Living arrangements of the elderly in Singapore: Cultural norms in transition.

KALYANIMEHTA, MOHDMALIKIOSMAN,AND ALEXANDERLEE E.Y.

LIVING ARRANGEMENTS OF THE ELDERLY IN SINGAPORE: CULTURAL NORMS IN TRANSITION

ABSTRACT. While more than 85% of the elderly in Singapore co-reside with their children, the dynamics behind this figure can only be understood through qualitative research that considers the Singaporean multi-cultural and urban context. The cultural determinants affecting living arrangements in the 3 major ethnic groups differ. In addition, within each group, cultural norms were undergoing transitions, though at different paces. More interestingly, normative obligations, which in the past had a strong impact on patterns of living arrangements, were treated as only 1 consideration among other practical and emotional issues. External influences like government housing policies, modern lifestyles, and emigration also play a part in explaining the evolving patterns of living arrangements~ Key Words: Singapore, living arrangements, elderly, social change, cross-cultural

research, support issues

INTRODUCTION In Southeast Asia, Singapore is the country with the fastest growing aging population. At present, the elderly segment above 60 constitutes 9% of the total population of Singapore (Census of Population 1990). The figure is expected to rise to 25% by the year 2030. This dramatic shift in the population's age profile will have major implications for the country's economy, health services, and social welfare programs. Policy makers, in facing this crucial challenge of the future, will require reliable quantitative as well as qualitative data to guide them. Over the last decade, several surveys have been conducted with a special focus on the elderly. One of the earliest was the National Survey on Senior Citizens 1983 (Chen and Chang 1983), which captured not only descriptive statistics but also attitudes of the older and the middle-aged generations concerning a wide range of topics. The Surveys which followed (Cheung, Ngiam, Vasoo, and Chan 1991; Chen and Cheung 1988) have provided valuable information on the living arrangements, health and economic conditions, sources of supports and patterns of support exchanges generally as well as within the 3 major ethnic groups in Singapore. i The most significant finding in terms of living arrangements was that the majority of Singaporean elderly (over 85%) co-resided with their children. This pattern was true of all 3 major ethnic groups as shown in Table I. In addition to the above surveys, there have been a few smaller studies that focus on ethnic-specific aging issues (Blake 1992; Kua 1990). However, there is a paucity of qualitative literature which highlights cross-cultural aging patterns and issues in Singapore. That the dynamics of the social context of the aged are Journal of Cross-Cultural Gerontology 10:113-143, 1995. 9 1995 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands.

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KALYANIMEHTAET AL. TABLE 1. Percentage of Singaporean Elderly (Aged 60 and over) co-residing with one or more of their children by ethnicity

Ethnicity

Of All Elderly

Of Elderly with Living Children

%

Base N

%

Base N

Malay Indian Chinese Others Total

89.1 86.7 88.0 88.9 88.1

119 60 816 18 1013

93.0 89.7 90.9 94.1 91.4

114 58 790 17 979

Source: Original tabulation from The Survey of Aged Living in the Community 1986.

Ministry of Health, Singapore. often closely linked to ethnocultural norms has been documented by social researchers (Amoss and Harrell 1981; Chan 1983; Li 1989; Sokolovsky 1987, 1990: Thomas and Wister 1984). The polyethnic character of Singapore's population permeates almost every aspect of its people's lives. Therefore, in studying the lives of Singaporean elderly, especially at the micro-level, ethnic influences need to be addressed. In the present research, the focus group method has been applied to tap the meaning and process of aging within the multiple cultural contexts of the older generations of Singaporeans. The aim of the present inquiry is to assess the views of the elderly and the middle-aged generation in relation to living arrangement issues. The focus on living arrangements of the elderly arises from our understanding that the physical and social environment shapes considerably the nature and extent of support for the older person. RESEARCHDESIGNAND METHODOLOGY The focus group method was adopted because it is able to generate data regarding the processes involved in determining the living arrangements of the elderly. The loose structure of the guided discussion allowed participants to express freely their observations and opinions regarding matters that are familiar and intimate, offering a richness that structured surveys often cannot capture. A total of 23 focus group discussions (FGDs), of which 2 were pilot groups, were conducted from August 1990 to February 1992 by the Department of Social Work and Psychology, National University of Singapore. The exact breakdown is as follows: 4 groups of Chinese elderly, with 2 groups each of high and low socioeconomic status (SES); 4 groups of Chinese adult children, with 2 groups each of high and low SES; 4 groups of Indian elderly, with 2 groups each of high and low SES; 2 groups of Indian adult children with 1 each of high and low

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SES; 5 groups of Malay elderly with 3 groups of high and 2 of low SES; and 2 groups of Malay adult children with 1 each of high and low SES. Chinese adult children were oversampled to obtain broader representation of the Chinese who constitute the majority population in Singapore. One additional Malay elderly group, consisting of 3 female participants from 2 previously held high SES mixed gender groups, was organized because it was found that gender differences inhibited participation of the female elderly in the earlier groups. This inhibition, however, was not prominent in other groups. The major variables utilized in this research design to distinguish groups were ethnicity, economic status, and generation. The elderly participants were aged 60 and above and adult children, aged 30-49 years, who had at least 1 surviving parent. High or low SES was judged by the participant's type of dwelling and, in adult children groups, occupation. The number of groups conducted roughly matches the ethnic complexity of our research population. The sample population was obtained largely through purposive sampling. Participants were drawn from various existing natural groups such as old folks' clubs, religious groups, neighborhood groups, and welfare recipients living in proximity. Informal contacts referred by participants were also used. Screening of participants was conducted mainly by telephone. For those who did not possess telephones, home visits were carried out. Each moderator was trained in group dynamics and tried not to pose leading questions. During focus group discussions it became apparent that several factors influenced the flow and content of discussions: posturing on the part of participants; the skills and personality of the moderator; and interruptions, e.g., telephone calls. Participants had a marked tendency to personalize their answers to general questions, which sometimes thwarted our quest for generalized views. We found that focus group discussions were efficient and effective in gathering qualitative material. Participants were allowed to interact and stimulate each other and to maintain a high level of positive interest throughout the session. In many groups, participants expressed good feelings after the session. The data on living arrangements in a number of respects supported earlier findings of other researchers and shed further light on the processes leading to current living arrangements. Furthermore, focus groups provided insight into the nature of the new forces affecting decisions about living arrangements. The unique multi-cultural structure of Singapore was the rationale for dividing groups by ethnicity. The cultural influences of each ethnic group play an important role in contributing to our understanding of living arrangements of the elderly. To illustrate the uniqueness of each ethnic community, the next section addresses living arrangements within the 3 ethnic groups. This section will be followed by a comparative analysis of the benefits and strains of co-residence experienced by the 3 communities. The last section will discuss internal and external factors that influence the living arrangements of Singaporean elderly.

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Living Arrangements Of Malay Elderly Recent literature on the living arrangements of the Malay elderly in Singapore showed co-residence with children to be the most prevalent form. Blake (1992) found that 95% of her respondents were living with their children. The Survey of Aged Living in the Community [SALC] (1986) showed that 89% of the Malay respondents were living with their children. There appeared to be a process whereby the elderly would continue to reside in the same house with the unmarried child(ren) until all the children were married and only 1 married child typically remained. The living arrangements of Malay elderly once all children were married took a special form. While there appeared to be a preference for living with children (as implied by the present living arrangements), home ownership was also an important issue affecting choice of living arrangements. This relationship will be discussed later.

Coresiding With Children The preference to live with married daughters and sons-in-law, after all children are married, seemed to be the consensus amongst most Malay elderly and adult children groups regardless of SES. These data support the findings of Chen and Chang (1983) that the Malay elderly, compared to the elderly from the other ethnic groups, disproportionately prefer, when all their children are married, to live with married daughters and sons-in-law rather than other forms of living arrangements. 2 One of the most common reasons cited was the better relationship that they had with their own daughters compared with their daughtersin-law if they were to live with their married sons. Another reason was the avoidance of potential conflict with the daughters-in-law. Mdm N: I prefer to stay with my daughter... Nowadays, the houses are far apart, so I want to live with my daughter. I know her well, but if a daughter-in-law I would not know her well. Hence I follow my daughter. (Malay, Elderly, Low SES) Mdm R : . . . because daughters have good heart. Daughter-in-law (pause) ... Even if we don't follow them, this (conflict) has happened many times. But if we were to follow the daughter, the husband will listen to the wife, so we are safe. (Malay, Elderly, High SES) Adult children participants expressed their understanding of elderly's preferences for living with daughters as well as their own similar preference. Ms F: ... But they prefer daughters because the girls are more obedient. (Malay, Edlerly, High SES) Mr R: To m e . . . they prefer girls because they (the girls) know how to take care of their feelings. (Malay, Adult children, High SES)

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Mr K: They want to avoid misunderstanding with a daughter-in-law ... But no matter what, its becoming like a tradition that they prefer to follow their daughters. (Malay, Adult children, Low SES) Although in general Malay elderly preferred to live with their daughters because of potential conflicts with daughters-in-law, many participants acknowledged that there were cases of elderly parents comfortably living with sons and daughter-in-law, i.e, although a strong preference for daughters emerged, there was a certain level of flexibility in the actual choice of living arrangement. Living with the youngest child, regardless of gender, was another type of preference expressed. It was reasoned that the emotional bond established with the youngest child was often stronger, hence the chances of better care and support. Also, the youngest child was often the last to get married and thus the natural course to some elderly was to live with him/her. Mr R : . . . I stay with my youngest s o n . . . The time I moved out, he is the only one not married. So I followed him. I think (we prefer) the one that we love. The rest may have been married and moved out. We are left with the youngest and certainly shower our love on him. (Malay, Elderly, High SES) Adult children participants saw establishing good relationships with their children as important to insuring old age support and living arrangements. Ms S : . . . To live alone is all right when I ' m fit and healthy, but the problem is when we are sick, I must think ahead. Now I must be good to my children. When we scold, must not make them hate u s . . . So that when we are old they will like us (and care for us). (Malay, Adult Children, High SES) Some participants from both group of elderly of low SES mentioned the preference to live with the poorer child. Reasons mentioned included their ability to empathize with the situation faced by these children, having experienced coping with little income themselves, and their ability to contribute to the household and help their children in their difficulties. Mdm R: I also think that way (choosing to live with poorer child) . . . . I am used to be poor hence till this age I have no problems to face poverty . . . . Because we can help them. They can go to work while I take care of cooking, washing . . . . In a way I am helping them. Why should I follow those who are already rich? (Malay, Elderly, Low SES) M r S : If we stay with the rich one, they would remind us of their help. That is why for myself I prefer to live with the poorer one. (Malay, Elderly, Low SES) Not Coresiding With ChiMren Instances of living alone or with spouse only arose mainly in situations where the elderly had to make a choice between living in their own home or moving to

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the child's home. Adoption was mentioned on several occasions as a viable option for the elderly's living arrangement in 3 of the 5 elderly FGDs. One elderly adopted a child at the age of 40, while another adopted a child at the age of 60. Some elderly also mentioned that their adopted children are providing them with more care and support than their own children. Blake (1992) reported that 20% of her sample of elderly receiving social service assistance are living with adopted children. The potential aspect of loneliness in old age has also been highlighted as another reason for Malay elders to adopt a child. Mdm N: If they don't have any children, they would at least adopt a child. At least there will be someone to take care of them in their old age. (Malay, Elderly, Low SES) Mod3: Just now, I noticed that those of you who have no children, adopted one. Is it very common for Malays to do that? Mr S: Do you know why? For a companion, friend to talk to. (Malay, Elderly, Low SES) Mr K: If you don't have any children, it is very lonely. (Malay, Elderly, Low SES) Another arrangement is for the elderly to live with or be considered a part of a non-related family, often being adopted by them. The concept of saudara angkat (adopted relative) is often used in such contexts. In such cases either the elderly person lives in the same house with the adopting family or is cared for by the family, who are often neighbors. Mod: For aged people, who don't have any children, who do you think will look after them? Mdm R: Normally there are concerned neighbors who are willing to help them out. I once looked after an old woman (who was my neighbor) ... She had no children or husband. I looked after her until her last day. (Malay, Elderly, Low SES)

Institutional Living Institutional living was generally considered unacceptable for the Malay elderly, reflecting a failure in the familial obligations to provide care and support for them. Chen and Chang (1983) reported that the Malays were the highest group to reject institutional living as a form of living arrangement compared to the other ethnic groups. However, there appeared to be 3 levels of acceptance of this form of living arrangement given the different circumstances. Institutional living was more acceptable if the elderly had no kin to provide care, while it was mildly acceptable in situations where the elderly were difficult to get along with. Situations where the elderly were neglected and abandoned in these institutions were unacceptable to most of the participants regardless of generation or income status. Mr S: In my opinion as a Muslim it's not good to send them there. It is true there are people looking after them there. But they are our parents.


1i9

We were looked after by them. When we grow up, and they are old we want to dispose them like dirt? That is not good. (Malay, Elderly, High SES) Mdm M: No. Even how difficult it is to look after, Insya Allah (by God's permission) he will be repaid in the intellectual and material sense. Even though if they got money but if they send them there, life will not be fulfilled (for them). (Malay, Elderly, High SES) Mr K: Maybe there are some elderly who are very stubborn, maybe they do not want to be with the children. It is not that the children do not offer, but maybe they don't want. Maybe they don't want to trouble their children. So they think it is best to stay in a welfare home - not troubling anybody. There are such cases. (Malay, Adult children, Low SES) Living in Own Home Co-residence among the Malay elderly seems to be the outcome of a complex decision rather than a mere preference. While most elderly participants were coresiding with their children, there was a strong emphasis on considering home ownership before addressing the issue of with whom the elderly lived. Mod: Who do you stay w i t h ? . . . Mdm N: With children but they live with me. Mod: Your house? Mdm M: We cannot live with children (in their house) nowadays. Mdm N: We feel bitter to hear their remarks. We never like t h a t . . . Mr S: I stay in my own house but the children follow me. (all participants are Malay, Elderly, High SES) Several reasons were highlighted by the elderly for their preference to live with their children in their own home. The desire to avoid potential intergenerational conflict in relation to household decision-making processes was highlighted in a FGD with elderly from the high SES. Mdm M: In my opinion, if the mother has her own house, it's better to stay in her own house. There is more freedom. Let's say there are relatives from far who wanted to stay overnight but the owner does not like it, so it is difficult to say anything... Through my experience it is difficult to stay with your own children. You don't feel at ease as in your own home. In our own home, if we feel like cleaning we do, if not we just leave it. But if we are staying with them we cannot be like that. (Malay, Elderly, High SES) There appeared to be an issue of power relations in the elderly's preference to reside in their own home. While living in their own home clarifies their position as head of the household, the situation is less clearcut when the home belongs to the child. However, a closer examination of this issue highlights a more important concern for security for the elderly. Home ownership also seems to give the

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elderly a better sense of independence in that they are not 'menumpang' (boarding) in the child(ren)'s home. This concern for sense of security in relation to living arrangement and home ownership was also highlighted by the adult children in one of the FGDs. Ms M: Yes, the children follow us and not we follow the children. It's like that. Mod: Why is that? Ms M : . . . I think it's more on feelings. Sometimes when we live in our children's house, we may say the wrong things and children may not like it. They may say to their spouse that if we don't like we can leave. As elderly, we will get hurt. It's more security, we must look after our own feelings. Ms J: Maybe they might feel that they are not 'menumpang' (boarding). (all participants are Malay, Adult children, Low SES) Another reason implied by the remarks of some elderly participants was the sense of attachment to the house. Mdm Y:... The boys also do ask me to stay with them. But I said that this is my house so I could not... Mr A: I have my own house, so how can I stay with them. Furthermore they have their own home now. I cannot leave my house. (Malay, Elderly, High SES) An elderly from the low socio-economic status related a sense of satisfaction in living in his own home. Mdm A: I have my own home, I don't need anything. Furthermore they (children) have helped me financially. (Malay, Elderly, Low SES) However, several instances were cited in which the elderly became co-owners of the flat with the adult co-resident child in the household.

Living Arrangements Of lndian Elderly The most outstanding characteristic of the Singaporean Indian community is its heterogeneity, which cuts across regional, linguistic, religious, and class boundaries. This diversity complicates social research, as has been recognized and addressed by local social scientists, 4 and makes it extremely difficult to draw broad generalizations. The overall picture obtained from the living arrangements of the FGD data is that the majority of Indian elderly co-reside with their children. According to the SALC (1986), 87% of the Indian sample lived with their children. Within the Indian cultural tradition, elderly parents expect to be looked after by their children. This comes out clearly in the FGDs. Mr P: Parents bring up their children, provide for their education knowing that in their old age, their children will help them and take good care of them. Whether they (children) will do it or not, it is a different story. But still parents expect help from their children. (Indian, Elderly, Low SES)

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The customary preference for almost all Indians, except for Malayalis, 5 was to live with a married son. This was related to the perception that daughters after marriage 'belonged' to the husband's family. However, situational variables such as affection, relationship and availability of children, especially sons, determined actual living arrangements. Coresidence With Children From the focus group data it emerged that different dynamics are operating in the North Indian and South Indian communities. The South Indian population comprises 72% of the total Indian community, the North Indian 14%, and the rest consists of other smaller communities (Census of Population 1990b). These observations, though tentative due to the small number of groups interviewed, allowed insight into possible emerging trends. North Indian elderly observed that a strong sanction still prevailed in their community against living with daughters. Hence, one North Indian elderly male participant labeled himself as 'revolutionary' because he preferred to live with his daughters rather than his son. Mdm M: Indian people will never stay with their daughters. (N. Indian, Elderly, Low SES) Mod: In our Indian community, is there a pattern to the living arrangements of elderly? Mdm S: Usually it is son, in our Gujerati (North Indian) society. They believe, even they cannot drink water from their daughter's house. (Indian, Adult Children, Low SES) The question of co-residence is tied closely to the reluctance of elderly parents to accept support from married daughters. Although this tradition is changing, as was mentioned in both Adult Childrens' groups, co-residence with a son was still the preferred choice. If a son was not available, North Indian couples would usually live independently; rarely would they live with a married daughter. In contrast to the continued traditional preference in the North Indian community, there appeared to be greater flexibility among the South Indians. Although for the majority the preference was still the married son, the choice of living with a married daughter was an option if intervening factors prevented the translation of preference into reality. Two such intervening factors which were mentioned by South Indian focus group participants were a) if sons and daughtersin-law moved out of the parental home after marriage and indicated a preference for living independently and b) if sons migrated overseas and settled there. The elderly revealed that even though sons lived separately they continued to visit regularly. The breaking down of traditional patterns of living arrangements of elderly seemed more rapid among South Indians than among North Indians. 6 Among the North Indian focus groups uncertainty was expressed about continuance of traditional patterns into the future, although for the present the status quo was being maintained. Thus, it appeared that the traditional living arrangement of co-residence with married sons is giving way to a variety of constellations based on multiple

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factors and not the norm alone. The pace is faster in some communities and slower in others. Living with a daughter is becoming a real option, especially when emotional ties are strong. Mr A: Traditionally, I would prefer to stay with my son. But, emotionally I prefer to stay with my daughter. (South Indian, Elderly, High SES) Regarding co-residence, factors such as relationship between parent and child, in-law relationship, reciprocity of support between both couples, and the state of health of the elderly were higlighted by focus group participants as important. The following quotes reflect the relational dimensions: Mdm M: It is a question of where they feel more comfortable and you feel comfortable. Earning a little less, a little more, is not the question. It is the kind of emotional feeling to whom you are attached and where you feel more comfortable. The man earning a million dollars may not give you the same affection as the man earning $500. You adjust yourself. If parents are good, have been good to their children, then they'll adjust themselves to $500. They'll eat one roti (bread) and not feel deprived. It is a question of how you feel and whether both sides feel comfortable. It is not just one side. (S. Indian, Elderly, High SES) A number of comments suggest that the study of living arrangements needs to be related to the life course of the elderly. One major turning point for the Indian elderly is when all the children are married. Mr M: As long as they are not married they take care of their mother; once married, they listen to their wives and leave the home. (S. Indian, Elderly, Low SES) Other turning points which occurred later were death of spouse and/health deterioration. According to at least one participant, elderly who had previously lived independently moved in with a child (preferably a son) due to need for health care,

Not Coresiding With Children Three types of situations led to elderly Indians living alone or with spouse only. When elderly Indians were single or had no children they had little choice but to live with their spouse only or on their own. Co-residence with relatives or adoption is rare in the Indian community in Singapore. Older migrant Indians, who had left their children behind in their homeland, formed the second category. The flipside of the coin was seen in terms of elderly parents who lived independently in Singapore, since their children had migrated overseas. The last category included elderly who lived independently because co-residence with children was not possible due to friction between the 2 generations. The tone of the discussions on living separately indicated that Indian elderly, on the whole, did not see advantages to living independently. It was


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only when children were unwilling to live together that they considered living separately as an option. It is the research team's opinion that filial care and coresidence with children are very closely linked in the Indian mentality, which helps us to understand why no positive factors were mentioned in favor of living separately by elders in the focus groups. Intermarriage (i.e., an Indian marrying a non-Indian Singaporean) was mentioned in 3 sessions and was seen as a factor contributing to the lower probability of co-residence between elderly parents and adult child. Mr S: But, all is mixed up in a multi-racial society. Homes do not run smoothly, e.g., a Tamil (South Indian) male marries a Chinese. Chinese lady may not like to live with Tamil parents-in-law. A lot of trouble in the house. Mod: Inter-marriages bring about many changes. Mr A: If I live with my son, suppose my daughter-in-law is Chinese; she may not know how to cook curry! (Both are S. Indian, Elderly, High SES) Two elderly were living with relatives, e.g., siblings or granddaughter. An alternative living arrangement was the pattern of poor immigrant elderly welfare recipients co-residing with a roommate in a one-room rental government flat. Since the roommate was a non-relative, these elders felt 'alone' and neglected.

Institutional Living In all of the focus groups, institutional living was negatively perceived, which supports earlier surveys on the attitude of elderly towards residential institutions. The predominant view was that institutional living was for the destitute. Mod: In what situation will the elderly s t a y . . , in an old folks' home? What are the reasons for this? Mr R: Because of worries. No one to take care of them. Mr D: It is because of a broken heart they go to the homes; no one to take care of them. (Both are S. Indian, Elderly, Low SES) Adult children were also against the idea of institutional living for elderly. Mr P: I won't want to send my parents to the old folks' home. Whatever I can do, I'll do til it really stretches me, you know. (Indian, Adult children, High SES) However, 1 adult participant related that he was receptive to the idea of a nursing home for his elderly parents if they were physically or mentally very ill. This view may be suggestive of the receptivity of nursing home care by high SES adult children in the future. Lastly, the idea of retirement villages spontaneously arose in a High SES elderly South Indian group. Considering the swift social changes occurring in their community, a few elderly felt that such villages would ensure proper medical care and comfort of the elders in situations where children were unavailable.

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Living Arrangements Of Chinese Elderly As with the Malay and Indian elderly, statistical data on living arrangements of the Chinese elderly showed that the majority of elderly (88%) co-resided with their children (SALC 1986). Coresidence With Children Both elderly and adult children reported that the traditional preference was for elderly to live with adult children. In deciding which child to live with, the preference was to live with sons. This meant that in the past when sons were married, they would still live with the parents in the same house or adjacently. Mr T: The society 50 years ago was still quite feudal and conservative. Once the children are married, the sons would still live with their parents. There is no way that they would be separated. (Chinese, Elderly, Low SES) The preference for sons when all children were married was linked to the traditional norm, where daughters had to leave the family of origin for the husband's home. Thus, the daughters-in-law moved into the family when the sons married. Furthermore, it was the expected duty of sons to take care of the elderly parents when they needed support. Mod: But in the olden days, who is it that they would live with? Mdms J/T/L/R (together): Sons, daughters marry out. Mdm T: The daughter would never see the parents, sometimes once a year. Mdm R: The son's duty is to look after the old parents. (all participants are Chinese, Elderly, High SES) Mrs A: I think traditionally they do not want to live with daughters. Relatives will talk and say "you have sons why must you want to live with daughters?" (Chinese, Adult children, Low SES) Some participants also reported a more recent tendency to live with the youngest son when all the children were married. In this context, the elderly were referring to the perceived trend that married children were likely to move out of the parents' home. However, as long as there were unmarried daughters, parents were likely to live with them. Mod: You mentioned about the youngest son living with the parents. Previously, it was the eldest son who lived with the parents then and now it is the youngest? Mr L: It's usually the youngest son. The situation has reversed. Mr T: Everything will change and old times will not return. Mr L: Parents... would usually like to live with their youngest son. For daughters, if they are not married, then there's no choice but to live together. (Both are Chinese, Elderly, High SES) While the traditional choice was treated as an ideal, many elderly appeared to be influenced by other factors in relating their actual preferences during the


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FGDs. In some groups practical and relational factors were given strong emphasis. A common theme that was found in all elderly and adult children groups was the importance of good relations between parents and children. Many elderly in fact stated that if possible they preferred to live with daughters, as daughters seemed to be emotionally closer and easier to relate to. Mr L: As I have said, it's the relationship that decides the matter. If you have good relations, then you may be able to choose. If you don't have good relations, you may not be able to choose. And whatever you choose may not be the right choice. Mod: Generally, do you feel that which one will give you a better relationship, son or daughter? Mr C: Daughters, definitely daughters. (Most show agreement). Mr S: It's easier to live with a son-in-law than a daughter-in law. Mr C: Your own daughter is more understanding to you. (all participants are Chinese, Elderly, High SES)

Not Co-residing With Children All of the groups, including the adult children groups, perceived that the current practice was for married children to move out of their parents' homes. In doing so, this expectation towards having children living with them in their own home diminished considerably. In some cases elderly visited married children, thus sustaining familial ties. Mr M : . . . As far as my mother is concerned, she would still prefer to stay on her own. She wants a house of her own but she'll move around staying with this son for 2 weeks, staying with that son for 2 weeks, and when she feels bored, she'd go back to her home for about a week or 2 . . . she feels that she stayed there for so long and she felt very attached to the place. She prefers that way. (Chinese, Adult Children, High SES) The option of living alone or with their spouses only was a possible function of the availability of economic resources for the elderly themselves. Elderly participants in 3 groups mentioned that as long as they were active and had enough economic resources, they would be willing to live on their own. They reported that they enjoyed the greater sense of freedom and independence associated with living alone. Mr T: I am very grateful to the Government for renting out one-room flats at such a low rate for poor people like us. For those of us who are fairly independent in terms of the activities of daily living, having flats like these to live in meant for us a lot of freedom. We do not have to be concerned about the noisy intrusion of children and grandchildren. We are fairly comfortable as we are. (Chinese, Elderly, Low SES) This must be qualified by noting that the elderly who said they preferred living alone did not imply that they wanted to be detached from their children.

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On the contrary, they mentioned that their home was always open for their children to visit or stay in if they desired. Another reason cited by elderly participants for opting to live on their own was lack of respect on the part of their adult children. One elderly quoted the example of how children openly chided the elderly for using medicated oil (a strong smelling ointment traditionally used be older people for rheumatism). Mdm C: I'm telling the facts. Some elderly people apply medicated oil are scorned by their children. The elderly themselves feel bad and choose to stay away from their children. You know, elderly people have pains all over their bodies and will need to apply medicated oil. This irritates their children. (Chinese, Elderly, Low SES) One group of elderly from the low socio-economic bracket consisted mainly of welfare aid recipients. They were found to be living with a roommate, who was not a relative, in one room rental flats. That they were living with a roommate who was not a relative indicated that to them, living in a shared apartment with another person could well mean 'living alone'. This was a sentiment similarly expressed by Indian welfare recipients mentioned in the earlier section. Institutional Living On the whole, living in institutions was frowned upon by all the elderly groups and most of the adult children participants. There were 2 views regarding living in institutions. One view was empathic towards the arrangement and mentioned that the burden of caring for the aged sick could be too great for the family to bear. There was "no choice" but to send the elderly there. The other more dominant view disapproved of the practice and attributed it to the lack of filial piety and love on the children's part. Mr C: May be due to their illness, and there is no one at home to take care of them, thus they need to go into an old folks home. Mod: You mean if they fall ill... Mr C: Fallen ill. Mdm W: Semi-mobile... Mdm F: That is to say, no one to take care of them, children have to work. (all participants are from one group of Chinese, Adult Children, Low SES) Mr H: Nowadays, some people, the elderly persons, being sent to old folks homes. It's not right for children to do this. Mod: Not right. You hold this personal opinion? Mr H: Yes, We have this right to take care of parents. (How can we) Go to work, go to work, (and have) no other way but to send to old folks home. (These participants are from another group of Chinese, Adult Children, Low SES)


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One feature of nursing homes that was commonly reported as a deterrent to placing the elderly there was the high cost involved. As such, the lower income groups stated that very often institutions were not affordable for them and this was not an option they could choose. Mdm H: One must pay to send their parents to age homes. If he does not have the financial capability to do so, how could he then send his elderly parent to an aged home? These children would have no choice but to stay with their elderly parents. (Chinese, Elderly, Low SES) Interestingly, elderly and adult children of both high and low socio-economic status indicated openness towards the idea of improved residential homes such as retirees' villages. They qualified this by saying that the idea was acceptable only if the services were better and affordable. The above presentation of preferred and actual living arrangements of the Singaporean elders in each of the 3 major ethnic groups sets the stage for the following cross-cultural discussion of the topics. The unique feature of the multi-cultural reality of Singapore is that even though cultures are changing in response to larger societal movements and 1 culture has an effect on another, the emergent cultures continue to retain their distinguishing identity. BENEFITSOF CO-RESIDENCE The high prevalence of co-residence with children underscores the importance of studying the dynamics of intergenerational relations - a topic which generated much discussion in the FGDs. Although the benefits of co-residence were not directly broached in the focus group discussions, this topic arose spontaneously in the course of the sessions. Benefits from co residence with children were not seen as flowing one way but as a two-way exchange between the elderly and their adult children. In general, discussions indicated that contributions from both parties were closely linked to their life course stages. For instance, at the young-old stage, elderly were generally more involved in household chores than at the old-old stage. Reciprocity of exchange between generations was therefore constantly in a state of flux and temporarily defined. Since it is difficult to delineate between benefits for the elderly and benefits for adult children, our approach is to divide the topic into tangible and intangible benefits. Both types were mentioned by the elderly and adult children. Generally, broad statements will apply to all 3 ethnic groups unless otherwise stated. Tangible Benefits Shared household tasks and child care One of the most common tangible benefits highlighted by adult children participants of FGDs cross-culturally was the elderly parents assistance in household

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chores such as cooking, cleaning, and doing the laundry. A more valuable contribution was provision of child care. Mrs J: For my case, the advantage is that.., like when I come home, everything is ready, food is cooked. It is not like taking her as a maid, but these elderly might feel that they are boarding ('menumpang') at our home so they want to please us although we are happy that they are with us. So they do all these. My advantage is that she looks after my child. (Malay, Adult children, Low SES) The need for the elder's contribution in this area increased if the daughter-inlaw was working, as reflected in the following quote. Mod: If the old are staying with the family, do they do housework? Mr B: Must do housework... Mdm F: Now, in some houses the old have to do work. In some families daughters-in-law go to work. So the mothers-in-law have to do household chores. (Both are S. Indian, Elderly, Low SES) Variations in contributions of the elderly male and female were mentioned but apart from cooking, which was the domain of the female, it was difficult to distinguish gender-specific contributions. On the whole, errands outside the home such as escorting grandchildren to and from the school or bus were carried out by male elderly, whereas tasks within the home were usually performed by female elderly. The benefits derived by elderly FGD participants in relation to the performance of household chores and child-minding were less tangible. Elderly parents received the satisfaction of being able to help their co-resident adult children, particularly when there were financial constraints.

Availability of Caregiver Caregiving consisted of providing physical care to elderly parents in daily activities and at times of illness or accident. In situations where physical care involved intimacy, the spouse would be the appropriate careprovider. In terms of physically taxing activities such as carrying a frail elder, it would be children, especially sons, who were considered appropriate caregivers. When a spouse was not available, children and children-in-law were the chief source of physical care. Again, same gender preferences were indicated for personal tasks. Elderly participants from all groups voiced the hope that their children would take care of them when they became old and dependent. Health care seemed to be one major sphere of concern to the elderly, and co-residence gave them some assurance of future aid from their children in this respect. That the co-resident child would be most likely to provide physical care emerged in the discussions. Mod: What makes you take up this responsibility (of taking care of your sick father-in-law?)

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Mrs S: I do it because I am staying in the same house. I have my mother-in-law but she is too old (to take care of her husband). Anyway, I treat him like my own father. Take care of him, clean the wound daily... I think it's my responsibility since I ' m staying in that house. (Malay, Adult children, High SES) Ms L: For me, this past 20 years I'm taking care of my mother and father, and I ' m the only girl, the only child. But I feel sometimes it is very difficult, but still I want to take care of them. Because these past 40 years they have taken care of me, so I cannot just leave them. Mother is 75 years old. Father cannot see properly. (Indian, Adult children, Los SES) FGD participants related that health care included accompanying parents to the doctor when required. Although non-co-resident children visited the elderly parents at times of illness, their contributions were comparatively less. While it is generally assumed that the role of caregiver is played by women, the increase in the female labor force participation rate raises concerns about their availability. According to recent statistics (Yearbook of Statistics 1992), the percentage of women in the labor force has increased from 45.2% in 1982 to 51.3% in 1991. In terms of living arrangements, the availability of a caregiver is often considered first before the traditional cultural preferences. As such, some Indian and Chinese elderly live with their daughters who are not working although they may have preferred the traditional arrangement of living with their sons. This issue of the availability of a caregiver is directly related to the issue of family size, a topic discussed in about half the groups. The reaction varied from viewing larger family size as an assurance of available old age care to viewing smaller family size as occuring in response to government family planning policy and the higher cost of child rearing. Malay FGD participants mentioned that the smaller size need not necessarily mean lack of available care so long as proper religious upbringing was provided for. Mr T: For me, I feel that it is better to have many children. I have 10 children and that makes me very happy. Among 10 of them surely there are 1 or 2 who are more loving and caring towards me. Anytime I need their help, they will not hesitate to offer help.

(Chinese, Elderly, Low SES) Mdm R: It does not matter how many children you have. With good religious knowledge and foundation, it is sufficient... (Malay, Elderly, Low SES) Mr A: If we want to follow the older generation, they had more than 10 children. For myself, I have 12 and I ' m the youngest...Now, we cannot do that because of birth control. So I think 3 will be enough. We can afford that. If more than that, I'm afraid it is unaffordable. (Malay, Elderly, Low SES)

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Mod: Will lesser children lead to only a few looking after the parent? Mr Y: It depends. Some are fortunate to have filial children. If there are many children but none is filial will not do any good. (Malay, Elderly, High SES) The views of adult children participants were varied. Some thought that smaller family size might affect the availability of old age support, while others believed that support would be available because of earlier good deeds. Mod: Do you think there will be problems in the future because the family size is relatively small as compared to the past? Mr T: There will be problems because the present generation are differe n t . . . They want to be free. So this (small number of children) can lead to problems. Mr C: I don't think so. As Muslims, we should be positive. If we do good, we'll receive good. Allah bestows us 'rezeki' (gift) in this way. (Both are Malay, Adult Children, High SES) Intangible Benefits Preservation of traditions and norms Elderly participants felt a sense of satisfaction in handing down their cultural knowledge, and adult children deemed it valuable enough to be continued. Indian adult children acknowledged their minimal knowledge of customs and traditions and were glad that their elderly parents were in proximity for consultation. This was emphasized in Indian groups by both elderly and adult Children. However, it does not imply that the issue is not significant in Chinese and Malay groups. Mrs S: They'll remind us of important days like Ancestral Day (shrad) because we may not be aware of them according to our Indian calendar. So they'll remind us, you have to do this or that. Mr P: I think they are more familiar with all these, we would not know about poonam (full moon) when we cannot eat certain things. Mr L: Yes, we won't even know the Indian months. Mr P: We won't even know what day it is because we follow the English calendar all the time. (all participants are Indian, adult children, Low SES) Mod: How do elderly who live in the household contribute? Mdm B: Our experience and our values (sanskars) - that's the way we contribute. (N. Indian, Elderly, High SES) Socialization of Younger Generation The transmission of culturally valued behavior patterns and moral and religious education was underscored in almost all the elderly as well as adult children's groups. Co-residence was seen to provide the most conducive and effective


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environment for the transfer of this intangible heritage from grandparents to grandchildren. Elderly were the providers of informal religious education in all 3 cultures. This teaching was carried out through exemplary behavior as well as through frequent recitations and storytelling. Mr C: I have a small temple in my house. We teach the children to pray, e.g., I pray in the early morning at the temple; my son knows this and he follows before going to work. So, we elderly people feel that this is our duty in the home. (Indian, Elderly, High SES) Mdm M: Yes, like teaching grandchildren to read the Qu'ran, do prayers. (Malay, Adult Children, Low SES) A second major area was moral education, which was mentioned crossculturally. Elderly Malay participants recalled that the presence of elderly parents in their household when they were younger allowed them to exemplify filial behavior in caring for the elderly. It was hoped that their children would emulate such characteristics and in turn care for them when they were old. This opinion was interestingly echoed by some adult children participants. Mdm R: In my opinion, I am used to looking after my grandmother and mother... I felt that if we had taken care of our parent well with good morals, then our children would do the same thing to us. For my case it is good. (Malay, Elderly, Los SES) Mdm P: Because as parents, we were taught Confucius' concepts, as we see how our parents looked after us, we should teach our children to do likewise. When they grow up they should take care of us. You see even the crows do that. I tell them this sort of stories every time and they do understand. They tell me not to worry. "We won't put you in the old age home" (Chinese, Adult Children, High SES)

Emotional Support and Psychological Gratification A major benefit enjoyed through co-residence was the availability of emotional support. Co-residence was viewed as a buffer against loneliness and isolation, which were averted by interaction with children and grandchildren. Elderly participants who were co-residing with children reported that they felt a sense of psychological satisfaction in the maintenance of traditions, which was buttressed by a general feeling of security and belongingness. On the other hand, elderly living alone or with a non-relative expressed strong feelings of rejection and loneliness. As might be expected, those elders who had remained single or were childless coped better than those who had unfilial children. During all of the adult childrens' groups as well as some of the elderly focus groups, the definition of 'care' was explored. Discussions in all of the sessions, regardless of ethnicity or economic status, revealed that financial contributions


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and material care were meaningless if unaccompanied by love and companionship. In old age, psychological and social needs assume a significance which may be unparalleled in earlier life stages. Mr U: I don't think the economic thinking has a lot to do with it (care). It's whether the elderly person is happy and comfortable is more important than the economic situation. Because the needs of the elderly person is just 3 meals and some pocket money. And the person can get along in an average or below average family, as long as they can accept him. I don't think economically it matters much to the old man or old woman.

Mod: He'll still be willing to live with the family. Mr U: Of course, as long as he can interact, laugh together. It's sort of companionship and emotional stability for those people. It's more important than living in an air-conditioned room and you have a maid to come and give you drinks. Those don't give much satisfaction to an elderly person. It's the love and care that is more important. (Chinese, Elderly, High SES) That several elderly from all the ethnic groups voiced their preference to live with the poorer child due to the psychological gratification they derived also upholds this point. These elderly often feel appreciated, as they are able to contribute positively in the household. Adult children in the Chinese and Indian groups (High SES) expressed their regret that their lifestyle and work pressure left them with little spare time to spend with their elderly parents. Nevertheless, they recognized that it was an essential part of caring. Apart from children and grandchildren, it was often the spouse, if present, who provided the greater share of companionship. Non-co-residential children also visited elderly parents at their own convenience, but the elderly relied mostly on household family members for companionship and emotional care. For the lonely elders, neighbors and friends helped to fill the vacuum of family companionship.

Psychological Security for the Future This point was mainly featured in the Malay group sessions and it can be considered to be ethnic-specific. The Malay Muslims believe in the concept of 'retribution', which advocates that a good deed today will reap a good return from God tomorrow and in the hereafter. Co-residence and its implications for care of the elderly appeared to give some of the participants, both in the elderly and adult children FGDs, a sense of psychological security concerning care in their own old age. This religious dimension is illustrated in the words of an adult Malay participant: Mr S: But Insyallah (with God's blessings) if we care for our elderly, maybe our children will be able to care for us. God is most powerful, if we do not care for our elderly, maybe we will get the balasan (retribution). (Malay, Adult Children, Low SES)


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Another dimension to this issue is to care for one's children as well as possible, to ensure care for oneself by the children in later years. Elderly Co-residents as Resource Persons

In the Indian and Malay adult children FGDs, participants stressed the advisory function of the elderly parent within the home. Such consultation took place at times of important decision-making concerning matters such as child-raising or even setting up a new home. Chen and Cheung (1988) documented that more than 70% of the elderly in the SALC (1986) were consulted on important family matters. Mod: What is the role of the elderly in the family? Mdm M: Advisory. I think that's very important... I think I depend a lot on my parents for advice. Mod: With regard to? Mdm M: With regards to my kids especially. (Indian, Adult Children, High SES) Mrs S: Whenever I have a (major) decision to make, I will consult them first. If I want to buy something (important) I would ask them, whether the thing is good or not, If they say don't then I don't get it. If in their opinion it is good, then I will buy it. (Malay, Adult Children, High SES) Mod: How do elderly who live with children conUibute to the household? Mdm B: For instance, when my (newly married) son's wife comes (enters the family) to introduce and teach her the ways of the household; how to look after grandchildren, that's the role of the woman. For the man, he would advise the son about the business. (Indian, Elderly, High SES) Thus, focus groups in 2 ethnic groups reflect the continued tradition of consultation of the elder's opinion in the home. While adult children gained from the tormer's experience and lifetime perspective, elderly also gained a sense of usefulness. However, a minority also expressed the strains inherent in situations where opinions between the generations differed. The overall frequency as well as emphasis placed on intangible benefits by both elderly and adult children groups across ethnic and economic categories alerted the researchers to its significance in the Singaporean context. First, both generations seem to cherish the emotional, psychological, and social implications of co-residence. Second, the reciprocal exchanges that occurred over time in terms of material assistance were important, but the value of co-residential living was recognized as stretching beyond its functional significance.

STRAINS OF CO-RESIDENCE. The gap between the ideal quality of life within the preferred living arrangement of co-residing with children and the reality of sharing 1 roof is discussed in this

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section. Some of these strains are 'endemic' to multi-generational living, but others are exacerbated by the swift social changes in Singapore. That a certain amount of friction is inevitable in the extended family is captured in the following Indian proverb: "In a big household, there will always be the noise of utensils" (noise signifies differences in viewpoints and arguments). The researchers feel that within the cultural contexts of the elderly in Singapore, co-residential strains are to be expected, but if the long term benefits are kept in mind and discipline exercised, the household continues without the foundation being destroyed. It is within this framework that the following strains need to be understood. Three major sources of strain emerged from the focus group data: 1) intergenerational conflict; 2) in-law relationship problems, and 3)strains of care-giving.

Intergenerational Conflict In 3 common areas reported in the focus groups, conflicts were likely to arise. Even though there was sufficient ventilation in the groups about these issues to warrant attention, however, it cannot be concluded that open friction among family members would actually take place. In the Asian context, confrontation is unpopular even in cases of high dissatisfaction. The first area was decision-making, particularly in issues which directly affected adult children. Intrusion by elderly parents in such cases was viewed negatively by the adult children. The following excerpt from an adult children's group exemplifies this type of intergenerational friction. Mod: Do children consult parents . . . . ? Ms S: I think I do but on many occasions when I feel that I am right and they feel that they are right, there is a lot of frustration and eventually I have to give in. I do. It is very hard but I think I do but it's not what I want to do . . . . They always tend to be quite firm. Mr U: They would like to have their way . . . . Ms S: They just say that what we say is for your good so just do it, you know, that kind of behavior. But then, they would soften up and come back to you. But then you see it's what they want and you cannot just say "fine" and accept it. Mr U: There's no middle ground . . . . they have got certain principles and they are not willing to forego those principles. (all participants are Indian, Adult Children, High SES) The second area of dissatisfaction was when elderly parents tended to take for granted the care provided by the co-resident child. Expressions of this feeling emerged in a Chinese and an Indian adult children FGD. The third area of potential conflict was child-rearing style. While the adult children preferred to use a more open and compromising way of dealing with their children, elderly co-resident parents chose the conservative authoritarian style, thus leading to friction in the home.


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In-law Relationship Problems Although this issue may be regarded as universal, the cultural context may help to exacerbate or alleviate the latent tensions. The patrilocal preference of living arrangement among the Chinese and the Indians wherein the daughter-in-law is seen as an 'outsider' who is required to adjust to the family exacerbates the latent tensions. The matrilocal preference of living arrangements among the Malays may be viewed as a more natural situation because of the closer bond between parents and daughters. This cultural context has an alleviating effect. Mdm C: I see many people have a lot of troubles with their daughtersin-law because they always want this way and nothing else. But its her house and its better to do her way. Because that makes her happy. But for us, well, during our time was our way. Now its their way. (Chinese, Elderly, High SES)

Strain of Caregiving Although only a few instances were reported of this phenomenon, the researchers are convinced that they are not atypical. The experiences of the researchers in social work settings as well as personal observations of the aged support this view. In situations where the caregiving burden falls heavily on 1 co-resident child, who is usually the female, and she has to work for financial reasons, the strain can be enormous. In one Indian adult children's focus group, a participant ventilated her sheer physical exhaustion from carrying out daily caregiving tasks for her mother, going to work, and looking after her 2 children. A salient point mentioned was that she knew her mother felt guilty about burdening her. Two extraneous factors which condition the degree of strain on the chief care-provider are the available economic resources and whether siblings are willing to share the caregiving responsibilities. DISCUSSION Living arrangement is a strong indicator of physical and social supports available to the elderly. But living arrangement in itself does not tell us the degree of availability of this support nor does it inform us of the quality of care obtained. Light is thrown on this aspect by the collection of data on the 'lived' experiences of the elderly themselves as well as on issues directly impinging upon living arrangement. The FGD data meets both these requirements. Two sets of variables appear to affect the dynamics of living arrangements. These are the internal dynamics and the impact of external influences.

lnternaI Dynamics We define 'internal dynamics' as those forces which occur within the family and personal system. It must be noted that these determining factors change over time and that flexibility exists at any particular moment in time.

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Normative Obligation of Caring for the Elderly Cultural obligations and values are seen as strong internal drives which influence both attitudes and behaviors in relation to living arrangements of elderly. However, their impact varied across as well as within each of the 3 cultures. The key to understanding this continued internal force lies in the socialization process, which emphasizes the transmission of values like filial piety and 'balas budi' (repayment of deeds) even within Singapore's urbanized context. Hence, although social changes modify cultural norms about old age living arrangements, normative obligations of filial care have not lost their hold. This point has already been demonstrated in the description of preferences of living arrangements in each ethnic group in earlier sections.

Emotional Bond - Relationship Between the Parents and Child Although a positive, mutually beneficial relationship between parents and a child need not necessarily have an overt emotional content, in real life they are often closely associated. In all the ethnic groups, the elderly mentioned that beyond the general preferred norm the actual choice of co-resident child was determined by affection and the nature of their relationship. Those elderly who indicated a preference to stay with the child who was poorer were guided by their heart; it may be surmised that for them love was higher on their list of priorities than material comfort. An emotional bond between parents and children was important in 2 ways. First, the choice of a co-resident child was shown to be influenced by the extent of emotional ties established between the elderly parent and the particular child. Second, the choice was also influenced by the elders need for assurance of the availability of a caregiver in the later stage of life, in which physical dependency generally increases. Adult children participants also mentioned the need to cultivate good emotional bonds with their children to ensure care in old age. Establishing emotional ties in this context could be seen as a 'quasi-investment' towards old age care. The important role of parent-child emotional bonds in reference to elder care has also been highlighted by Li (1989), who studied the Malay community in Singapore.

Economic Resources of the Elderly Greater economic resources did not necessarily mean a more satisfying mode of living arrangement for the elderly. What it did mean was a wider range of available options. The willingness to explore a wider range of optional living arrangements appeared in High SES Chinese and Indian elderly and adult children groups. They were also observed, at least in their attitudes, to be less tied down by traditional and cultural norms. One example which was mentioned earlier was the consideration of residential facilities such as retirement villages as an alternative to staying alone.

Specific Events in the Life Course of the Elderly We noted 3 major turning points at which changes in living arrangements were likely to occur. They were first, when the last child marries; second, upon death


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of spouse in cases where an elderly couple has been living on their own; and third, when health conditions deteriorate, tn the last situation, changes such as transfer to a nursing home or to a child's home where a care-provider is a available may take place.

Homeownership/Invitation to Co-reside The issue of homeownership emerged spontaneously in the Malay elderly groups and seemed to be important in determining the nature of living arrangements of the Malay elderly. While co-residence with adult children was a preferred choice, status of homeownership appeared to influence the actual arrangement. Blake (1992) highlighted the possible sense of independence felt by the elderly when they own the flat as opposed to 'menumpang' (boarding in their child's home,) while Li (1989) noted the role of homeownership in giving the elderly a sense of security by enhancing the possibility of co-residential care by 1 child. Home ownership seemed to be a significant asset that the Malay elderly had in their later years. While the Singapore government's policy of allowing the use of the Central Provident Fund (CPF 7) savings to purchase flats has facilitated this home ownership amongst the elderly, the situation has been shown to be more dynamic for some elderly. Many of the Malay elderly do not have much savings accumulated in their CPF accounts because of the kinds of low-income employment that they have been engaged in and the shorter period in which they have contributed to their CPF savings. Many elderly have to transfer the ownership of the flat to their adult children when the CPF savings are not sufficient to settle payments due on the flats. When this occurs, the sense of independence and security often diminishes, as experienced by some of the elderly in the FGDs. Elderly Malays treasured a sense of security, a stake in the decision-making process, and attachment to their own home. Living with children in the latter's home spelled possible subjugation and "discomfort". The Malay elderly seemed to prefer that their children live with them in their (elderly) home or at least co-own the fiat in which they are co-residing with adult children. However, widowed persons, who have no spouse to care for them, and economically dependent elderly, who have no home of their own, often live with a child/children in the latter's home. Although the foregoing discussion has focused on data from the Malay FGDs, it should not be assumed that the issue was less important for the Chinese and Indians. It is noteworthy, however, that the issue surfaced spontaneously in the Malay FGDs. In the Chinese adult childrens' groups, the salient practice of 'invitation by children' to elderly parents to co-reside was documented. This invitation occurred when all children had married. If each or more than 1 of the children had invited the elderly to live with them, the elderly would have to make a choice. The problem was that if no one invited the elderly, or only 1 child invited, then the elderly had little choice. The alternative to living with the adult child who extended the invitation would be to live alone or with their spouse only. A caveat is in order here. If elders owned their residence, they wielded a certain amount of power

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over the decision-making process. Hence, they could invite a married child with the spouse to stay with them. To accept or decline the offer was then in the hands of the young couple.

Impact of External Influences Government Housing and Family Planning Policy The 3-decade-old public housing policy of the Singapore government has achieved great strides and has moved from attempting to provide affordable housing to Singaporeans to social objectives like the preservation of the traditional Asian family structure with the hope of ensuring care for elderly family members. Two dimensions of the housing policy seemed to influence the living arrangements of the elderly in Singapore. The homeownership scheme, which is essentially a "non-profit making programme that aimed at providing public housing for the large section of the population whose housing needs are continually not met by the private sector" (Wong and Yeh 1985), provides an opportunity for the elderly to negotiate their position in a particular household. The legislation that allows CPF members to use their CPF savings to finance their home ownership flats facilitated the ability of the elderly to own flats. The use of home ownership as a negotiating mechanism in ensuring care from children was seen clearly among the Malays. Critics have pointed out that the use of CPF savings in purchasing these flats, may defeat the initial purpose of the CPF scheme which was to save as an old age pension. This criticism may be even more true in situations where owners of flats do not have substantial amounts in their accounts to serve as a source of income in old age. When of Malay elderly, for example, have to transfer ownership of the flats to their children due to insufficient savings in their CPF accounts, their sense of security may be compromised. Co-ownership has been used to contend with such situations. If home ownership increases the power of the elderly to negotiate their position in the household or secure care by their children, it may also result in elderly parents living separately from their married adult children, as the scheme also enables young married couples to own flats. The prevalence of the extended family structure, particularly among some ethnic groups, may be at risk if the pattern continues. Recognizing this potential, the government has instituted several schemes in connection with home ownership to promote the maintenance of such family structure and thus ensure the care of the elderly by the younger generation. Schemes have ranged from encouraging married children to live near their elderly parents to encouranging them to live with their elderly parents. They are also designed to serve different target populations. The Joint Balloting Scheme (JBS) enables parents and married children who are planning to purchase flats to be allocated flats next door to each other, within the same block, or neighboring blocks within the same balloting exercise. For elderly and married children who


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are currently living separately in their own purchased flats, the Mutual Exchange of Flats Scheme enables them to exchange their existing flats with those of others so that they can live closer to one another. The Reside Near Parents/Married Children Schemes enable the parents and married children to live in the same block or within the same housing estate. These schemes are targeted particularly towards those applicants who are tenants of rental flats. The Multi-Tier Family Housing Scheme was an even bolder step introduced to encourage families to live in the same household with their elderly members. Some of the incentives given in this scheme include a 3-year headstart in the allocation of flats, a longer repayment period, and financial concessions for those who are unable to pay the required downpayment for their flats. To ensure that the objectives are achieved, those who purchased the flats under this scheme have to abide by some strict regulations such as extended families having to live together for not less than 8 years, failing which the Housing and Development Board (HDB) must confiscate the flat. Most of the schemes involve providing priority for applications to be processed as well as easy payment arrangements. Recently the HDB took another step at encouraging co-residence between married children and their elderly parents in designing the structure of the flats. Known as the 'Granny Flats,' they are designed to be elderly-friendly, especially in terms of facilitating movement by the elderly. It is interesting to observe how the government intervenes to encourage care for the elderly in Singapore. Some elderly members of the FGDs highlighted the importance of familial relationships in co-residence. Though these schemes may encourage co-residence or at least living nearby and thus care for the elderly, they cannot ensure positive relationships between members. This may explain why the Joint Balloting scheme is more popular than the Multi-tier Family Housing scheme, as the former "provides for the advantages of extended family living while safeguarding the independence and privacy of each family unit" (Wong and Yeh 1985). Government policy also encourages co-residential living of elderly parents with unmarried children by failing to create opportunities for single adults to live separately from their parents. This policy, however, has been relaxed recently, enabling single adults above 35 years of age to own a flat. There are, however, conditions which make the scheme less attractive. Although the issue of family size was not discussed in great detail in all groups, some participants have suggested that the government's family planning policy of encouraging small family size affects the availability of caregivers. However, there was no conclusive evidence about this as the responses on the issue of family size varied amongst groups.

Modern Life Styles The fast-paced urban setting in Singapore has created significant changes in the lifestyles of its people. The role of elderly parents in the household has been observed to be more significant than previously thought. With increasing proportions of dual income earners in the family, co-residence with married

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children is often facilitated by the contributions that the elderly can make in the household, often in the form of childcare. However, the situation is more complex in families whose elderly need physical care. The demand for care created by the frail elderly was perceived as adding to the stress already faced in daily living by the adult children. Consequently, such frail elders' living arrangements would have to depend on the availability of a caregiver among the children. Thus, modem lifestyles have definitely affected the process of arranging where the elderly live in present day Singapore. The actual arrangement is dependent on the match of elders' and children's needs and ability to provide. While much has been done by the government in addressing the issues of the aged population, it appears that efforts to overcome the effects of modern lifestyles on the quality of family life and to increase the ability of families to care for their elders could be intensified. Amenities and services such as day care centres would have to be provided on a nationwide level and made accessible. The government could also contribute by preparing both elderly and adult children to anticipate and deal with issues related to aging.

Other External Influences Migration of children has been highlighted as a factor in the lack of available caregivers for the elderly. Local media have documented an increasing trend for educated adult children to migrate to other countries, leaving the elderly parents behind ("More than 10,000 in past 3 years" 1989). The recent economic policy of encouraging entrepreneurship abroad may create new problems in the availability of caregivers for the elderly.

CONCLUSIONS This paper has addressed the issue of living arrangements of the elderly in the present Singaporean context. Controlling for ethnicity allowed us to gain insights into the underlying cultural subtleties of each group, to abserve that the dynamics of cultural determinants differed in each of the groups, and that transition of cultural norms in regard to the living arrangements of the elderly was taking place. But, more interestingly, normative obligations, which had a stronger impact in the past on patterns of living arrangements, seemed to be treated as only 1 of the considerations along with other practical issues and emotional considerations. Comparing the 3 ethnic groups, the Chinese community seemed to be most liberal in accommodating to the swift societal changes, while the Indian community moved at a slower pace, and the Malay community aspired to continue the earlier pattern of investing in religious education of the young. Various strategies like adoption and old age savings were mentioned by FGD participants in dealing with the question of old age support and co-residential care within the broader purview of the nation.


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The qualitative method of data collection, i.e., FGDs, complements the earlier quantitative surveys by revealing the hidden dynamics underlying the trends already noted. Co-residence with family members has been and still is the most predominant form of living arrangement among the elderly in Singapore. It is generally when children are unavailable or relationships are strained that the option of independent living by the elderly is activated. Mediating variables which are ethnic-specific are homeownership, attitude towards living with child of nonpreferred gender, and economic resources of the elderly. The present data highlight differences in the quality of co-residential living today as compared to that in the past. The urban lifestyle; stress of work, especially in a dual income family; and social commitments leave less time for interaction between elders and their adult children. We found that non-co-residential children do visit and make financial contributions towards the elderly leading us to feel that even if independent living increases in the future, support from children will still be forthcoming. This finding has been reported by earlier literature (Wee 1983; Cheung et all 1991). The data document the process of shifts in living arrangement patterns as the elderly move from early to late old age. Physically healthier and independent elderly who were living on their own in early old age tended to turn to living with a child, married or unmarried, in late old age, when health deterioration sets in. When a child was unavailable, institutional living was a last resort. Alternative avenues such as living with relatives, adopted family, and non-relatives were perceived differently by the various ethnic groups. Singapore stands in contrast to some of the neighboring Southeast Asian countries because of its compact size and totally urban environment. Its compact size means that government policies such as the Housing Policy affect the lives of the people swiftly and extensively. Due to the evolution of Singapore into a single metropolitan urban area and accompanying technological advances, elderly people have had to cope with tremendous changes within a relatively short period of time. Familial living arrangements of the elderly have contributed in their adjustment process by acting as a buffer and as a link between elders and the wider society.

NOTES 1 The three major ethnic groups in Singapore are the Chinese, Malays, and Indians. The Chinese comprise 78%, the Malays 14%, and the Indians 7% of the total population (Census of the Population 1990). 2 Djamour (1959) has documented that it was customary for a newly married Malay couple to reside in the bride's parents' home (p. 79). This practice may explain the current preference of Malay elderly to co-reside with married daughters after all children are married. 3 "Mod" is used to refer to the moderator of the FGD cited. 4 Three social analysts who have recognized and addressed this issue are Siddique and Puru'Shotam (1982), PuruShotam (1987), and Mehta (1990).

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5 The Malayalis are a matriarchal community, so the general preference is for parents to live with a married daughter. However, according to some FGD participants, this pattern does not seem to be typical anymore, due to social changes. 6 Dyson and Moore (1983) have also documented such differences in the cultural systems of North and South Indians in India. 7 The Central Provident Fund (CPF) is a compulsory savings program required of all workers in Singapore. It is meant to ensure workers sufficient savings in their old age. Presently, employees contribute 21.5 % of their monthly salary to their CPF account while their employers contribute another 18.5% of the employee's monthly salary.

REFERENCES Amoss, P. and S. Harrell, eds. 1981 Other Ways of Growing Old. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Blake, M. L. 1992 Growing Old in The Malay Community. Centre For Advanced Studies, National University of Singapore, Singapore: Times Academic Press. Census of Population 1990a Advanced Data Release. Singapore: Department of Statistics. Census of Population 1990b Statistical Release No. 1. Singapore: Department of Statistics. Chan, K. B. 1983 Coping with Aging and Managing the Self-Identity: The Social World of Elderly Chinese Women. Canadian Ethnic Studies XV(3): 36-50. Chen, A. J. and P. L. Cheung 1988 The Elderly in Singapore. Singapore Country Report Phase 3. Asean Population Project - Socio-Economic Consequences of the Aging of the Population. Singapore: ASEAN Population Coordinating Unit. Chen, P. and C.T. Chang 1983 The Elderly In Singapore. Singapore: Singapore: Ministry of Health and Ministry of Social Affairs. Cheung, P. L., T. L. Ngiam, S. Vasoo, and Y. Y. Chan 1991 Social Support Networks for the Elderly in a High-Rise Public Housing Estate in Singapore. In Social Services and Aging Policies in the U.S. and Asia H. L. Sheppard, ed. pp. 305-341. Florida International Exchange Centre on Gerontology. Djamour, J. 1959 Malay Kinship and Marriage in Singapore. London: The Athlone Press. Dyson, T. and M. Moore 1983 On Kinship Structure, Female Autonomy and Demographic Behaviour in India. Population and Development Review 9(1): 35-60. Kua, E. H. 1990 The Health of Elderly Chinese Living in the Community. Singapore Medical Journal 31:111M 15 Li, T. 1986 Cultural and Economic Change in the Singapore Malay Community. Ph.D. Thesis, University of Cambridge. Li, T. 1989 Malays in Singapore: Culture, Economy and Ideology. Singapore: Oxford University Press. Mehta, K. 1990 Giving Up Hope: A Study of Attempted Suicide Amongst Indian Women. Singapore: Times Books International. Ministry of Health 1986 Survey of aged Living in the Community. Singapore. More than 10,000 emigrated in past 3 years. 1989 Business Times, Oct. 10: 10. PuruShotam, N. 1987 The Social Negotiation of Language in the Singapore Everyday Life. Ph.D. Thesis, Sociology Department, National University of Singapore. Siddique, S. and N. PuruShotam 1982 Singapore's Little India: Past, Present and Future. Singapore Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. Sokolovsky, J., ed. 1987 Growing Old in Different Societies: Cross-Cultural Perspectives. Massachussetts: Copley Publishing Group. Sokolovsky, J. 1990 The Cultural Context of Aging: World-Wide Perspectives. New York: Bergin and Garvey.


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Thomas, K. and A. Wister 1984 Living arrangements of older Woman: The Ethnic Dimension. Journal of Marriage and the Family 46(2): 301-310 Wee, A. 1983 Proceedings of the Second Regional Congress of the International Association of Gerontology, Asia/Oceania Region. pp. 20-26. Sydney: Australian Association of Gerontology. Wong, A. and S.H.K. Yeh, eds. 1985 Housing A Nation: 25 Years Of Public Housing in Singapore. Singapore: Housing and Development Board. Yearbook of Statistics 1992. Singapore: Department of Statistics.

Department of Social Work and Psychology National University of Singapore Kent Ridge Cresent Singapore 0511 Department of Social Work and Psychology National University of Singapore Kent Ridge Cresent Singapore 0511 Department of Social Work and Psychology National University of Singapore Kent Ridge Cresent Singapore 0511

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