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Is There an Emotional Cost of Completing High School? Ecological Factors and Psychological Distress Among LGBT Homeless Youth Markus P. Bidell PhD

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Department of Educational Foundations & Counseling Programs , Hunter College of the City University of New York , New York , New York , USA Accepted author version posted online: 20 Sep 2013.Published online: 30 Jan 2014.

Click for updates To cite this article: Markus P. Bidell PhD (2014) Is There an Emotional Cost of Completing High School? Ecological Factors and Psychological Distress Among LGBT Homeless Youth, Journal of Homosexuality, 61:3, 366-381, DOI: 10.1080/00918369.2013.842426 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00918369.2013.842426

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Journal of Homosexuality, 61:366–381, 2014 Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 0091-8369 print/1540-3602 online DOI: 10.1080/00918369.2013.842426

Is There an Emotional Cost of Completing High School? Ecological Factors and Psychological Distress Among LGBT Homeless Youth

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MARKUS P. BIDELL, PhD Department of Educational Foundations & Counseling Programs, Hunter College of the City University of New York, New York, New York, USA

This study explored the nexus of home and school climate on the psychological distress of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) homeless youth, as well as their experiences during high school. Of the LGBT homeless youth (N = 89) surveyed, 39.3% reported not completing high school. Most participants did not seek support from school staff nor did they report attending a school with a Gay-Straight Alliance. Significantly higher levels of psychological distress were found among high school graduates and those reporting LGBT harassment at home; however, harassment experienced at school was not statistically related to psychological distress. Findings are discussed. KEYWORDS LGBT homeless youth, education, psychological distress, home/school climate

There is now ample evidence showing that lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) youth are at heightened risk for a host of serious psychosocial problems that include mental health problems, such as depression and anxiety; family rejection and social isolation; LGBT-based harassment and school bullying; educational disparities; early onset of substance use and abuse; risky sexual behaviors and HIV infection; as well as suicidal ideation and attempts (Coker, Austin, & Schuster, 2010; Haas et al., 2011; Institute of Medicine [IOM], 2011; Kosciw, Greytak, Diaz, & Bartkiewicz, 2010; Mustanski, Garofalo, & Emerson, 2010). Specific to this research study, LGBT Address correspondence to Markus P. Bidell, Department of Educational Foundations & Counseling Programs, Hunter College of the City University of New York, New York, NY 10065, USA. E-mail: [email protected] 366

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youth have disproportionately higher rates of homelessness, and once homeless, these youth face increased risk factors and subsequent health disparities compared to their heterosexual counterparts (Cochran, Stewart, Ginzler, & Cauce, 2002; Corliss, Goodenow, Nichols, & Austin, 2011; IOM, 2011; Ray, 2006; Van Leeuwen et al., 2006; Whitbeck, Chen, Hoyt, Tyler, & Johnson, 2004). While giving a clearer picture of the problems and obstacles facing LGBT homeless youth, “the majority of studies provide comparisons of homeless LGB [Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual] and heterosexual youth, outlining the basic risks without examining the mechanisms of those risks in depth” (IOM, 2011, section 4, p. 17). To date, no research has expressly examined the educational experiences of LGBT homeless youth. There also remains a need to better understand the nexus of primary environments, such as home and school, on the educational and psychological wellbeing of LGBT homeless youth. As such, this research study set out to examine three major questions specific to exploring contextual influences and environments among a group of LGBT homeless youth: (1) What are the educational and psychosocial experiences of LGBT homeless youth during high school; (2) Does high school graduation (versus dropping out) impact psychological distress; (3) How do negative and prejudicial home and school climates impact psychological distress?

PSYCHOSOCIAL PROBLEMS AND HEALTH DISPARITIES AMONG LGBT HOMELESS YOUTH Current literature uses a variety of terms to describe young people that are homeless (e.g., street youth, runaways, homeless youth, throwaway youth, etc.). In the current study, the term LGBT homeless youth is utilized to describe LGBT youth that are currently experiencing homelessness, where the adjectival use of “homeless” is not meant to convey that homelessness among LGBT youth is a fixed, static, or enduring attribute. As such, I draw on the McKinney-Vento Homeless Assistance Act of 1986, a law entitling youth to remain in school notwithstanding their housing status, to define LGBT homeless youth. In this study, LGBT homeless youth are those young people that identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (including those questioning their sexual orientation or gender identity) who, as a result of loosing their primary familial or foster care housing, do not currently have secure, ongoing, and/or adequate housing, and thus live primarily in emergency/transitional shelters, temporary accommodations, and on the street or some combination thereof. LGBT youth are at heightened risk of becoming homeless and make up a disproportionate share of all homeless youth. Estimates of between 22 to 40 percent of all homeless youth identify as LGBT (Cochran et al.,

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2002; IOM, 2011; Ray, 2006). A recent study (Corliss et al., 2011) examining data from over 6,000 Massachusetts public school students found that LGBT youth “were grossly overrepresented among the homeless” (p. 1686). Once homeless, LGBT youth often experience more psychosocial and health problems such as higher risk for HIV infection, risky sexual behaviors, depression, suicidality, substance use and abuse, as well as violence compared to heterosexual homeless youth (Cochran et al., 2002; Gangamma, Slesnick, Toviessi, & Serovich, 2008; IOM, 2011; Van Leeuwen et al., 2006; Walls, Hancock, & Wisneski, 2007). Van Leeuwen et al. (2006) analyzed results from a public health survey of close to 700 homeless youth across six states to compare risk factors of LGBT and non-LGBT participants. The researchers found that LGBT youth reported significantly higher levels of substance abuse, suicide attempts, survival sex, and involvement with child social services. The researchers concluded “that while the very nature of being a homeless youth entails multiple public health risk factors, many of these risk factors significantly increase by being LGB [Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual] as well” (p. 165). In a recent study (Walls & Bell, 2010) of over 1,000 homeless youth from 28 different states, LGBT homeless youth were almost two times more likely to have engaged in survival sex compared with non-LGBT homeless youth. Collectively, these studies provide critically important data documenting the significant psychosocial disparities impacting LGBT homeless youth.

SCHOOL AND HOME EXPERIENCES Home and school environments represent central systems in the growth and development of young people (Santrock, 2012). For LGBT youth, instead of places of support, home and school can be negative environments where experiences of rejection, abuse, and harassment are not uncommon. Problems at home, family instability, as well as neglect and abuse have been shown to be significant risk factors for young people who become homeless (Keeshin & Campbell, 2011; Tyler, Hagewen, & Melander, 2011). However, serious problems at home, such as substance abuse, fighting, and verbal, physical, and sexual abuse by parents or caregivers are found more often among LGBT homeless youth versus their heterosexual or non-homeless LGBT counterparts (Cochran et al., 2002; Rew, Whittaker, Taylor-Seehafer, & Smith, 2005; Rosario, Schrimshaw, & Hunter, 2012; Van Leeuwen et al., 2006; Whitbeck et al., 2004). In a large study by Rew and colleagues (2005), LGBT homeless youth were more likely to report histories of parental physical or sexual abuse as reasons for their homelessness compared to heterosexual homeless youth. In addition, Cochran et al. (2002) found that LGBT homeless youth were more likely to leave home because of physical and substance abuse in the home.

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Corliss et al. (2011) described the disparities in LGBT homelessness rates as being “driven by factors situated within family relationships, such as sexual minority youths’ greater likelihood of running away or being thrown out of their homes, and not because these youths are more likely to be members of a homeless family” (p. 1686). Instead of places to learn and develop socially, school can be a negative and even hostile environment for LGBT youth. LGBT youth are far more likely to describe being bullied, sexually harassed, and/or physically abused at school compared to their heterosexual counterparts (Berlan, Corliss, Field, Goodman, & Austin, 2010; Kosciw et al., 2010). Verbal and physical harassment directed toward LGBT students can manifest in negative academic and emotional outcomes, including absenteeism, poor academic performance, and achievement gaps (Kosciw et al., 2010). As harassment levels increase, so do many of the damaging consequences. LGBT students who are bullied more often due to their sexual orientation or gender identity also have lower grade point averages, are at high risk for dropping out of school, and are more likely to forgo post-secondary education compared to their heterosexual counterparts (Bontempo & D’Augelli, 2002; Kosciw et al., 2010). When considering the important social, vocational, and economic benefits of completing high school, these data are especially troublesome. As yet, LGBT research on school climate, student experiences, and high school achievement has not included LGBT homeless youth.

METHOD Participants There were 89 research participants who ranged in age from 18 to 24 (M = 21.16, SD = 1.99) recruited from an LGBT homeless youth shelter. Approximately 8% identified as transgender, 12% as lesbian, 47% as gay, 23% as bisexual, and the remaining 10% as other. The participants identified primarily as ethnic minority (89.8%) males (71.9%). The ethnic breakdown of participants specifically included: (a) 9.0% White/Caucasian, (b) 41.6% Black/African American, (c) 24.7% Hispanic/Latino, (d) 2.2% Native American, (e) 21.3% Mixed Ethnic Minority, and (f) 1.1% Other. The majority of the youth (90%) were currently homeless, and the remaining 10% were recently homeless (within the last 10 days) receiving transitional housing and social services. None of the participants were currently enrolled in high school or a GED/vocational program.

Procedures and Instruments After Institutional Review Board (IRB) approval, potential participants were voluntarily recruited at an LGBT homeless youth shelter located in a large

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East Coast metropolitan area that provides emergency shelter, case management, and mental health services. Two graduate research assistants were trained by the author (Principal Investigator) in accordance with the IRB procedural guidelines for this study in recruitment procedures, provision of informed consent, survey administration, and data management. Participants were provided verbal and written informed consent and interviewed at the LGBT homeless shelter in a private room. They were compensated for their time with a free public transportation voucher (provided by the homeless shelter). Youth were asked to complete a comprehensive demographic/educational survey and the Brief Symptom Inventory (Derogatis, 1993). All collected data was entered into an SPSS data matrix. No identifying information from study participants was collected, and all analyses utilized aggregate data to protect confidentiality and anonymity of those participating in the study. DEMOGRAPHIC/EDUCATIONAL BACKGROUND A demographic and educational survey was developed for this study. Demographic questions were standard assessments of participants’ age, ethnicity, sexual orientation/gender identity, sex, and homelessness. Educational and home life information was also assessed (including school/home climate, school harassment, high school completion, schoolbased supportive staff/organizations, and LGBT outness). School climate questions were modeled on the Gay, Lesbian, and Straight Education Network 2009 National School Climate Survey (GLSEN Survey) of LGBT youth’s experiences of school climate and support (Kosciw et al., 2010). The National Education Longitudinal Survey (U.S. Department of Education, 1988) was also utilized to develop questions focusing on high school completion.

PSYCHOLOGICAL DISTRESS The Brief Symptom Inventory (BSI; Derogatis, 1993) is a self-report measure of psychological distress. The 53-item scale has been used extensively in social science research across nonclinical and psychiatric populations. The BSI uses a five-point response scale from 0 (not at all) to 4 (extremely) to assess emotional distress during the past week. A principal components analysis of the BSI indicated nine factors or symptom areas (Somatization, Obsessive-Compulsive, Interpersonal Sensitivity, Depression, Anxiety, Hostility, Phobic Anxiety, Paranoid Ideation, and Psychoticism). The Global Severity Index (GSI) comprises all BSI items and is the most sensitive index of psychological distress, including both symptom amount and distress intensity (Derogatis, 1993). Internal consistency for the BSI was determined

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using Cronbach’s coefficient alpha, ranging from .71 (Psychoticism subscale) to .85 (Depression subscale). Two-week test-retest reliability was .90 for the GSI or total BSI scale. In the test manual, Derogatis (1993) described the establishment of convergent validity by demonstrating correlations above .30 between the BSI (overall score and subscale scores) to the MMPI. Predictive validity for the BSI is described by Derogatis (1993) specific to the test’s ability to predict or strongly correlate with psychiatric, cancer, and pain management patient populations. In the current study, raw scores were converted to T-scores using the adult nonpatient BSI norms (Derogatis, 1993). The operational determination for caseness (i.e., positive diagnosis) described in the BSI Manual (Derogatis, 1993) is a GSI T-score greater than or equal to 63, indicating a participant was considered positive for psychopathology. This score was utilized as the threshold for determining if research participants in the current study were considered to have a positive diagnosis for psychological problems and distress.

ANALYSIS AND RESULTS A 39.3% high school dropout rate was reported, with most participants discontinuing high school in the 11th and 12th grades (69.7%), and 7.9% reported they obtained a GED. While participants were not asked when they enrolled or obtained their GED, if it is assumed they received their GED after dropping out of high school, the possible drop-out rate could be as high as 47.2%. The majority of the youth (68.5%) said they came out in either middle or high school. Only 17 youth (19.1%) reported their high school had a supportive LGBT club such as a GSA. When asked, 15.7% reported being frequently verbally harassed in high school (10.1% often, 9.0% sometimes, and 15.7% rarely) and approximately 10% (n = 9) reported being physically harassed (frequently or often) in high school (13.5% sometimes, and 10.1% rarely). Few participants sought out school staff for support. Specifically, 80.9% reported they never talked to a teacher, 70.8 % never talked to a school/mental health counselor, and 86.5% never talked to a school administrator about issues related to their sexual orientation or gender identity during high school. Of the 89 research participants, 84 completed the BSI, and this group is the basis for the following data. Over half (64.3%) of participants had a clinically elevated BSI Global Severity Index (GSI) score, indicating significant mental health distress and symptoms. Clinically significant mean BSI scores were noted on the GSI (M = 65.79, SD = 12.95) as well as on the Depression (M = 63.83, SD = 11.82), Paranoid Ideation (M = 66.54, SD = 12.37), and Psychoticism scales (M = 67.64, SD = 11.91). Clinical significance was not detected for mean scores on measures of Somatization

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(M = 58.68, SD = 14.21), Obsessive-Compulsive (M = 62.28, SD = 13.92), Interpersonal Sensitivity (M = 61.32, SD = 12.77), Anxiety (M = 60.33, SD = 13.76), Hostility (M = 60.35, SD = 13.57), or Phobic Anxiety (M = 59.75, SD = 11.72). Three 1-way ANOVA analyses were calculated to determine if there were significant differences in participants’ GSI scores specific to the following factors: (a) high school completion, (b) harassment at home, and (c) harassment at school. The first 1-way ANOVA compared GSI scores of participants who graduated versus dropped out of high school. A significant difference was found between the groups, F(1,82) = 7.06, p = .010, η2 = .079. Thus high school graduates reported significantly higher GSI scores (M = 68.55, SD = 12.37) compared to dropouts (M = 61.06, SD = 12.74). The second 1-way ANOVA examined the impact of experiences of home harassment on GSI scores. A significant difference was found between the groups, F(1,82) = 4.51, p = .037, η2 = .052. Those participants reporting harassment at home had significantly higher GSI scores (M = 68.46, SD = 11.73) compared to those who did not report such home harassment (M = 62.55, SD = 13.75). Last, a 1-way ANOVA compared BSI scores of participants that reported school harassment (M = 67.18, SD = 12.82) to those who did not report experiences of school harassment (M = 65.29, SD = 13.06). The ANOVA was not significant, F(1,82) = .34, p = .56, η2 = .004.

DISCUSSION Research focusing on LGBT homeless youth has only recently emerged in the scientific literature and documents the serious psychological, health, and social problems many of these youth face (IOM, 2011). Data from this study support previous findings showing that LGBT homeless youth are at heightened risk for psychosocial problems (Cochran et al., 2002; Whitbeck et al., 2004; IOM, 2011) as well as experience levels of verbal and physical school harassment comparable to non-homeless LGBT youth (Kosciw et al., 2010). While problem-based epidemiological research has been critical to our understanding of the afflictive problems impacting LGBT homeless youth, there remains a need to both contextualize and mitigate these risk factors. This study is the first published research to examine LGBT homeless youth’s educational attainment and school experiences. Results from the current study are explored next and contextualize educational, psychological, and environmental factors.

Educational Experiences of LGBT Homeless Youth Utilizing the 2009 GLSEN National School Climate Survey (Kosciw et al., 2010), high school experiences can be compared between LGBT homeless

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youth with non-homeless LGBT students. Looking first at reports of school bullying, GLSEN Survey students reported being frequently verbally harassed about their sexual orientation and gender identity at a similar rate (approximately 18.2%) as the LGBT homeless youth in this study. Furthermore, both groups reported being frequently or often harassed physically at comparable rates (approximately 10%). While experiences of LGBT-based verbal and physical school harassment were similar between youth in this study and those in the 2009 GLSEN sample, it is important to contextualize this comparison. High percentages of LGBT homeless youth in this study reported they dropped out of high school, largely in grades 11 and 12, which may have had an impact on reported rates of school harassment. For example, dropping out of high school might have resulted in a deflationary effect on assessing overall rates of school harassment for LGBT homeless youth, especially when making comparisons with non-homeless LGBT students. More research is needed to explore LGBT homeless youth’s experiences of schoolbased harassment, especially with an emphasis on grade-specific experiences of verbal and physically bullying. School support in the current study was assessed in two ways. Participants were asked about the presence of a GSA at their school as well as frequency of seeking out school staff (teachers, counselors, and administrators) for support around LGBT issues and concerns. LGBT homeless youth reported dramatically lower levels of both types of school-based support compared with those students in the GLSEN survey (Kosciw et al., 2010). In the current study, less than one fourth of LGBT homeless youth reported they attended a school with a GSA, compared to about 45% of students in the GLSEN survey. GSAs are noncurricular student groups that provide support and advocacy for LGBT middle and high school students as well as their allies (Bidell, 2011). LGBT students in schools with GSAs report an overall better school climate as well as better academic performance and attendance compared to students in schools without GSAs (Kosciw et al., 2010; Walls, Kane, & Wisneski, 2010). The LGBT homeless youth in the current study also reported lower levels of seeking out high school staff for support compared to the GLSEN students. Among the GLSEN youth, 34.1% reported never speaking to a school teacher and 59.1% never to a counselor about LGBT issues. Between 70% to 80% of the LGBT homeless youth in this study never sought out their school teacher or counselor for similar support. Levels of supportive school staff have been linked to the presence of GSAs. Specifically, schools without a GSA have fewer supportive staff identified by LGBT students (Kosciw et al., 2010), which may help explain current findings. Possibly the LGBT homeless youth in this study attended schools with limited LGBT supportive organizations and hence staff. We know that supportive school teachers, counselors, and administrators can make a considerable contribution to the wellbeing and health of

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LGBT youth (Kosciw et al., 2010). LGBT students attending schools with more supportive staff report a greater sense of belonging, less absenteeism, as well as higher grades and future educational aspirations (Kosciw et al., 2010). However, school teachers and counselors are not immune to LGBT biases and prejudices and often report their professional training has not prepared them to work competently with LGBT issues in a school setting (Bidell, 2012; Goodrich & Luke, 2009; Mudrey & Medina-Adams, 2008). A recent study (Bidell, 2012) compared the sexual orientation and multicultural counselor competencies of school counselor trainees to that of community agency/mental health counseling students. The researcher found that school counseling students reported significantly lower levels of multicultural and sexual orientation counselor competencies. Bidell (2012) goes on to conclude that by the nature of their work environment, professional school counselors are uniquely situated to play a vital role in supporting LGBTQ [lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and questioning] youth . . . the current study highlights[s] the need for school counselors to improve their multicultural and LGBTQ counselor competencies. (p. 206)

The limited level of school support reported by the LGBT homeless youth may have played a deleterious role in their ability to successfully complete high school. LGBT homeless youth in the current study reported a high school dropout rate over four times the national status high school dropout rate of 8% (Aud et al., 2010). Yet it remains unclear if the LGBT homeless youth in this study attended high schools with less supportive school organizations and staff or they simply did not avail themselves (or notice the existence) of such resources to support their educational and emotional progress. As LGBT homeless youth report significant psychosocial and family problems, these issues may have eclipsed their need for obtaining more general support specific to their sexual orientation and gender identity at school. More research is needed to not only better understand the levels of school support available to LGBT students at risk for homelessness but also to develop effective school-based interventions that support the educational, emotional, social, and family needs these youth face. Moreover, those that educate school personnel need to develop, implement, and evaluate LGBT training curricula that effectively address not only the needs of LGBT students but also the potential concerns of school staff when they work with LGBT issues and students in their schools (Bidell, 2012; Goodrich & Luke, 2009).

Nexus of Education, Home, School, and Psychological Distress The clinically elevated rates of psychological distress found among the LGBT homeless youth in this study support findings from previous research that

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show more mental health problems among both homeless and non-homeless LGBT youth (Cochran et al., 2002; IOM, 2011; Mustanski et al., 2010; Whitbeck et al., 2004). Mustanski et al. (2010) administered an abbreviated format of the BSI (BSI 18, Derogatis, 2000) to over 200 LGBT non-homeless youth, providing an opportunity to compare psychological distress levels. Approximately 30% of the non-homeless LGBT youth in the Mustanski et al. study had clinically significant GSI scores compared to 64.3% of the LGBT homeless youth in this study. From this comparison, LGBT homeless youth are potentially twice as likely to experience clinical levels of psychological distress compared to non-homeless LGBT youth. LGBT youth and adults, regardless of housing status, are at heightened risk of mental health problems such as mood and anxiety disorders, suicidality, and substance abuse (Cochran et al., 2003; Meyer, 2003). Minority stress has been postulated as an explanation for the higher incidence of mental disorders among LGBT individuals where “stigma, prejudice, and discrimination create a hostile and stressful social environment that causes mental health problems” (Meyer, 2003, p. 674). Thus homeless LGBT youth are not only prone to experiencing LGBT minority stress but also the burdens of homelessness. Comparing LGBT homeless to non-homeless youth, Walls et al. (2007) concluded that “homeless sexual minority youths are at increased risk for negative life experiences over the already heightened risk that all sexual minority youths face” (p. 195). Those who work with LGBT homeless youth need to consider the fact that many of these youth are experiencing clinical levels of mental health problems. As such, the development of individual, school, community, and family interventions to help LGBT homeless youth will in all likelihood need to include some component of mental health assessment and counseling services. Along with showing that LGBT homeless youth have elevated levels of overall psychological problems, results from this study explicate the relationship between psychological distress with LGBT home and school harassment as well as high school completion. In this study, LGBT youth had significantly more psychological distress if they reported experiencing harassment at home. Although higher levels of psychological distress were noted among those reporting harassment at school, this relationship did not reach statistical significance. Researchers (Almeida, Johnson, Corliss, Molnar, & Azrael, 2009) showed that non-homeless LGBT high school students who perceived greater discrimination based on their sexual orientation or gender identity had higher levels of depression as well as an increased risk for self-harm and suicidal ideations. It is likely that LGBT homeless youth experience negative reactions to school-based discrimination similar to non-homeless LGBT, but results from this study may reveal the primacy of the home environment over that of school specific to psychological distress. Results indicate that for LGBT homeless youth, family-based harassment appears to be more psychologically distressful versus school-based

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harassment. These findings build on research showing the multiple problems LGBT homeless youth contend with while living at home or in foster care (Cochran et al. 2002; Gangamma et al., 2008; Rew et al., 2005). Lankenau, Clatts, Welle, Goldsamt, and Gwadz (2005) conducted a qualitative study that examined the street experiences of 10 homeless young men who have sex with men. The researchers found that all participants described early onset of problems and issues regarding home life. These problems ranged from multiple caregivers, housing instability, foster care, and reports of abuse. Abuse at home may make LGBT homeless youth more at risk when living on the streets. Melander and Tyler (2010) found that among a population of homeless youth, childhood abuse (physical and sexual) as well as neglect were positively related to later experiences of HIV risk and victimization. The increased intensity and frequency of problems and abuse at home likely contributes to LGBT homeless youth’s elevated experiences of psychological problems. More research is needed to explore specific ways to combat the family complications and subsequent problems experienced by LGBT homeless youth. There is also a need for school counselors working with LGBT youth to consider ways to engage school-based family interventions as a means to address the family problems LGBT homeless youth often encounter. Such family interventions by professional school counselors could be preventative for those LGBT students at risk for homelessness and dropping out of school. The completion of high school is an important developmental and educational achievement with lasting consequences. Using the Chicago Longitudinal Study sample, Ou (2008) explored psychosocial and economic differences among those graduating from high school, dropping out, or receiving a GED. Findings indicated “high school graduates are associated with better outcomes than GED recipients, and GED recipients are associated with better outcomes than dropouts” (Ou, 2008, p. 98). Specifically, these outcomes included higher income, greater life satisfaction and optimism, and lower levels of depression and substance abuse. Although obtaining a high school diploma resulted in the most favorable benefits, the researchers found that obtaining a GED credential brought psychosocial advantages that extended beyond economic benefits. In light of these findings, it was unexpected to find that high school graduates in this study presented with significantly higher levels of psychological distress. While not directly assessed, it reasons that those LGBT homeless youth who obtained a high school diploma also spent more time in their home and school environments. If these environments were abusive, problematic, or unsupportive, they could have contributed to an amplification of mental health symptoms. Along this line of thought, staying in a negative home and school environment to obtain a high school diploma may bear psychological costs. Social science researchers need to examine if this relationship between psychological distress and high school graduation is also found with

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larger samples of LGBT homeless youth. Researchers also need to develop tailored high school dropout and GED programs that take into account the specific issues and needs of this population. Considering the benefits of obtaining a GED certificate (Ou, 2008), findings from this study showing that less than 8% of surveyed youth obtained their GED are troublesome and warrant immediate attention from educators, researchers, and policy makers. Moreover, there is a need to examine the educational proficiency levels of LGBT homeless youth in order to facilitate appropriate remedial and GED program placements. The higher rates of psychological distress among those that completed high school might also help explain the elevated high school dropout rate among LGBT homeless youth found in this study. Dropping out of school and leaving home may be adaptive ways to cope with negative environments and help lessen psychological distress. More research with larger numbers of research participants is needed to confirm the results specific to psychological distress and high school graduation found among the homeless youth in this study. There also remains a need to study when and why LGBT youth become homeless and how these variables impact educational completion and mental health. Consistent with other researchers’ recommendations (Coker et al., 2010; IOM, 2011; Ray, 2006; Rew et al., 2005; Van Leeuwen et al., 2006), there remains a critical and unmet need to develop systemic interventions aimed at positively impacting the home and school environments for LGBT youth and especially those at risk for homelessness. For example, schools can and should take a central role in addressing the needs of LGBT youth through the development of anti-bullying and LGBT-affirmative policies as well as sponsoring programs designed to improve the school climate and support network for LGBT students. Creating and supporting school-based GSAs is one clear and proven way to help address the needs and problems facing LGBT youth at school (Kosciw et al., 2010; Walls et al., 2010). Moreover, family, peer, school, and community social support has been shown to be a protective factor for youth and can ameliorate high school dropout rates (Englund, Egeland, & Collins, 2008; Hess & Copeland, 2001; Jimerson, Egeland, Sroufe, & Carlson, 2000). Examining data from over 6,000 students, researchers (Button, O’Connell, & Gealt, 2012) found that compared with heterosexual youth, LGBT students reported significantly less access to social support. Additionally, social support was statistically associated with reduced risk for victimization, suicide ideations/attempts, and substance abuse. The researchers concluded that their “findings indicate that sexual minority youth are more likely to report not receiving support at all and are less likely to report social support from parents” (p. 39). Parents, caregivers, and school staff are often the relationships that many LGBT homeless youth report having problems with and should be a focus for school mental health professionals when considering the development of school-based systemic interventions.

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Limitations and Conclusion This study has certain limitations. Research participants were not randomly selected nor were they matched with non-homeless LGBT youth or heterosexual homeless youth for comparisons. All assessments were self-report and specific domains were assessed with either a single scale (such as the BSI) or specific questions from the demographic/educational survey. Participants were asked to recall their high school experiences retrospectively, thus these data were subject to the accuracy and memory of participants. Research participants were recruited at one homeless shelter located in a major metropolitan area that provides emergency housing to LGBT homeless youth and as such, the information may not be generalizable to specific subgroups of LGBT homeless youth. Similarly, the number of participants was relatively low, which necessitated the use of three 1-way ANOVAs and hence amplified the possibility for a Type I error. Limitations notwithstanding, results from this study shed a disquieting light on the educational experiences, needs, and accomplishments of LGBT homeless youth as well as how school, home, and high school completion intersect with psychological distress. Findings from this study represent the first systematic research specifically focused on the educational experiences and needs of LGBT homeless youth. Primary ecological systems such as schools, families, and mental health care are failing to provide the necessary support for the healthy development, educational success, and psychological wellbeing among LGBT youth that become homeless.

FUNDING The author thanks Sarah M. Bonner for her consultation on the statistical analysis and Tony Leung for his work on data management. This research project was supported in part by an award from the George N. Shuster Faculty Fellowship Fund at Hunter College of the City University of New York.

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Is there an emotional cost of completing high school? Ecological factors and psychological distress among LGBT homeless youth.

This study explored the nexus of home and school climate on the psychological distress of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) homeless yout...
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