T I V E EVIDENCE

ABSTRACT. Qualitative data from a series of focus group discussions with elderly and adults with elderly parents in Taiwan provide detailed information on the living arrangements of the 2 generations, complementing quantitative data from surveys. Co-residence of elderly parents with a married son has been the predominant ideal form and is supported by cultural values. The preference for co-residence also involves numerous practical considerations related to the elderly's needs in their old age and the services they can provide for the co-resident younger couple. The elderly's greatest concern and strongest motive for co-residence is their health. Married daughters are traditionally perceived as belonging to their husband's family after marriage. Thus, living with a married daughter is seen as an offense against the rights of the husband's family and is largely proscribed. Under circumstances of good health and financial prosperity, many elderly participants expressed interest in the freedom and privacy that independent living confers. One surprising finding from the focus groups was the saliency and crucial status of co-eating as part of the co-residential living arrangement. Mostly negative views were expressed regarding institutionalized living but with some ethnic differences apparent. To a limited extent, the focus group discussions also provide some sights on social changes which might affect living arrangements of the elderly at present and in the future. Key Words: Taiwan, living arrangements, focus groups, elderly

INTRODUCTION Historically, the co-residence of parents with married sons and their families in a large, joint-stem household unit has been considered ideal in Chinese culture. This cultural ideal was brought to Taiwan by settlers migrating from China at different periods of time since the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Thus the primary responsibility for the elderly has traditionally been with the family in Taiwan. Elders were accorded great respect and enjoyed filial piety from their children and younger family members. Scholars and policy makers in Taiwan today still believe that the family is the best and most natural social institution for the care of the elderly. Indeed, recent studies on living arrangements indicate that most elderly people in Taiwan live with family members, and these studies have revealed many details about the composition of households (Chang and Ofstedal 1991; Chen I987; Hermalin, Chang, Lin, Lee, and Ofstedal 1990). The present study aims to further expand the understanding of living arrangements by presenting systematic qualitative results from focus groups conducted with the elderly and with younger adults who have elderly parents in Taiwan. Journal of Cross-Cultural Gerontology 10: 53-78, 1995. 9 1995 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands.

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One of the main intentions is to explore the role of the family in the care of the elderly, particularly in the face of rapid demographic, social, and economic changes. Family and household structures are changing due to social forces which produce changes at a societal level. The decline of fertility, the prolongation of life, industrial modes of production, the growth of income, the expansion of education, migration and the urbanization of the population, and rising female labor force participation, in addition to the intensive contacts with other cultures, have collectively brought about changes in the family (Thornton and Lin 1993).

METHODOLOGYAND RESEARCHDESIGN The present analysis is based primarily on qualitative data generated through 21 focus group discussions conducted in the central region of Taiwan. Participants in the discussions consisted of elderly people ages 60 to 85 and younger adults ages 35 to 59 who had elderly parents in Taiwan. This latter group is referred to as 'adult children,' although they are not the children of the older participants in this study. Focus group discussions were conducted by the Taiwan Provincial Institute of Family Planning during a 10 month period from April 1991 to January 1992. There were typically 6 to 8 persons in each session. Groups were formed based on age, sex, education, rural-urban residence, and ethnicity. The age break refers to elderly and younger adults with parents alive. The education break differentiates those with more from those with less education. For the elderly, 'more educated' represents those who graduated from primary or advanced schools, and 'less educated' describes those who never graduated from primary school and those who were illiterate. The ethnic distinction differentiates 3 major ethnic groups in Taiwan, namely, Fukien Taiwanese (called Fukienese in brief), Hakka Taiwanese (called Hakkanese as distinctive from Fukien Taiwanese), and Mainlander. The term 'Taiwanese' includes' 'Fukien Taiwanese' and 'Hakka Taiwanese'. 'Mainlander' refers to the late migrant stream from China after World War II, particularly after 1949, when the Communists took over mainland China. The latest migrants from China included people from various provinces of the whole mainland, while 'Fukienese' and 'Hakkanese' refer to the offspring of early migrants who were mainly from two coastal provinces in the southeast of China, i.e., Fukien and Kwantung provinces. A large proportion of Mainlanders were young soldiers at the time when they retreated with the National Government to Taiwan; at present many of them are veterans. Ten sessions were held with the Fukienese elderly divided according to sex (except for two mixed sex groups), rural-urban residence, and education. Two sessions each were held with Hakkanese elderly and with non-veteran Mainlander elderly, divided by sex. Another 2 sessions were with Mainlander male veterans. There were 5 sessions with younger adults, 2 Fukienese, 1 Hakkanese and 1

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Mainlander. No residential break was made for elderly Hakkanese and Mainlanders, since Hakkanese tended to live in rural areas while Mainlanders are concentrated in urban areas. The heavy emphasis on Fukienese groups reflects their majority in the population. All groups were selected from the central region of Taiwan spreading over Taichung city, Taichung county, Nantou county, and Changhua county. This research design makes no claim that the results are representative of the whole island. Nevertheless, it is assumed that the distribution of groups is not atypical for the population in Taiwan except for the aboriginal and possibly to some extent, the capital city of Taipei. The focus group discussions were carried out in the dialects of each ethnic group. Transcriptions, however, were made in officially written Chinese. The resulting 21 transcripts serve as the source data for this qualitative analysis. The selection of participants was assisted by family planning field workers attached to the local health stations in the selected sites. They were instructed by researchers to find elderly persons or younger adults of a particular sex, educational level, and ethnicity to participate in discussions on the topic of the elderly. Researchers also provided the field workers with screening forms for collecting the information about possible participants. A research assistant would then evaluate the screening information and invite participants by phone calls or home visits. All 21 discussion sessions were moderated by the 3 co-investigators using common guidelines for elderly and younger adult group discussions. For each session, 2 or 3 assistants supervised the recording, facilitated the logistics and took notes. The assistant who took notes was responsible for transcribing discussions in local dialects into standard Chinese.

ACTUALLIVINGARRANGEMENTS The most prominent form of household structure in Taiwan for elders with adult children has been the co-residence of parents and their adult sons. Such a living arrangement has served as the setting within which support has been exchanged. The 1989 Survey of the Health and Living Status of the Elderly, conducted by the Taiwan Provincial Institute of Family Planning, indicated that among the elderly over 60 and with a spouse, about 70% live with either married or unmarried children. For the elderly without a spouse, this proportion is even higher, 82%. An examination of the parental status of the elderly indicates that on the average, an elderly person has 2.5 living sons and an equivalent number of living daughters. Among the sons and daughters of the elderly, 70% of the sons and 80% of the daughters are married (Hermalin et al. 1990). Studies of living arrangements over time have suggested that there has been a trend away from co-residence of parents with several married sons to coresidence with only one son. This pattern of co-residence has placed greater

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emphasis on vertical ties between parents and sons and less on horizontal ties among married brothers (Freedman, Moots, Sun, and Weinberger 1978; Weinstein, Sun, Chang, and Fredman 1990). Families have tended to choose one son to live with parents, while the others leave the parents to form their own nuclear families. Researchers thus stress that the observed decline in the proportion of join-stem families in which parents live with more than 1 married son and the increase in nuclear families does not mean that family structure has undergone radical changes. The stem family has been and remains the predominant form of family structure for the elderly. While nuclear families have increased, most of the elderly have lived and are still living with adult children (Chen 1987; Wang and Chen 1988). Nevertheless, Chang (1987), analyzing data from a series of surveys of reproductive aged married women, points out that the percentage of parents living with a married son also decreased. After controlling for the availability of sons, Chang found that the percentage of parents living with a married son declined from 76% in 1980 to 69% in 1986. This change implies that the pattern of co-residence of parents with a married son may be in the process of a decline that can be expected to continue in the future. Further evidence of a decline in co-residence is apparent from statistics gathered by the Directorate General of Budget, Accounting, and Statistics of Taiwan since 1986 (DGBAS, 1991). The proportion of elderly (aged 65 and above) who co-reside with children declined from 70% in 1986 to 63% in 1991. The DGBAS statistics also indicated that elderly who lived in the Homes for the Aged consisted of only a minor share (0.8%) in 1986, but increased to 1.2% in 1991. Thus the existing quantitative data regarding actual living arrangement patterns show that most elderly people in Taiwan live with unmarried or married children but also that a decline in co-residential arrangements is underway. The high level of co-residence among the elderly generally also held for the participants in the focus group discussions, although this varied by ethnicity with mainlanders far less likely to co-reside than others.

PREFERRED LIVINGARRANGEMENTS The Views of the Elderly Ms. Hsu: I feel that living together with son and daughter-in-law is the best. In such instance, we can take care of each other in daily life, and it is the happiest thing to hear my grandchildren calling "grandma" around. [Fukienese elderly, rural, less educated] Ms. Wu: The ideal is to live with adult sons... When we get old, we all have to be with sons. [Hakkanese elderly, rural, less educated] Mr. Lee: Three generations living together is the tradition of our society, where the elderly can enjoy playing with grandchildren and look after grandchildren when son and daughter-in-law both are busy at

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working. In the meantime, the son can be more easily taking care of us elderly. I do prefer to live with married sons. [Mainlander elderly, urban, more educated] Among practical considerations from the elderly's perspective, the most important concern was the deterioration of health in old age. Expressions of this concern were presented in both direct and indirect ways. Other reasons for prefelting to live with children were also expressed and included financial considerations, companionship, and the assistance provided to mad by the elderly. The participants made clear that the elderly are not the only ones who benefit from co-residence. The young also received help from the elderly. Mr. Chen: I think living with adult sons is not only practical but also an ideal. You know we will inevitably get sick, we all need sons beside us. In case of emergency, they can carry us to the hospital. Though there may be some conflicts between generations, I still prefer to live with sons. [Fukienese elderly, rural, more educated] Mr. Lee: You may live by yourself only when you have money. Then you can go climbing mountains or enjoy the life. What can you live on if there is financial problem? That's why we elderly have to live with sons. [Fukienese elderly, more educated, urban] Mr Hurh: I think one important reason for living with adult sons is that even if we become frail, sons and daughters-inqaw can help take us to see the doctor, preparing food for us, or feed us. [Fukienese elderly, urban, less educated] Ms. Wu: I prefer to live with married son and grandchildren. If I fall sick in bed at midnight, my neighbours may not be able to help, but a son can save my life. At the time that my son and daughter-in-law have to be out for work, I can look after the grandchildren for them. [Mainlander elderly, urban, less educated] The preference for co-resident sons is of course culturally determined since, in practice, a daughter could perform many of the practical functions cited by the elderly as important reasons for intergenerational co-residence. In fact, daughters are actually probably more suitable for taking care of the elderly as they were raised to be care givers. Many people even think daughters are more compatible with elderly parents than daughters-in-law. Nevertheless, the elderly seldom consider living with married daughters. The 1989 Elderly Survey indicated that less than 1% of the elderly saw living with a malTied daughter as the best arrangement and only 3% of elderly respondents were living with married daughters at the time of the interview. Traditionally, a married daughter was regarded as belonging to her husband's family after marriage. The Chinese expression for getting married is 'marry out' (to another family) for women, and 'marry in' (gain an additional family member) for males, which reflects an essential element associated with the patrilocal practice of marriage. After getting married, the daughter would break off her connections with her original family. Living with a married daughter has thus been

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perceived as a violation of the husband's family's rights. Even if parents have no son, many of them would never consider it proper to have a married daughter come and live with them. Much attention is paid to the thoughts and feelings of the son-in-law's family. Because social and economic development has been so rapid in Taiwan, a large number of women have participated in the labor force as well as in other aspects of social life. However, the norms deriving from agrarian times are resilient and continue to discourage co-residence with daughters. These sentiments were clearly expressed in the focus groups. Mr. Shih: To live with married daughter is against the social ethics. [Fukienese elderly, more educated, urban] Mr. Gan: If one lives with a married daughter, then the son-in-law has to endure a great deal. A man with hard bones cannot take it. This certainly would cause the young couple to quarrel every day. [Fukienese elderly, more educated, urban] Mr. Chen: I like to live with sons. I never thought to live with daughters. Even if the daughter is very dear I don't want (to live with her). We should care for saving our own faces! What would people say if you live with daughter and son-in-law?... After marriage, the daughter must observe the customs of husband's family. No matter how good or bad, rich or poor her husband's family is. [Fukienese elderly, less educated, urban] Mr. Lin: When you go to visit the married daughter and stay there for longer than 3 days, you will find the neighbors gossip, and start to question your relations to the son-in-law and daughter. [Fukienese elderly, rural, more educated] Mr. Liu: Living with married daughter is something sorrowful. Not any able person would like to do it. [Hakkanese elderly, rural, less educated] Ms. Wu: I would rather go to stay in the Home for the Aged than live with a married daughter. [Mainlander elderly, urban, less educated] These seemingly adverse sentiments towards co-residence with married daughters do not indicate that parents do not love their daughters. Rather, respondents are reflecting the widespread cultural view that after marriage, a daughter is no longer considered a member of her own family, but rather belongs to the husband's family. Therefore, parents lose the right to invite her to co-reside. Nonetheless, in some instances, participants revealed their special feelings about a daughter's attention. Talking about the tensions between a mother-in-law and daughter-in-law reminded them of the greater familiarity and better compatiblity that existed between them and their own daughters. With whom would elderly prefer to live when they had no sons? In the focus groups, elderly participants were asked about their choice of living arrangements under these circumstances and specifically whether they preferred living with a

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married daughter or preferred some other alternative. In most cases, answers by the elderly indicated that they still preferred living with a married daughter over other arrangements. However, some conditions or preparations were considered important for such a living arrangement. Most important were that (1) the daughter should be filial and genuinely willing, and the son-in-law should welcome them; and that (2) the parents should provide some property for the daughter. Some elderly mentioned engaging in a special marriage practice, referred to as 'zaw zuei' to gain social recognition for co-residence with a married daughter and son-in-law. This refers to the parents inviting the husband to marry their daughter. After marriage the husband has the obligation to live with his parentsin-law and help with farming or other business for the wife's family. The couple's children are legally entitled to succession in the wife's family. This practice permits a family without a male heir to solve the problem of family continuity in a patrilineal society. It also helps alleviate poverty problems for some large families. In order to arrange a 'zaw zuei', a daughter's parents would provide some property for the son-in-law and his family. The practice of 'zaw zuei' has been losing popularity in recent times. As society modernizes, arranged marriage have given way to marriages based on choice. Also, increased family income associated with economic development has lessened the need for poor families to engage in this practice. Also, since family size has been reduced, a family seldom has 'extra' sons for another family. Ms. Chen: If there are no sons, we cannot help but live with a daughter. If elderly live alone and 1 of them dies someday, what can the other do when sick? [Fukienese elderly, urban, less educated] Mr. Liu: If there are no sons, have the son-in-law 'zaw zuei'. It is then proper to live with daughter. This is not the same with directly going to live with daughter. [Fukienese elderly, rural, more educated] Mr. Chen: (If I had no sons,) I would choose to live with daughter instead of living in the Home for the Aged. [Fukienese elderly, rural, less educated] The Views of Adult Children For the adult children groups, the discussions about preferred living arrangements involved 2 considerations: the arrangement for their parents and the anticipation of their own arrangements in the future. In general, adult children viewed these differently. With respect to their elderly parents' living arrangements, adult children both acknowledged the obligation they have towards parents and recognized that there were a number of advantages to co-residence, although with some reservations. Mr. Lee: In my own opinion, living with my parents is the most preferable arrangement, although my wife may not like it. If parents are living with us, we can easily take care of each other. If not, we can only visit them when we have time. Like yesterday, nobody was watching

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my home when I had to bring my child to see the doctor. If we lived together then we can look after each other. [Fukienese adult children, urban, less educated] Mr. Liu: Living with parents is the best way. But I don't expect my son will do so in the future. [Fukienese adult children, urban, more educated] Mr. Tsai: The advantages of co-residence is they (parents) can watch the house when we go out, and it is a kind of good education for the younger generation. The disadvantages is that we have to avoid showing affections openly to their eyes. [Fukienese adult children, urban, more educated] Ms. Teng: It is not bad having parents live together (with us). The elderly can help us with watching the house and do household chores when we are working outside. This also educates the children, it lets children take living together for granted. [Hakkanese adult children, rural, less educated] The mainlander young adult group, however, was consistent in their preference for keeping some (although not much) distance from parents as important in living arrangement. Ms. Chen: I think living near by parents' place is the best. Don't live together, because there is always generational gap. Should keep at least 2 minutes walking distance. Then we can take care of them without much difficulty. This is our present way. I often bring my kids to see them after my working. [Mainlander adult children, urban, more educated] Young adults' preferences as for their own living arrangement when they are old differed from the arrangement they consider appropriate for their elderly parents. More variation in preferences was apparent, and it is difficult to find a modal living arrangement that the adult children participants considered as ideal for themselves. In the discussion, they were not as outspoken or decisive about their preferences as were the elderly. Sometimes it is difficult to distinguish which statements referred to their parents and which to themselves. Also, some probably had difficulty thinking concretely about their future situation given that their elderly years were still some years away and that they perceived that the society was rapidly changing. Clearly some felt that chances of co-residing in the future would be considerably less than at present. Mr. Liu: Although my ideal is to live with parents. I will not expect that my son will live with us in the future... [Fukienese adult children, urban, more educated] Mrs. Tung: Yes, it is important that we keep good health and have enough saving. Don't too expect to live with your son or you will be disappointed. [Fukienese adult children, urban, more educated]

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Ms. Teng: Now the social trend is like this. If parents are still able, they live on their own and let the children pursue their own future. If someday we are not able to live on our own, and children have difficulties to live together, then we might go to Home for the Aged. We had better have some savings for such purposes. [Hakkanese adult children, rural, more educated] STRAINS IN CO-RESIDENCE Joint households are not always harmonious. A major source of problems when parents and married children live together is in-law conflict. The focus group discussions provide rich information about in-law conflicts. Though in the focus groups the in-law conflicts were not the specific topic of discussion, several kinds of strains in co-residence with daughters-in-law and sons-in-law were spontaneously brought up by both the elderly and adult children participants when discussing the disadvantages of different kinds of living arrangements for the elderly.

Strains in interacting with the daughter-in-law 341". Lin: A proverb says that 'A bad daughter-in-law is better than a good daughter.' The daughter-in-law is expected to be the main daily caregiver of the elderly regardless of whether she is good or bad. We elderly should understand that care from a daughter-in-law is permanent. [Fukienese elderly, rural, less educated] This statement made by a focus group participant clearly exemplifies the importance the elderly place on the role played by daughters-in-law in caring for the elderly. At the same time participants recognized that there are many kinds of strain that characterize the relationship between elderly parents and their daughters-in-law. The position of the modern daughter-in-law in the Chinese household in Taiwan is a difficult one given the traditional expectation that she should be dedicated to serving her parents-in-law and yet is increasingly expected to be economically active, contributing to the financial welfare of the household. Moreover, differences between younger and older generations' views of appropriate roles within the family, community, and society at large contribute to potential strains in the interaction between the elder and the coresident daughter-in-law. The fact that many elderly are aware that roles are changing can cause them to try to adjust their expectations or, alternatively, may increase their disappointment. Comments pertaining to the general potential for intergenerational strains focusing on the role of the daughter-in-law were brought up across the whole spectrum of elderly groups. Clearly, the special status of the daughter-in-law in her parent-in-laws' family means that interactions need to be handled skillfully or an in-law conflict will occur.

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Mrs. Kuo: The elderly parents need to be more careful in how they act toward or talk to a daughter-in-law. [Fukienese elderly, urban, more educated] Mr. Tseng: When co-residing with a married son and daughter-in-law, the son may not care much about what the elderly parents do or say to him, but the daughter-in-law does. [Fukienese elderly, less educated, urban] For many elderly, especially the mothers-in-law, disappointment in the way the daughter-in-law fulfills the duties expected of her can lead to overt scolding, exacerbating the strain further. This situation can in turn place the son in a difficult position. Concern about scolding was spontaneously brought up by both the elderly and the adult children participants but mentioned more often by the adult children. Mr. Herh: One of the reasons that a son and daughter-in-law dislike to co-reside with the elderly parents is that the elderly tend to scold the younger generation . . . . Even if it is clear that it is not the fault of the daughter-in-law, she (the mother-in-law) just wants to scold regardless of whether what she says is right or wrong. This causes the daughter-inlaw to be unhappy, and, thus they cannot get along well. There are many cases like this. [Fukienese elderly, urban, less educated] Mrs. Tsai: Relatively speaking, the elderly parents talk to a daughterin-law less openly than they do to their son. Though it can be easy to scold a daughter, they have to be concerned about the possible reaction of the daughter-in-law if they scold her. [Fukienese adult children, urban, more educated] If a conflict occurs, it will create a strain not only for the mother-in-law and daughter-in-law, but also for the married son. He has to play a mediating role between his mother and his wife. Mrs. Yeh: When 3 generations live together, the problem is the conflict between the mother-in-law and the daughter-in-law. If they can live harmoniously, there is no problem. However, if they cannot get along well, the married son stands in between. Should he be good to his mother or to his wife? [Mainlander elderly, urban, more educated] The fact that rapid educational change has been occurring over a number of decades in Taiwan means that large gaps have developed between the educational level of elderly parents and their adult children. These differences have undoubtedly influenced the ways in which the younger generation views many of the issues that touch on the lives of both generations in the context of co-residence. This difference holds for both daughters-in-law and sons and may create problems of inter-generational communication for both. Mr. Ting: Though there are advantages to 3 generations living in the same household, it is very difficult for the old and young generations to communicate, because the old generation received less education, and

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the younger generation has received much higher education. Both generation have very different opinions, thus causing many intergenerational problems. [Mainlander elderly, urban, less educated]

Lack of PHvacy Both elderly and adult children focus group participants mentioned that lack of privacy and increased opportunities for interfering with each other's affairs can be an important source of strain when 2 or 3 generations co-reside. The presence of parents apparently inhibits the younger couple from freely expressing affection to each other. Ms. Yu: I think the elderly had better live nearby the children but not to eat together. We can help each other when there is need and keep our privacy. [Fukienese elderly, urban, more educated] Mrs. Tsai: A disadvantage of living with the elderly parents is that the elderly parents may be jealous if the young couple shows too much affection explicitly in front of them. [Fukienese adult child, urban, more educated] Child rearing is 1 area where differences in views between generations often emerge. When members of the younger generation assert themselves in this matter, elderly may interpret this behaviour as a disapproval of their presence in the household. That this is a potential problem area, however, is recognized by a number of elderly participants. Mr. Chen: If grandchildren misbehave, the elderly tend to interfere in the discipline carried out by the daughter-in-law. She will be unhappy and complain that while I am disciplining my child, you (the elderly) are showing your pity to the kid. Then, how can I discipline my child? [Fukienese elderly, urban, more educated] Mrs. Wu: The ways we teach or discipline our children are different from the old generation. The elderly parents will say that you don't iike us to live you and thus you scold your children as a way to show your unhappiness to us (the elderly). I would prefer to live alone in my old age. [Hakkanese adult child, rural, less educated] Food Preparation for the Elderly One of the more important daily chores of a household is the preparation of meals. As the focus group discussions revealed, meal preparation can be an important source of strain between the 2 generations in a co-resident home. Problems revolving around food were brought up by both the elderly and the adult children participants. However, it was more frequently mentioned by less educated rural Fukienese elderly of both sexes. This strain mainly arises from the differences between the generations concerning the kinds of food, ways of

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cooking, and timing of the daily 3 meals. The strain is also related to the dental problems and eating habits of the elderly, which affect the daughter-in-law because she is usually the one to prepare food for the elderly. Mrs. Yeh: Living with elderly parents, the daughter-in-law has to worry about what kind of food to cook and how to cook it. Without the coresiding elderly, the daughter-in-law can freely eat any kind of food. Sh~,"Ncan even buy food outside. [Fukienese elderly, more educated, rural] Mr. Lin: Nowadays, young people are all working outside... Because of work, sometimes the son and daughter-in-law have to eat early or eat late in the evening. Sometimes we elderly have to wait for a long time to have our meal. Thus, it is better if we cook for ourselves. [Fukienese elderly, rural, less educated] Coping with Strains Although co-residence with a married son and daughter-in-law tends to cause some in-law and intergenerational strains and conflict, it is still the most prevalent and preferred living arrangement of the elderly in Taiwan. Survey data show that about two-thirds of the elderly aged 65 and above are still co-residing with a married son. To avoid conflict and achieve family harmony while living together, both the elderly and the adult children have developed various coping strategies. Those mentioned in the focus group discussions included (1) not interfering, (2) considerate treatment, (3) skillful scolding, and (4) avoiding nagging. Not interfering. Avoiding strains by not interfering with the lives of the younger generation when living together was the most frequently mentioned strategy by the elderly, particularly Taiwanese elderly, for successful co-residence. Mr. Chen: When living with a married son and daughter-in-law, the elderly parents must pretend to be blind, deaf and dumb. While your daughter-in-law is disciplining her children, the elderly should keep their hands off and should not interfere. [Fukienese, urban, more educated] Ms. Tsen: When living with a married son and daughter-in-law, the elderly should not interfere with them while they are doing things. Leave them alone because they have their own private life. This can maintain emotional affection between the elderly parents and the children's generation. [Fukienese, rural, less educated] Considerate treatment. This coping strategy was frequently mentioned by both the elderly and the adult children. Participants perceived that if you want others to treat you well, you have to treat others well first. Being honest and open to each other, treating your daughter-in-law as your own daughter, and helping your daughters-in-law with housework were also mentioned as ways of being considerate to daughters-in-law and minimizing friction.

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Ms. Chou: Regardless of how, it is unlikely for daughter-in-law to say that you are bad. If you treat her well, she will treat you well too. [Fukienese elderly, urban, more educated] Ms. Wu: The elderly parents should be open and honest to daughter-in-law. [Mainlander elderly, urban, more educated] Mr. Wei: I feel that it depends on both sides. If you (the daughter-inlaw) treat her (the mother-in-law) well, she will treat you well too. [Fukienese adult children, rural, more educated]

Skillful scolding. This strategy was explicitly mentioned spontaneously by female mainlander elderly in urban areas. However, Taiwanese elderly are also likely to practice this strategy because they are quite aware of the differences between natural children and 'in-law' children as stated above. Scolding skills may be summarized as follows: (a) only scold natural children, (b) indirectly ask the son to tell the daughter-in-law, and (c) find another opportunity to tell the daughter-in-law. Ms. Hu: When a quarrel occurs between son and daughter-in-law or daughter and son-in-law, the elderly parents should only scold their own son or daughter regardless whether they are right or wrong, because they are less likely to mind it. But daughter-in-law will mind... Regardless of how wrong the daughter-in-law is, the elderly should not scold her right away. The elderly parents should find another opportunity to tell their son and ask him to tell his wife about the wrong she did the other day. If her attitude is not right, the elderly should find another opportunity to tell her. They should not scold her right away and cause her to lose face. [Mainlander elderly, urban, more educated]

Not nagging. This strategy was occasionally mentioned by both older participants and adult children participants. The elderly are aware that children, including daughters-in-law, dislike their parents' nagging and thus that the elderly should try to avoid it. Adult children also indirectly brought up that they dislike their parents' nagging. Mr. Lee: We elderly parents need to rely on our son and daughter-inlaw. They prepare food for us, if we like it, we eat more. If we don't like it, we eat less. We should not nag and complain about it, otherwise we will get nothing to eat: [Fukienese elderly, less educated, rural] Mr. Su: One of the reasons that the elderly parents of not co-reside with their married son is because the elderly n a g . . . They just like to nag, regardless if the daughter-in-law is right or wrong, thus their daughtersin-law dislike them. [Fukienese elderly, less educated, urban]

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Both quantitative and qualitative data presented illustrate that elderly respondents on the whole opted for co-residence with children. Nevertheless, to many of the elderly the attraction of independent living was a factor that cannot be ignored. The 1989 Elderly Survey indicated that living alone or living only with spouse were living arrangement patterns for 23% of the elderly population, a rather significant proportion. Results from the same survey also pointed out that more than one fifth (22%) of the elderly considered independent living to be the best arrangement, even for those who have sons. The DGBAS statistics likewise indicated a clear trend towards more independent living among the elderly. The proportion of elderly who lived alone increased from 12% in 1986 to 14% in 1991, and the proportion of those living with a spouse only also increased from 14% to 19% at the same time. A number of advantages of independent living were mentioned by the elderly in the focus group discussions. Some elderly felt that it was important to have their own independent lives. Some elderly disliked feeling that they were bothering the young and preferred rather to only visit them on a temporary basis, offering to help with the children. They also expressed a desire to give freedom to the young couple. Mr. Huang: It is not necessary to live with children except on occasions when they need us. For example, when my grandchild was born, my wife went to help them. [Fukienese elderly, urban, more educated] Ms. Zuan: Living alone makes life simpler. We like to visit married children, stay with them for some time but not long. It's important that we should have our own lives. [Fukienese elderly, rural, more educated] Mr. Tung: If both the old are alive then they are better doing their own cooking. Then you can enjoy 3 warm meals, and you don't have to bother the young. Now we live alone by ourselves. We really enjoy the freedom of going wherever we want and eating whatever we like. But if 1 of us dies someday, we must call the son to live. No matter how good or bad the food, a son and daughter-in-law will provide for us. [Fukienese elderly, rural, less educated] The reason some elderly preferred living independently was to avoid friction with children. They were sensitive to the difference in life experiences between their generation and the younger generation. Some stressed that they grew up during the Japanese colonial period and endured difficult living conditions during the war, while the children grew up in a different age and thus their thinking and life style differ from those of their parents. Separate living arrangements are seen as a better and safer way to avoid conflicts or friction between the 2 generations. Ms. Chen: To live with sons is good. But today's young generations they all have been brought up in affluent time, they never experienced the

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hard life we constantly had. Because the great differences in thoughts and life style, it is not easy for the old and young to live together harmoniously. This is not saying that the young are unfilial or no good, but just the problem of lifestyles. [Fukienese elderly, rural, less educated] Some elderly choose independent living because they feel that members of the younger generation are no longer very willing to live with their parents. This reasoning sometimes implies a sense of rejection. Ms. Hsu: We (the old) have been living separately from our son since they married... I don't spend much time with sons or grandchildren in fact. I have heard that 9 out of 10 girls don't want to live with parentsin-law these days. [Fukienese elderly, rural, more educated] The discussions on living arrangements reveal an intricate link between coresidence and co-eating. Often when respondents explained their reasons for living independently they were associated with problems about eating together. This issues arose spontaneously in many groups, the issue being unanticipated by the research team when the aiscussion guidelines were drawn up. The theme came up again and again and seemed to be among the most salient concerns of the elderly participants. Ms. Chert: We can live on our own, have the food that we like. But living independently can only be affordable if your economic status is good. [Fukienese elderly, urban, more educated] Mr. Lin: Nowadays, son and daughter-in-law are all out for work. We elderly had better prepare our own food, soft or solid as we like, eat earlier or later as we need. It is good to live together, but the children always advance or delay the time for eat due to work. We elderly have to wait for over half a day for stuffing our stomachs. In this circumstance, we had better living by ourselves and can enjoy more freedom. [Fukienese elderly, rural, less educated] The high saliency of issues revolving around eating and food preparation may arise from several sources that deserve further investigation. First, the sheer frequency of this activity, several times daily, may give it particular prominence in the minds of the participants. Moreover, eating together in a family involves a constant transfer of resources and services with respect to who pays for the food, who shops for food, who cooks meals, and who cleans up after meals. Thus food preparation and eating have the potential to be a constant source of annoyance in co-residential arrangements. Second, eating together probably requires cooperation directly between a mother-in-law and daughter-in-law, a relation that, as already pointed out, can be a major source of friction in a co-residential arrangement. Moreover, working daughters-in-law who bring income home may no longer be willing to also be primarily responsible for food preparation even though the elderly think of this as a traditional obligation of daughters-in-law. The new economic roles with

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respect to working outside the home that are increasingly taken on by women in Taiwan may now have caused a change in how daughters-in-law view their role in the household. The competing demands made on them as wage-earners and care givers of elderly parents-in-law may be making the demanding task of food preparation more problematic currently than in the past. The separation of co-eating from co-residence apparently is one way to accommodate to this pervasive source of potential friction. Moreover, it can help to alleviate some of the other potential disadvantages of multi-generational coresidence by increasing scheduling freedom for those involved, giving greater privacy to elderly and adult children, and permiting appropriate food choices for both. At the same time, some key advantages of co-residence are maintained, including the ready availability of younger generation members at times of health problems or emergencies. Mr. Chen: I think we elderly should live together but not eat together with sons. We elderly like different kinds of food from them. But we should look after the house for them. Now it is a industrial society, everybody goes out for work or school during the day. There are no others at home except we elderly. I want to stress that the elderly should live with sons but do our own cooking. We no longer have to go hungry because they return home late. [Fukienese elderly, rural, less educated] Ms. Lee: (My ideal is) Children live upstairs and we (parents) down stairs. Nowadays, people prepare a separate kitchen when son gets married. I think (the separation of kitchens) is a good living arrangement. [Fukienese elderly, urban, more educated] PERCEPTIONSOF INSTITUTIONALIZEDLIVINGARRANGEMENTS At present, the transfer of the responsibility for care of the elderly to agents other than family members is a new and emerging issue in Taiwan. As in other developing countries, institutions for the aged have yet to become a viable alternative for the elderly. Government policy has underscored the merit of family care according to tradition and has been reluctant to invest in projects involving institutions for the elderly. Programs for the elderly are not high priorities compared with other urgent economic revitalization and construction programs. Pension schemes still benefit only a small proportion of elderly, particularly those who are retired from public service and from working in large firms. Paradoxically, stress on family values even became an excuse for not emphasizing housing programs or institutions for the elderly. Small-scale and privately run nursing homes have increased more rapidly recently than publicly owned nursing homes, but their quality is still questionable. Only a few institutions for the elderly are available in Taiwan. All facilities combined can accommodate only about 35,000 individuals. Most of these insti-

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tutions were built to accommodate veterans who moved from mainland China to Taiwan around 1949. A large number of the veterans remained bachelors because there were not enough Taiwanese women to marry them. Their disadvantaged status also affected their chances of getting married. Most people tend to associate institutions with unmarried Mainlanders and veterans in particular. In contrast, native Taiwanese elderly were rather inexperienced with institutionalized arrangements. Discussions on the topic revealed that native Taiwanese participants had very little knowledge about home for the aged. Mainlanders were more knowledge about such institutions. Taiwanese participants who claimed some knowledge of such institutions often had misconceptions about their functions or were ignorant about the types of service they provide.

Views of the Elderly In general, respondents consider the home for the aged a place only for those elderly who have neither children nor relatives with whom to live. In their view, there is no reason for any person who has a child to live there. If an elderly person has children and lives there, these children must be unfilial and are liable to harsh criticism. Most focus group participants felt pity for those who had no other option than living in an institution. Some elderly commented that this is the difference between Chinese culture and Western culture. The negative views of native Taiwanese elderly are abundantly clear in the focus group discussions. Mr. Chen: It is the saddest thing in the world! One has a son but lives in the home for the aged. [Fukienese elderly, urban, less educated] Mr. Lira: Those who don't have any means of living, or those who don't have any relative to depend on will go (to the home for the aged). Any person who has a child will not go there. In my own case, even if I want to go, my son won't let me go. Neither would my daughter-inlaw. No one would let me live there. [Fukienese elderly, rural, more educated] Mr. Yen: Our society is different from Western society. In Chinese society, rearing children is an obligation of parents. Supporting parents is an obligation of children. In Western society, rearing children is (an obligation), but supporting parents is not. So it's alright for their elderly to stay in the home for the aged. If some elderly who has a son in our society stays there, his family will be criticized. [Fukienese elderly, urban, more educated] Mr. Tu: Such (institutionalized) living arrangement can only happen to those who have no sons or children. They have no other choice. [Hakkanese elderly, rural, less educated] In contrast, mainlander elderly were more knowledgeable about such institutions. They tended to compare the quality of institutions or make comments on their adequacy rather than rule them out categorically.

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Mr. Lu: There are not enough homes for the aged. Those elderly (i.e., mainlander veterans) have no house, no relatives in Taiwan, they need to be cared for. Homes for the aged must be improved. [Mainlander, urban, more educated] Participants were asked how they viewed living institutions for those who had no children or whose children all lived abroad. In these circumstances, many native Taiwanese accepted the idea of living in a home for the aged. Even in cases where children existed but lived abroad, this management seemed acceptable. But participants tended to view the institutionalized arrangement as the government's responsibility. Mr. Chen: When children are not beside you, the elderly are really in need of a home for the aged. But if there are any children available in Taiwan, no matter how poor they are, elderly should not live in a home for the aged. Children should support elderly parents. [Fukienese elderly, urban, more educated] Ms. Chiu: If sons are not available in Taiwan, and elderly have no daughter or any savings, he can only depend on government (i.e. home for the aged). [Fukienese elderly, urban, less educated] Because the publicly owned institutions are currently limited to accommodating Mainlander elderly, people associate these institutions with Mainlanders. A stereotype has arisen among Taiwanese elderly of the government only taking care of Mainlander elderly. Some resentments against the presumed policy were expressed as follows: Mr. Wei: In a word, homes for the aged in Taiwan are not for the use of the Taiwanese. All the government's programs consider the Mainlanders only. I have heard that even if a Taiwanese elderly wants to live there, Mainlander residents do not welcome him. [Hakkanese, rural, less educated] Mr. Chen: Government only took care of the Mainlanders. Think over this. Have you ever seen a Taiwanese elderly who was enrolled in home for the aged? [Fukienese, rural, less educated] The Views of Adult Children The views of adult children regarding institutionalized living arrangements for the elderly were rather different when considering the matter for their parents and when considering it for themselves. As a son or daughter of one's own parents, no participant would like to say that they agree with having their parents living in homes for the aged. This invites being stigmatized as being unfilial, tantamount to deserting their parents. Ms. Shih: Generally speaking, Taiwanese have seen it as a place for those who have no children to live with. They don't want to go to live there. [Fukienese adult children, more educated, urban]

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Ms. Tsai: Living there is like being deserted. Our parents would feel nobody in the family loves them. [Fukienese adult children, more educated, urban] The young adults held more varied attitudes toward institutionalized living for themselves, with many being much more favourable to the propect of living there themselves. Some even spontaneously mentioned a home for the aged as a possibility for themselves in the future or suggested other non traditional arrangements which would allow the elderly to interact with each other and thereby enjoy their common experiences, interests, and friendship as elders. In general, even if they expressed a preference to live with a son, young adult participants appeared more ready to accept some kind of institutionalized arrangements when they get old. The readiness was partially due to their expectation of a reduced willingness of children to co-reside with them. Ms. Young: Our generation might accept such living arrangement. Ten or 20 years later, when those aged 50 or 60 now reach ages 70 or 80, they might accept it. For the younger generation who at ages 30 to 40 now, when they are 70 or 80, it will be even more acceptable for them. [Fukienese adult children, more educated, urban]

SOCIALCHANGESAFFECTINGLIVINGARRANGEMENTS Taiwan has experienced a rapid transformation from an agricultural to a modern industrial state, as well as sharp demographic changes in the direction of lower fertility and greater urbanization over the past 40 years. Whether socioeconomic and demographic changes will lead to a nuclearization of the family in Taiwan and associated living arrangements for elderly parents has been a major area for research (Chang 1987; Weinstein et al. 1990; Chen 1987). Here we examine the views of the focus group participants on some of the issues involved.

The Trend Toward Small Family Size A major decline in fertility has taken place in Taiwan over the last several decades. The total fertility rate has fallen to below the replacement level currently from a high level typical of less developed countries at mid-century. Mr. Wei: Our generation used to have many children because we didn't have birth control knowledge and we didn't think of the hard life it might incur. These days, people use contraceptives to have 1 son and 1 daughter. It is very risky. A rope made of 1 thread is easily broken. [Hakkanese elderly, rural, less educated] The above statement made by a participant presents a typical view of the elderly concerning the small family size of younger generations. Elderly tended to admit that their generation had too many children but stated that this is in the past and useless to regret. When considering the small families of the younger generation, some elderly expressed their concern over the prevalence of one-son fami-

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lies today. Many elderly worried about the vulnerability of families with only 1 son, suggesting that 2 was a better number of sons. Others, however, favored a one-son family although they were in the minority. Their arguments were based on the notion that a large family was still no guarantee that children would support parents in their old age. Yet counter-arguments were usually brought up immediately by other participants in the discussion. Ms. Huang: Somebody said if you have one son, you can concentrate on him. If many sons, then children may pass responsibility for the parents to each other. This brings out the uncertainty. Fewer (sons) gives better security. [Fukienese, rural, less educated] Ms. Chern: Even if you have many sons, there will be no escaping of their obligations to support parents . . . . If there is only 1 and the parents are sick, then he has to work and take care of parents at the same time. He is exhausted and has no way out. If 2 sons, then they can share the burden and take turns for taking care of us. Thus both his work and his family can be attended. For this reason, having 3 sons is more suitable. [Fukienese elderly, rural, less educated] Ms. Yang: Now people tend to have few children, and have higher incomes. Besides the expenses to support the living and education of children, parents tend to have savings in preparation for old age life. I'don't see problems with them (few children). [Mainlander, urban, more educated] The young adult participants also expressed concern that the smaller family size of today will be a problem in the future. In this regard, however, they seldom described how it would affect their old age support or living arrangements directly. Rather, they tended to pick up the topic from mass media news and made comments on national policies. Direct discussion of their perceptions of whether or not their own old age security would be jeopardized, unfortunately was not treated in the focus groups. Ms. Lin: In past, people usually had more children, so children, could share the cost of medical care for the parents. Our generation usually has only 1 son, the government has responsibility for the elderly's medical care. [Fukienese adult children, more educated, urban] Increased Education and Migration of Children Elderly participants generally agreed that higher education drew children away from their parents. It is well known that outstanding educational advances have occured in Taiwan during the previous 4 decades. These developments without doubt have affected every aspect of life in Taiwanese society, including the discussions on the living arrangements of the elderly. Ms. Kuo: The intelligentsia today like to live an independent life. They prefer to build up their own families. They are afraid of the pressure in

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a large family caused by differing interests and values between parents and their children when they live together. Those with higher education and have better occupations want to live by themselves. [Fukienese elderly, urban, more educated] Mr. Chen: The more distinguished, the higher the education for the children, the more tears for the parents. Children who received high education are tess likely to live with parents. [Fukienese elderly, urban, less educated] Several mechanisms are likely to link education and living arrangements: (1) education in recent years has been Western-oriented, and this content may have the effect of undermining traditional values; (2) education may also erode parental control by keeping students in school and exposing them to influences other than those of family members; (3) education may draw persons towards higher aspirations and equip them with better knowledge, which also encourages the out-migration of children from rural to urban areas and may even foster international migration in search of better opportunities. Much attention was paid by elderly participants to this last point, migration of children. Mr. Chang: The house that you own is the best place to live in. I am not going to move with children. [Fukienese elderly, rural, less educated] Mr. Huang: I have seen many instances that adult children moved to cities for better jobs and left parents in countryside. Though parents were invited to live with children, in most cases parents did not adjust well in the cities. Maybe it is better to let the children come back more frequently to watch over the parents. [Fukienese elderly, urban, more educated] Mr. Liu: I am going to stay here in the country. To live with my son in an urban apartment is like being kept in a cage. [Hakkanese, rural, less educated]

Increased Female Labor Force Participation Recently the level of female labor force participation has increased rapidly recently in Taiwan. Nearly half of working-age females participate in the labor force as indicated by the labor force survey (DGBAS, 1992). Women who have an active economic life tend to have higher status both within the family and in the rest of society. Thus researchers generally assume that increased female labor force participation will affect co-residence with the elderly in a negative way (Manson 1991). Since a working daughter-in-law has a higher position than a housewife, she will not only become oriented to independent living, her income will also help her and her husband to set up a separate household from that of their parents. Discussions on this topic revealed that increased female labor force participation has actually had multidimensional effects on living arrangements. Working women may choose co-residence with parents-in-law because of a need for

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parents' assistance in performing housework and looking after their children when they are absent from the home. However, in some instances expectations that parents would perform these functions can become an important reason for the elderly wanting to live independently. Thus, statements by participants reflect both negative and positive effects of women's labor force participation on coresidence with elderly. Mr. Hsu: In the past, it was the young who served the old. Now the way has been turned around. Many daughters-in-law work outside of home so that housework such as looking after children, cleaning house, shopping for food, and cooking meals have become the elderly's jobs. [Fukienese elderly, urban, less educated] Ms. Hu: My son and daughter-in-law both have to go out for work about 6 or 7 every morning. If we waited for daughter-in-law to cook dinner after she come back from work, she would not be able to rest herself until late at night. What time would be left for her to do laundry? So mother-in-law should consider her situation and help by doing some chores for her. We elderly don't have much property that can be left for the children. At least we can help them by this. [Mainlander elderly, urban, less educated] Ms. Chung: We live by ourselves. My son and daughter-in-law both have to work. They just come back on holidays or vacations. A family where daughter-in-law does not work can all live together. [Fukienese elderly, rural, less educated]

Urbanization and Limited Living Space In Taiwan, rapid urbanization has taken place during the last 4 decades. As a result, farmlands have been converted to residential and commercial use in order to accommodate the growing population in urban areas. Living space has been constrained as land became more expensive. Housing costs continue to soar. Limited space and expensive housing hinder people from having enough space for comfortable extended family co-residence. This problem is particularly severe for those with limited resources, particularly lower class native Taiwanese and middle and lower class Mainlanders who were displaced from their homeland. Elderly participants revealed discontent with their current limited, living space and even hopelessness about being able to afford better dwellings in the future. Mr. Wu: The house is so small. My sons, daughters and their children are not able to live together here with us. My eldest son stays at another place and comes back for lunch with us every Saturday for the past 8 years. Other children come to visit us once a week. Even at family get-togethers, there is no room for them to stay. There is not enough space. [Mainlander, urban, less educated]

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Mr. Lee: Three generations living together is our ideal, but how can we realize it without enough space. [Mainlander, urban, less educated]

CONCLUDINGREMARKS Census and survey data present important quantitative data on the frequency of different living arrangements and the composition of the household. Qualitative data from focus group discussions complement these data by uncovering some of the dynamics associated with these choices. On the whole, the views given by the elderly and adult children focus group participants are consistent with survey findings. The qualitative material, however, contributes new insights into the personal dimensions of living arrangements of the elderly in Taiwan. Co-residence with adult children has been the predominant form and chief preference over other living arrangement alternatives among the elderly in Taiwan. This practice has been supported by cultural values and people's practical considerations. Chinese culture has bequeathed to the elderly the normative expectation that they will be supported by adult sons. Co-residence of elderly parents and their married sons is preferred when realistic. Other living arrangements seem to serve as secondary choices when the first choice of co-residence with adult sons is unrealistic. The preference for co-residence also involves numerous practical considerations related to the elderly's needs in their old age. The elderly's greatest concern, and that which drives the motive for co-residence, is their health. Many elderly would prefer living by themselves if they were in good health. However, frailty is often their eventual fate. Other practical considerations include financial needs, the companionship of children, and the assistance provided to and by the elderly. The elderly, however, are not the only ones who gain in a co-residential arrangement. In many cases, the elderly also provide substantial help to the children and in-laws. Particularly when both son and daughter-in-law were working, most elderly played important roles in looking after the grandchildren and watching over the house. Some female elderly also helped cook meals. Such assistance from elderly parents was very important to young couples. Co-residence with married daughters is normatively proscribed and thus rarely considered a possibility by Taiwanese who have a son. Married daughters traditionally were perceived as belonging to their husband's family after marriage. Living with a married daughter has been seen as an offense against the rights of the husband's family. In most cases, however, answers by elderly who had no sons reflected that living with a married daughter was their preference over other arrangements, conditional on the daughter's and the son-in-law's willingness and his parents' reaction. The elderly are keenly awm'e of negative social opinion concerning this option. If the son-in-law would accept, the wife's

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elderly parents tended to give some reward or property to the daughter and sonin-law who assume this responsibility in place of their non-existent sons. Independent living was not outside of the elderly's consideration as a possible arrangement. Especially under the circumstances of good health and financial prosperity, many participants expressed interest in the freedom and privacy that independent living confers. Some even considered the corresponding needs of young generations, and others expressed concerns about an uncertain welcome by married children, especially those with higher education. Nevertheless, as no elderly thought they could keep from falling ill forever, independent living was generally seen as only a transitory ideal. One surprising finding from the focus groups was the saliency and crucial status of co-eating as part of the co-residential living arrangement. Many elderly participants, women in particular, expressed their discontent with co-eating when co-residing with a son and daughter-in-law. On the surface, their complaints centered around differences in taste, or the erratic timing of meals due to the young people's work schedules, leaving the elderly often hungry. Many elderly suggested separate eating within the practice of co-residence. Co-residential households, while the predominant ideal, also generated strains and conflicts. Strains between mother-in-law and daughter-in-law have been recognized in the literature as the major source of conflict in a patriarchal family system. This pattern is also evident in the discussion of various focus group sessions. In-law conflict issues consistently led to passionate discussions in both elderly and adult children groups. Information on these issues was rich enough to allow this study to generalize about the coping strategies used to deal with inlaw conflicts. The views that people expressed regarding institutionalized living arrangements were generally negative but with some ethnic differences. In general, institutions were perceived as places for accommodating those elderly without children or relatives. Different migration histories led Taiwanese elderly and Mainlander elderly to perceive institutions in very different ways. But regardless of ethnicity, most elderly tended to believe that the needs of elderly without children should be met by government policies and institutions. To a limited extent, the focus group discussions also provide some insights on social changes which might affect living arrangements of the elderly at present and in the future. The prevalence of one-son families among young people today caused some elderly to worry about the insecurity of support to ones parents. Increases in education and the associated migration of children, in the view of the elderly, increases separation between elderly parents and adult children. Housing problems in urban areas on this small island also discouraged the possibility of multi-generational co-residence. Thus, although the family remains today as the primary care giver of the elderly in Taiwan, we have to anticipate changes in the future.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The Authors gratefully acknowledge the guidence and comments on earlier drafts by John Knodel.

REFERENCES 1991 Report on the Old Status Survey, Taiwan Area, Republic of China DirectorateGeneral of Budget, Accounting and Statistics. (DGBAS). (in Chinese) Chang M.-C,, 1987 Changing Familial Network and Social Welfare in Taiwan. Paper presented at the Conference on Economic Development and Social Welfare in Taiwan, Taipei, Taiwan, Republic Of China: The Institute of Economics, Academica Sinica. Chang,M.-C. and M.B. Ofstedal 1991 Changing Attitudes Toward Old-Age Support in Taiwan: 1973-1985. Research Report No. 91-8, Comparative Study of the Elderly in Asia. Population Studies Center, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Chert, K. 1987 On the Change of Household Composition in Taiwan. Chinese Journal of Sociology: 173-183 (in Chinese) Freedman, R., B. Moots, T.H. Sun and M.B. Weinberger 1978 Household Composition and Extended Kinship in Taiwan. Population Studies 32(1): 65-80. Hermalin, A.I., M.C. Chang, H.S. Lin, M.L. Lee & M.B. Ofstedal 1990 Patterns of Support Among the Elderly in Taiwan and Their Policy Implications. Research Report No. 90-4, Comparative Study of the Elderly in Asia. Population Studies Center, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Thorton, A. and H.S Lin (eds.) 1993 Social Change and The Family In Taiwan. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Wang, T. and K. Chen 1988 Modernization, Population Transition and Household Composition in Taiwan: A crucial Test. In Taiwanese Society in Transition. K.S. Yang and H.Y. Chiu, eds. Pp. 45-59. Taipei: Institute of Ethnology, Academica Sinica, Monograph Series. Weinstein, M., T.H. Sun, M.C. Chang, and R. Freedman 1990 Household Composition, Extended Kinship, and Reproduction in Taiwan: 1965-1985. Population Studies 44: 217-239.

Associate Professor Department of Social Welfare National Chung-cheng University 160, San-hsing Ming-hsiung Chia-yi, Taiwan Republic of China Division Chief of Research and Planning Taiwan Provincial Institute of Family Planning P.O. Box 47-40 Taichung, Taiwan 408 Republic of China

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Director Taiwan Provincial Institute of Family Planning Taiwan Provincial Institute of Family Planning P.O. Box 47-40 Taichung, Taiwan 408 Republic of China