This article was downloaded by: [New York University] On: 26 May 2015, At: 18:08 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK

The Journal of Sex Research Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/hjsr20

Heterosexual Seduction in the Urban Night Context: Behaviors and Meanings Guadalupe Brak-Lamy

a

a

Centro de Administraçäo e Políticas Públicas , Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, Universidade Técnica de Lisboa Published online: 31 Jan 2014.

Click for updates To cite this article: Guadalupe Brak-Lamy (2014): Heterosexual Seduction in the Urban Night Context: Behaviors and Meanings, The Journal of Sex Research, DOI: 10.1080/00224499.2013.856835 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00224499.2013.856835

PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content. This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http:// www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions

JOURNAL OF SEX RESEARCH, 0(0), 1–10, 2014 Copyright # The Society for the Scientific Study of Sexuality ISSN: 0022-4499 print=1559-8519 online DOI: 10.1080/00224499.2013.856835

Heterosexual Seduction in the Urban Night Context: Behaviors and Meanings Guadalupe Brak-Lamy

Downloaded by [New York University] at 18:08 26 May 2015

Centro de Administrac¸ a¨o e Polı´ticas Pu´blicas, Instituto Superior de Cieˆncias Sociais e Polı´ticas, Universidade Te´cnica de Lisboa This article presents an anthropological analysis of heterosexual seduction behaviors of men and women (from 18 to 65 years old, with varying civil status) who attended nightclubs located in the movida areas of Lisbon, Portugal. These behaviors were analyzed according to structure versus communitas theories. Nighttime seduction behaviors were observed and recorded in a field diary, and in-depth semistructured interviews with 60 men and 60 women were conducted. Interviews were analyzed using the thematic content analysis model. Results suggested that the communitas domain was evinced in the various seduction strategies. These courtship behaviors tended to follow a specific pattern: nonverbal seduction, visual seduction, verbal seduction, and acting—consisting of caresses, touches, and kisses. When this escalation process evoked positive responses, it generally culminated in the complete synchrony of movements between the two bodies. The seduction process encompassed both masculine and feminine initiatives: Women engaged primarily in nonverbal and visual seduction, while men appeared to orchestrate verbal courtship and acting. However, sometimes men and women did not want to seduce or be seduced because they were married (especially women) or were with their partners (especially young men) and did not want to endanger the structure domain.

This study analyzed the heterosexual seduction behaviors of men and women attending nightclubs in Lisbon’s movida areas. Until the mid-1970s, under the authoritarian Estado Novo (New State, 1933–1974), there was no ‘‘night industry’’ in Lisbon. There was only a proto-industry: a few nightclubs situated in the area of Cais do Sodre´ frequented by some university students. Until then, Lisbon’s nightlife was primarily characterized by semiprivate spaces, under the tutelage of neighborhood associations, where dances were held. In these spaces men initiated the visual, verbal, and physical seduction of women—generally through invitations to dance. The social and sexual roles of men and women were strictly defined and enforced by the dictatorial regime. Women’s roles as breeders and family keepers were emphasized and prized. They were expected to devote all their time to their families. Consequently, women had little time for leisure away from their everyday obligations. The so-called sexual double standard prevailed and expressed itself through a more permissive attitude toward men’s sexual behavior and a more repressive posture toward women’s sexuality.

Correspondence should be addressed to Guadalupe Brak-Lamy, Centro de Administrac¸ a¨o e Polı´ticas Pu´blicas, Instituto Superior de Cieˆncias Sociais e Polı´ticas, Universidade de Lisboa, R. Almerindo Lessa, 1300-663, Portugal. E-mail: [email protected]

After the 25 April Revolution in 1974, people witnessed the boom of a night industry characterized by a proliferation of nightclubs, especially in the city of Lisbon. This industry was promoted by the Ministry of Tourism, by municipalities, and by some entrepreneurs. During the late 1970s, internal migration increased, causing the population to concentrate on the coast and in urban centers, especially in the two major metropolitan areas of Lisbon and Porto. Outsourcing and coastal development led to expansion of the night industry.1 During the 1980s and early 1990s, nightclubs expanded across several areas of the capital, such as Bairro Alto, ´ bidos, the dockland area of Santo Rocha Conde d’O Amaro, and the Alcaˆntara and Bele´m areas. The Bairro Alto is located on a hill, and during the day it is a peaceful neighborhood; however, at night, throngs arrive for the various regional restaurants, Fado houses, cellars, taverns, bars and nightclubs, art galleries, exhibitions, and sales of articles produced by some national designers, scattered in the streets and narrow alleyways. The Rocha ´ bidos and Santo Amaro docks are situated Conde d’O 1 The ‘‘mentality of oppression and penury’’ was a feature of the previous authoritarian political and economic environment and was gradually replaced by a more open mind-set, accompanied by economic development, after the revolution of April 25, 1974, which established a democratic regime (Barreto, 2002). People started earning better wages and, since the late 1970s, there has also been greater participation of women in the labor market.

Downloaded by [New York University] at 18:08 26 May 2015

BRAK-LAMY

within the old port area of Lisbon, which was conveyed to night businessmen by the Association of the Port of Lisbon. The warehouses in that area were turned into bars and clubs and, in the case of docks, also into restaurants and terraces. The set of buildings in brick and wood, some with huge windows with a view to the river, is currently one of the centers of Lisbon’s nightlife. As the night progresses, the restaurants located in Rocha ´ bidos turn into nightclubs. The dockland’s Conde d’O warehouses were the first area of Lisbon’s waterfront to be given back to the city and its inhabitants. The dock’s terraces function mainly as restaurants and nightclubs and are very crowded, especially on warm evenings when people enjoy being outdoors. Here people listen to the music on the esplanade’s speakers, which increases in volume as the night goes on. Sometimes people are treated to a magnificent sunset, sparkling crimson in the sky over the river, while listening to the noise from the cars crossing the bridge over the Tagus River. The booming night industry in the movida areas of the city progressively extended to every weeknight through marketing. In the beginning, there were such themes as ‘‘Saturday Night Fever’’; then the club owners expanded their offerings, including sevillanas shows on Fridays, Karaoke on Thursdays, a striptease show on Wednesdays, a ladies’ night (with free drinks) on Tuesdays, and a live music night on Mondays. Just like Ovid’s (2004) courtship sequence (sight, speech, touch, and kiss—visus, alloquii, tactus, and osculi), the heterosexual seduction behaviors discussed here are viewed as ways of phased-in erotic interaction: nonverbal seduction, visual seduction, verbal seduction, and physical contact—consisting of caresses, touch, and kisses. Perper (1985) noted a similar courtship sequence: look, approach, talk, touch, caress, and kiss, accompanied by an increasing synchronization of movements. The structure versus communitas theory (Turner, 1969) provides a framework to analyze these seduction behaviors. Victor Turner (1969), in The Ritual Process, contemplated a central theoretical argument showing the relationship between the concepts of liminality and communitas, which arises from his analysis of rituals and their codependence on the concept of structure. Communitas and structure are two opposite, mutually dependent modes of social life. The concept of structure is defined as ‘‘society as a structured, differentiated, and often hierarchical system of politico-legal-economic positions with many types of evaluation, separating men in terms of ‘more’ or ‘less’’’ (Turner, 1969, p. 96). Individual identity within structure is based on an individual’s status, role, or occupation within society, alongside the other individuals’ status and identities within that same society. At certain times, however, the web of normal social relationships, the structural elements, appears to dissolve. Society enters what Turner calls a ‘‘liminal’’ time: a ‘‘betwixt and between’’ or threshold period. No longer do power and 2

privilege, status and role, law and institution determine social relationships. Society enters a ‘‘time outside of time,’’ with alternative modalities of social relationships. The most common modality of social organization that takes place within liminality is communitas. As opposed to structure, communitas defines ‘‘society as an unstructured or rudimentarily structured and relatively undifferentiated comunitatus, community, or even communion of equal individuals who submit together to the general authority of the ritual elders’’ (Turner, 1969, p. 97). In communitas, individuals lack social identities and therefore confront one another as concrete, unique, and equal individuals. Structure is linked to social hierarchies; communitas relates to the will of escaping from social hierarchies and represents the possibility of individuation and liberation of the hierarchical repression of the social structure. Structure is ‘‘governed by norms and institutions, whereas in communitas individuals are engaged in a direct, immediate, and total confrontation of human identities’’ (Turner, 1969, p. 132). Nevertheless, communitas is also fragile. As a spontaneous and immediate form of social organization, communitas eventually succumbs to the pragmatic requirements of social life, thereby becoming structure once again. For Turner, societies must maintain a balance between communitas and structure to survive, generally taking the form of a cycle where structure is temporarily suspended during rituals that reignite a sense of communitas in various ways, depending on the type of ritual. Nightclubs are a privileged setting of communitas domain, where people go at night to socialize. This domain unveils a predisposition for sexual seduction because men and women suspend their ordinary hierarchized life (structure domain related to family relationships, study, or work) and, in this environment, are free from the restraints of social obligations—in other words, sexual seduction is performed outside the normal social sphere. In nightclubs, unlike in their daily lives, men and women seduce each other, listen to music, dance, and consume alcohol. These elements are a fundamental part of the night industry, and which generally promotes ephemeral spontaneity and joy, which differs from the power relationships that exist in the family, job, and study contexts (structural domain); these behaviors tend to dissolve or break up any hierarchization and indicate that the value has moved from the field of power to the field of freedom. However, within this inclusiveness, the communitas has its own internal structure and rules. Method Participants The participants were men and women aged 18 to 65 years old with varying civil status (married, single, divorced, or cohabiting with their partners) who attended the lively night districts, that is, the movida areas of Lisbon.

HETEROSEXUAL SEDUCTION IN THE URBAN NIGHT CONTEXT

Downloaded by [New York University] at 18:08 26 May 2015

Measures and Procedure Nightclub selection. First, several areas in Lisbon with a great concentration of nightclubs were delineated, and four were selected based on the following criteria: location, lighting, size, and sound. In terms of location, all the selected spaces were located in well-known nightlife areas of Lisbon: Bairro Alto, Alcaˆntara Docks, the area between the Alcaˆntara Docks and Bele´m, and ´ bidos. The lighting conditions refer Rocha Conde d’O to the need to choose well-illuminated spaces where seduction behaviors could be easily observed. As for size, these spaces were not exceedingly large, so individuals could be easily identified. Last, sound was taken into account, and nightclubs were chosen where the decibels were not exceedingly high and conversations could be overheard. Fictitious names were given to the selected spaces to maintain confidentiality. Horda Rock was located in Bairro Alto; Mirror in Rocha Conde ´ bidos; Caipirinha in Alcaˆntara Docks; and Boat in d’O the area between the Alcaˆntara Docks and Bele´m. Mirror, Caipirinha, and Boat were frequented by individuals ranging from 18 to 65 years old. Horda Rock was frequented by young adults, ranging from 18 to 25 years old. Participant observation. After selecting the nightclubs, participant observation began. This stage of the fieldwork lasted 18 months and, just like a rite of passage, it was a profoundly impressive and individualizing experience (Cabral, 1983). The researcher was introduced to a context that was unfamiliar, having not been in any of the aforementioned recreational spaces before starting fieldwork. From the outset empathy (allowing a certain degree of familiarity) was developed for the owners and employees; in contrast, the clients and certain behaviors witnessed were often unfamiliar, namely the simulation of sexual acts during certain dances and the utterance of ‘‘lustful’’ jokes. The researcher attended these venues at opening time (11 p.m.), either alone or in the company of family members or female friends, some of them fellow anthropologists. The decoration of the spaces, as well as the arrangement of tables, bars, and dance floors, were first observed, followed by a range of heterosexual seduction behaviors displayed by customers and staff, including verbal (overheard conversations) and nonverbal language, encompassing a wide range of body language: gestures, attitudes, facial expressions, glances, smiles, kisses, and caresses. These seduction practices took place in different areas of the nightclubs, including at the tables, at the bar, along the railings in the mezzanines, and on the dance floors. Social actors’ physical appearance (their clothing, makeup, and accessories) were also observed. Fieldnotes. In the first three months of fieldwork, the social interactions observed were recorded in a field

diary. The notes of deep immersion (Emerson, Fretz, & Shaw, 1995, p. 10) in the field were made in situ, following Berg (1989), Emerson and colleagues (1995), Goffman (1989), Lofland and Lofland (1984), and Schatzman and Strauss (1973), but away from the eyes of the customers, bartenders, and servers to avoid intimidating them or causing discomfort. These fieldnotes were written in abbreviated form (short sentences) and were numbered according to the chronological observation (place, date, and time) of the observed behaviors in various scenarios for social interaction. An example of such notation follows: 1. Mirror. Friday, 0.30 a.m. Table: ground floor: two 40-year-old males looking at 25-year-old young women . . . ; 2. Boat. Saturday, 3.05 a.m. Two young girls of 20 years, dancing on track and are approached by a young man of 25 years. After leaving the nightclubs (between 2 a.m. and 6 a.m.), the researcher went home and wrote in the field diary a more detailed account of everything that had been seen and heard at the clubs. These accounts were made at first in a descriptive way (Bernard, 1988) and subsequently in a more interpretative manner (analytical comments) for each of these records separately (Emerson et al., 1995). ‘‘Thick descriptions’’ (Creswell, 2007) were made of the settings, circumstances, participants, and their behaviors. Interviews. After three months, fieldwork (observations) continued, and the interviews began. These were carried out every weeknight (except on Mondays, when these clubs were closed) over two weeks in each bar or club. In total, it took approximately seven months to complete 120 semistructured interviews (60 men and 60 women) with middle-class customers and staff of the nightclubs (disc jockeys, bartenders, servers, and porters). The semistructured model allows the interviewer to use a general interview guide for all interviews while allowing interviewees to decide what parts of their narratives should be emphasized (Denzin & Lincoln, 1994). The interview guide included questions developed based on the literature review and the objectives of the study: (1) to identify ways that men and women seduce in nightclubs and (2) to identify the reasons why men and women seduce in nightclubs. The interviews were recorded on a digital MP3 device, and each lasted one to two hours. They mainly took place in the nightclubs (especially the interviews with staff members) where some of the fieldwork was carried out. However, due to some bar managers’ restrictions about recording on the premises, several of the interviews were conducted elsewhere. Interviews were conducted in a respectful, friendly, and nonjudgmental manner to minimize the likelihood that individuals would feel judged or threatened. At the beginning of the interviews, participants were fully informed about the research, and they were clearly told that they could choose not to participate or withdraw at any time during the interviews. Confidentiality of data 3

Downloaded by [New York University] at 18:08 26 May 2015

BRAK-LAMY

was guaranteed, and informed voluntary consent was obtained. To maintain confidentiality, participants’ names were changed and are presented here only as initials (e.g., ‘‘R’’). After finishing each interview, instead of only transcribing parts or significant segments, the researcher transcribed the entire interview to avoid decontextualization (Potter & Wetherell, 2003). When fieldwork was completed, the content analysis of the transcriptions began (Bardin, 1977). Five operational stages of thematic analysis were used: preanalysis, exploration of the material, treatment of the results, inference, and interpretation. Preanalysis refers to the organization of the material to be analyzed to make it operational, systematizing the initial relevant ideas and concepts through three stages: (1) The analysis of data began by reading through the transcribed interviews to identify the relevant ideas and concepts emerging in the interviews; (2) ‘‘constitution of the corpus,’’ which involves the organization of the material to demarcate what will be discussed; and (3) formulation of the objectives. Exploration of the data consisted of the interviews’ codification and the definition of thematic categories. Coding is the result of a ‘‘process involving clipping, aggregation and enumeration of the interviews’ (transcribed) contents’’ (Bardin, 1977, p. 103), thus obtaining ‘‘units of meaning’’ (Holsti, 1969) that correspond to the segment of content to be considered as the basic unit for categorization and counting. In this study the registration unit considered most appropriate was the theme (strategies of seduction), given its relevance to the analysis of behaviors, motivations, opinions, values, and trends. The analysis was therefore essentially semantic, focused on ‘‘nucleus of meanings,’’ the ‘‘information units.’’ This stage involved selecting segments of content (cutting) comprising information about the goals of the study, which would be considered the base units. The units of analysis were hence set apart, and classified, which included making sure they could be understood outside their original context. After coding, the categorization follows, which consisted of classification of the constituent elements of a set by differentiation and then by regrouping according to gender (analogy) with the previously defined criteria. The categories are ‘‘headings or classes, which bring together a group of elements under a generic title, this group made due to the common character of these elements’’ (Bardin, 1977, p. 117). The current study adopted the semantic criteria for classification, in other words, attempting to create categories by themes. The sample was defined according to ‘‘saturation of equal or similar answers’’; from that point on, data collection was over. Bardin’s classification principles were applied to establish categorical sets, including (1) homogeneity: that the categories must be established from a single classificatory principle; (2) exhaustiveness: that the categories allow the inclusion of any answer in one of the sets; (3) exclusivity: that the categorical sets be mutually exclusive, such that one 4

answer cannot be included in two or more categories; (4) objectivity: that the different coders should reach similar results; and (5) relevance: that the categories must relate to the purpose and content of the study. The categories were defined as significant items that take a generic title (keyword) and bring together groups of elements (units of registration). Following identification of the thematic categories, MaxQda software was used to code the data. Several categories were identified: nonverbal seduction, visual seduction, verbal seduction, and acting (caresses, touches, and kisses). To ensure the credibility of the results, a validation procedure was adopted; this involved a description of meanings through their detailed presentation and the illustration of each thematic category with examples of the discourse of participants. The intent was to ensure the data were presented in way that was true to the voice and intent of the participants. The third phase concerned the treatment of the results, inference, and interpretation; this was the intuitive, critical, and reflective aspect of the analysis (Bardin, 1977). I interpreted the material, adding to the categorization the ‘‘thick description’’ (Creswell, 2007) of the observations that I made during fieldwork, which were registered as in the field diary. The interpretation was done from the theory constructed based on the categories (i.e., the communitas versus structure domain).

Results Nonverbal Seduction In most of the nightclubs many women (especially the younger ones) were dressed in a very sophisticated manner (i.e., they wore very different clothes from the ones worn in everyday life) and some wore provocative apparel that is typically appreciated by men: tight, black, short skirts; red or black stockings; leather or spandex tights; very short lame´ dresses; and low-neck blouses. The breasts’ erotic value was enhanced through low-cut necklines, and the legs were exposed by short skirts that accentuated feminine attributes. These women were proceptive, meaning that they ‘‘employ any behaviour pattern to express or signal interest to a man, or to arouse him sexually, or that serves to maintain her sexual or sociosexual interaction with him’’ (Perper, 1985, p. 127).2 2

Some social scientists have recognized that women are highly proceptive (Diamond, 2008; Ford & Beach, 1951; Jesser, 1978; McCormick, 1979; Perper, 1985; Remoff, 1980). There are also passing references to ‘‘proceptiveness’’ in ethnographic literature, such as Price’s (1984) first-rate study of Saramaccan women, in Suriname, South America, and in other sources ranging from the Kama Sutra (Vatsyayana, 1961) through Marco Polo’s (1958) infuriatingly brief comment that women in Tangut (modern Kan-su, in Northwest China) ‘‘made overtures to men, and that men sustained no sin if they responded!’’ (p. 91).

HETEROSEXUAL SEDUCTION IN THE URBAN NIGHT CONTEXT

The women in these nightclubs often felt that they were having a highly pleasurable experience—a peak experience. As Maslow (1964) stated, peak experiences are moments of pure, positive happiness when all doubts, all fears, all inhibitions, all tensions and all weaknesses are left behind. Peak experiences are often accompanied by a peculiar and distinctive feeling of oneness with the universe. The feeling of separateness, distance, or alienation from the world. (p. 9)

Downloaded by [New York University] at 18:08 26 May 2015

As one woman said: I come to the nightclubs every Saturday. I like to come here to seduce men. I always wear low-neck blouses, leather or Lycra pants. I think this kind of dress is very important to have success in the seduction process. I am very active, so I always seduce one or more men in a nightclub. It is different from the daily context where I have to study. I have pleasure in seducing and being seduced; I like to be the only woman men seduce! (T., 19 years old, single)

Nevertheless, from the analysis of the discourses, the erotic display could be deplored because sometimes other people, especially women, considered this kind of behavior synonymous with being, in colloquial terms, a whore, a slut, or a hooker. In these cases, the women were not admired but rather censured and judged and were at the opposite end of the structure domain. Conversely, the strategy of shy women was not to show their body and to abstain from entering into the structure domain (marriage) with men that attended the nightclubs. Generally, these women wore modern standard European=North American clothing and did not like to be seduced; they wanted a serious relationship, and they thought such a thing was not possible with men who attended nightclubs. Visual Seduction In the nightclubs, visual seduction was most often initiated by women, especially young women aged 18 to 25 years old. As discerned from the interviews, most of these women were attracted by masculine physical traits such as the look in men’s eyes—likely to be mysterious, tender, and sensual—as well as big, strong hands and a seductive smile. As observed and understood from the female discourses, these women seduced generally in peer groups. As Givens (1978) noted, young women (18 to 25 years old) as well as older women (40 to 55 years old) seduced through gaze, glimpse and glance. The majority of men—much like the women— seduced mainly in peer groups and through gaze, glimpse, and glance. Young men (18 and 25 years old) seduced young women, and older men (40 and 65 years

old) seduced both young and older women (40 and 65 years old). Men’s seduction had underlying motives that were related to the structure domain and to the female’s physical attractiveness (Grammer, 1990): beauty, the way in which women were dressed, and the jewelry and makeup they wore: I like to seduce women in nightclubs because it is different from the daily routine of my job . . . . I start to seduce a woman because of her beauty. Of course, the way she is dressed, adorned, the makeup she wears—especially on the eyes and lips—is also important. I am fascinated by it all and just start seducing her with gaze. (M., 24 years old, single)

When female interest was high, mutual gaze was initiated (Argyle, 1988; Grammer, Kruck, & Magnusson, 1998; Renninger, Wade, & Grammer, 2004). Sometimes, men and women would sustain their gaze until they could almost not take their eyes off each other. Some men (especially those aged between 40 and 65 years old) seduced women (aged between 18 and 40 years old) accompanied by their boyfriend or their husband. The game of seduction, in their opinion, was all the more stimulating because they wanted to know whether the woman returned the gaze and whether she wished to prolong that game. These men wanted to destroy the structure domain: ‘‘There is a couple there, but I am going to decouple them. I enjoy doing this. It is my ultimate pleasure!’’ (R., 34 years old, divorced). What is evident is the challenge of the married couple (structure domain) that is related to a certain rivalry and hostility of the seducer with the companion of the seduced women. This behavior relates to the Middle Ages and the Renaissance courtly love: the celebration of an idealized and often illicit form of love in which a knight or courtier devoted himself to a noblewoman who was usually married, thus establishing the triangular pattern of lover-lady-jealous husband (Steinberg, 2003). The discourse of the great majority of women who were seduced while with their partners revealed discomfort and indicated they were afraid their partners might notice and the structure domain might be consequently endangered. Usually these women tended to distance themselves from the pursuing men’s gazes. Behind this fear was the potential loss of security found in their established relationship structure. Security, for these women, was the closed marriage: ‘‘It is me and my husband, and nobody comes in between’’ (S., 33 years old, married). For most women, when they found a marriage partner, they gave up all other courtship. However, a small number of married women felt the need to seduce and to be seduced when they were not with their husbands: ‘‘When I go to a nightclub, I like to seduce and be seduced. When I do this, my husband is not near me’’ (P., 37 years old, married). These women told me that they needed to momentarily move away from the control of their husbands. 5

BRAK-LAMY

Downloaded by [New York University] at 18:08 26 May 2015

Verbal Seduction In all the nightclubs, observation and men’s reports in interviews generally indicated that they initiated verbal seduction. In certain cases, men did not sit near women, and some of them did not even come close to them but passed by, keeping a distance and making provocative remarks. Some such remarks, translated literally from Portuguese, included the following: ‘‘You are as good as corn!’’; ‘‘I’d lick you all over’’; ‘‘I’d fuck you’’; ‘‘Nice tits’’; ‘‘Good fruit’’; and ‘‘Great legs!’’ These comments were made in the presence of other people, mainly the speaker’s friends (communitas domain), exposing women to spectators. The articulation of these flatteries was to provoke spectators’ laughter. This comical effect was opposed to everyday life constraints, including social hierarchical relationships (structure domain). Through the articulation of these obscene expressions, the accosted subject is compelled to imagine the part of the body or the sexual act in question while being shown what the seducer is fantasizing. By using these sexual expressions, the man intended to arouse the woman in an exhibitionist manner. However, instead of being excited, the woman may have felt embarrassment, shame, or even anger—the opposite of the freedom experienced in the communitas domain. As one woman said, ‘‘Some men are rude. Generally, they seduce me in the company of their friends, to show them that they are really good seducers. In my opinion they are not! They say some flatteries that make me feel really angry!’’ (O., 29 years old, divorced). According to the roman poet Ovid (2004), these unkind words can ruin everything. Other men followed another type of discourse to that previously described; these men were not in peer groups but alone, and they addressed themselves exclusively to the women. The expressions used by these men generally suggested marriage (structure domain). Translating once more literally from the Portuguese: ‘‘The sky must be on strike because the stars are all here’’; ‘‘You are the daughter-in-law that my mother will like to have!’’; or ‘‘You have shiny eyes. You can be my girlfriend. Do you want to?’’ This kind of speech was more pleasurable for the women because it was flattering and sometimes triggered female desire, or it could remain a pleasant memory. The men who produced this kind of speech rubbed their language against the women; they had ‘‘words instead of fingers, or fingers at the tip of their words. Their language trembles with desire’’ (Barthes, 1978, p. 73). This kind of pleasurable verbal seduction was directed toward younger women (18 to 25 years old), but older women (45 to 65 years old) were also the target of men’s verbal seduction, especially from older men (45 to 65 years old). These seducers generally directed their flattery to some feminine body areas, such as the breasts, lips, or legs. This kind of praise was also used in ancient Rome, as mentioned by Ovid (2002), and in 6

the courtly love of the Middle Ages, as illustrated in troubadour poetry.3 After an exchange of glances and sometimes smiles, the men that were less inhibited, generally the younger ones (18 to 30 years old), approached the women (whether alone or in peer groups) and started a conversation: ‘‘Hello I am J . . . . I was watching you’’ (P., 31 years old, single). Some men asked for the woman’s telephone number immediately after she introduced herself. Desjeux, Jarvin, Conrod, and Taponier (1999) pointed out that many men asked for women’s phone numbers to recall and review. Other men started a conversation about the room’s ambiance or something else related to the nightclub; still others approached a woman to light either their own cigarette or hers. Most of these men, especially the younger ones (18 to 25 years old) that were in peer groups, invited young women (18 to 25 years old) for a drink. Two kinds of feminine responses could be observed: (1) some young women that observed these masculine groups pretended not to notice and continued drinking and talking as though they did not care; (2) some young women joined the masculine group and accepted the drinks (integration in the masculine group). However, it was not only young men that were part of a group offering drinks to young women. Some men (younger and older), alone and drinking at the bar, saw a young woman coming toward them, stared, and then approached her and invited her for a drink; others were seated and when they saw a woman passing near their tables or sitting in a table close to theirs, approached her, and asked what would she like to drink. Some men (mainly the single younger ones), offered drinks to young women and to older women; they approached 3

In The Art of Love, Ovid (2002) states that flattery is done carefully so that the woman does not take notice of feigned words. If the pretense was found, the result might be disastrous and perhaps unrecoverable loss. In the Middle Ages, chivalry and the practice of courtly love created a code of conduct that served the beauty of a lady. The courtly love expressed through troubadour poetry shows an exorbitant and quasi-religious praise of the lady’s beauty. According to Steinberg (2003), the three main ideas expressed in the troubadours’ poetry are (1) love is caused by the beauty of the opposite sex; (2) the eyes; beauty enters the heart, and inflicts a wound which only the lady can heal; and (3) though absent from the loved one, the lover leaves his heart with her. Here is an extract from the poem ‘‘Merciless Beauty A Triple Roundel’’ (Chaucer, 2007) that brings to light some of these ideas: Your two bright eyes will slay me suddenly; the beauty of them I cannot sustain, so keenly strikes it through my heart and brain. Unless your word will heal very speedily my head’s confusion and my heart’s sore pain, your two bright eyes will slay me suddenly: the beauty of them I cannot sustain. Upon my word I tell you faithfully, you are sovereign over my life and death, and by my death the world shall see it plainly: your two bright eyes will slay me suddenly, the beauty of them I cannot sustain, so keenly does it strike through my heart. (Chaucer, 2007, p. 21)

Downloaded by [New York University] at 18:08 26 May 2015

HETEROSEXUAL SEDUCTION IN THE URBAN NIGHT CONTEXT

them, smiled, and raised a glass. The feminine responses varied: (1) Some single young women refused the drink and did not engage in conversation with the men; they just said ‘‘no, thanks’’ and turned their backs on them. (2) Other young women thanked the men for the drink and then introduced themselves and engaged in conversation. As Cavan (1966) and Perper (1985) suggested, offering a drink or offering to light a cigarette or even the exchange of the telephone number is customarily the prelude to an invitation to talk or can result in an encounter, leading to the beginning of an erotic-loving relationship. (3) Some married women thought the game amusing and the fact that they were married did not prevent them from starting conversation; as one woman stated: ‘‘I am married, but I am not dead! . . . I like to be seduced. It is different from my husband relationship because it breaks the routine of my marriage’’ (M., 37 years old, married). However, some married women did not go beyond superficial conversation: ‘‘I am married, so I am aware that I must talk only about the night ambiance, the nightclubs, and people that go to the nightclubs, and I don’t want to go further’’ (I., 33 years old, married). (4) Some women (especially those married and between 35 and 55 years old) did not show interest in a dialogue with unknown men. Some of these women told me that they had sexual desire but they were afraid of having an erotic-loving relationship because it could endanger their structure. As Ovid (2002) suggested, these women hide their desire; therefore, the seducer must persist using all the means at his reach. However, many men told me that when women do not show interest, they give up verbal seduction: ‘‘There are women that are very cold and reluctant. When this happens, I don’t persist with the seduction process!’’ (R., 27 years old, single). The masculine verbal approaches are therefore not always successful, generally because of the structure domain. At other times, male verbal seduction strategies were not preceded by gazes, glances, and smiles. In almost all masculine verbal seduction strategies, men initiated conversation after the woman had signaled her interest, mostly by glancing and=or smiling at the men, granting them permission to start a conversation. It appeared that in some cases, men needed encouragement before they approached women (Cary, 1976; de Weerth & Kalma, 1995; Fisher, 1992; Kendon, 1975; McCormick & Jones, 1989; Perper, 1985; Perper & Weis, 1987). The feminine verbal strategies of seduction were generally initiated by young women. I observed many women verbally approach a man standing by himself,4 after he had started the seduction through gazes, glances, 4 In this research, some women (primarily young women ranging from 18 to 25 years old) took the initiative in verbally seducing young males, especially those of the same age group, contrary to observations made by Desjeux and colleagues (1999) and Spradley and Mann (1979). These examples serve to culturally relativize attitudes that tend to be seen as essential and natural, such as men being active and women as passive.

and=or smiles. Some women, especially the younger ones, conducted the entire process (Cary, 1976; Moore, 1985; Moore & Butler, 1989; Walsh & Hewitt, 1985). Other young women approached young men who were accompanied by girlfriends and initiated conversation, introducing themselves and asking them their name and phone number. These young women liked to defy the structure domain, but most of the time they were not successful, either because the young men ignored them (for example, did not answer them and walked away), turned their backs on them, or because their girlfriends just pulled them away. There were also a small number of women—mainly younger ones—that went to a particular nightclub because they were interested in starting an erotic-loving relationship with a particular barman. Some women approached the barman, looked him in the eyes, asked for a drink, and then initiated a conversation, complimenting him on his way of serving customers and on some physical attribute. These women generally offered drinks to the barmen. Other women asked for the barman’s phone number and tipped him. Some barmen in turn gave these women free drinks; many times they exchanged phone numbers. Yet this was usually only an exchange of compliments and nothing more. If the barman was not interested, these women generally left the nightclub and did not return for a long time. From Provocative Seduction Strategies to Actions Provocative verbalizations were followed with those that led to acting, consisting of caresses, touch, and kissing. These behaviors took place when women and men were alone or in peer groups (especially younger men and women): drinking, talking at the bar tables, gambling near the jukebox, near the entry, or on the dance floor— especially after 1 a.m., when the dance floor opened. Most of the time, as Perper (1985) suggested, men and women approached each other and, after a gaze or a smile, they started to talk. As they talked they gradually turned to face each other. This progressive movement could take from a few minutes to several hours. As the couple faced each other, touching was initiated. Generally, the man initiated this: He put his arm around the woman’s shoulders, or he touched the woman’s hair. Sometimes, the ‘‘woman made the first touch, typically lightly and fleetingly, involving nothing more intimate, for example, than placing the fingertips on the man’s hand, or placing the palm of her hand flat on his arm’’ (Perper, 1985, p. 78). The man or the woman who was touched responded in two different ways: He or she might try to ignore it or might respond positively, leaning toward the other person, smiling or facing the other completely, or reciprocating the touch. If the touch was reciprocated, the process continued and escalated. As the sequence progressed, the two people would start looking at each other with an intense gaze that 7

Downloaded by [New York University] at 18:08 26 May 2015

BRAK-LAMY

roamed about the other’s body. The couple would look more and more frequently at each other until finally they almost never took their eyes off each other (Perper, 1985). Their movements would begin to synchronize. Synchronization may be defined as the precise timing and coordination of movements to coincide with the timing or rhythm with the movements of another (Bernieri & Rosenthal, 1991; Givens, 1983; Grammer et al., 1998; Morris, 1977; Perper, 1985; Scheflen, 1965). As Perper (1985) noted, after the exchange of touch, more and more movements occur in synchrony. Synchronization begins with the upper torso (Harris, 1991) and involves only arm and head movements but progresses to a more complex series of simultaneous motions, such as drinking in unison (Perper, 1985) and putting the glasses back on the table together. Later, synchronization progresses to full body synchronization that ‘‘includes simultaneous shifts of weight and swaying movements that result when the hips, legs, and feet of the two people move in synchrony’’ (Perper, 1985, p. 78). Complete body synchrony will therefore most likely happen after physical contact has been established and both bodies will move in coordination. Once men and women are synchronized, each reciprocates the other’s actions: Boat. Saturday, 1.20 a.m. The man invited the woman to seat near him. They looked at each other for a moment, eye to eye. The man started the conversation. Then she reached out to touch his face and slid her hand down the back of his neck and then to his chest in a slow, languorous, and smooth caress. Then he lifted his face to her hand and his chest for her to touch, while simultaneously he ran his hand down her back caressing her in the same rhythm. She smiled and allowed as a sign of satisfaction. The conversation went on for a quarter of an hour, after which the man kissed the woman. After the kiss they entered full-body synchronization and looked at each other almost continuously, touching each other regularly and talking face to face. (Field diary entry, p. 37)

A fully synchronized couple ‘‘is intimately involved and will ignore a great variety of external stimuli. The two people have built an enclave of privacy around them, into which the external world only rarely penetrates’’ (Perper, 1985, p. 79). This is the characteristic of the communitas domain: The couple is temporarily free from social obligations. However, sometimes men and women (particularly the younger and more active ones) did not gaze, smile, or talk before acting. They just got close and then touched or kissed the other person. Perper and Cornog (2002) suggested this behavior occurs in the content of manga art (Japanese comics) when women and men ‘‘reach towards each other and kiss’’ (p. 18). In this study, this generally happened either when they were drunk or while dancing. Here many dancers touched and kissed erotically. Other couples performed a simulation of 8

sexual intercourse. This situation was observed several times, including the example that follows: Mirror nightclub. It is a warm summer Friday night. At midnight the dance floor is opened with a male striptease show, to the rhythm of lambada. There are three strippers, about twenty-five years old, dressed in black leather pants, red T-shirts, red underwear, and black patent leather shoes. Right after the show, a young woman dressed in a black mini Lycra dress and black jackboots (knee high), who appears to be twenty-one years old, challenges one of the strippers (the tallest and most slender) to dance with her. She approaches him and pulls him to the dance floor. Their movements are highly erotic: She presses her chest against his, puts her legs around his waist and her arms round his neck; he rubs his backside against hers, and then he gropes her body, slowly and with satisfaction, with his hands, feeling her buttocks and breasts. Their bodies are glued to each other, swinging rhythmically. After that, the couple starts to simulate the sexual act. They are suddenly interrupted by a security guard, who asks them to put an end to their dance, which they do. The young couple seems proud to challenge the guard; both of them are smiling as if they are being complimented. After that, the girl takes hold of the guy’s hand and introduces herself, saying her name out loud: ‘Hey, I’m Teresa. It is a pleasure to meet you.’ And the guy answers: ‘I’m Pedro.’ Those who witness this episode are astonished. (Field diary entry, p. 50)

It was clear that these dancers stirred intense erotic feelings among the other dancers; most of them started kissing after the couple had physical contact, mainly after the simulation of the sexual act. Through this snapshot of nightclub behaviors, it was apparent that seduction performances generated other erotic performances (communitas domain). The dancers who simulated intercourse wanted first and foremost to give a seduction performance to the audience. The other couples and the people who were dancing also wished to be admired by the audience. The episode of the sexual act’s simulation and other situations, especially the staged ones, can be interpreted as being moments of excess: young men and women wanting to break the rules and finding out how far they could go while touching each other’s backsides, kissing and caressing in an intense, erotic way in public, almost as if they were naked (different from behaviors performed in the structural domain). However, these acts do not presuppose undress or real intercourse because in these nightclubs, freedom (communitas domain) itself is bound by certain norms; therefore, freedom is parallel with the establishment of codes of conduct.

Discussion The findings suggest that the communitas domain is evinced through various strategies of heterosexual

Downloaded by [New York University] at 18:08 26 May 2015

HETEROSEXUAL SEDUCTION IN THE URBAN NIGHT CONTEXT

seduction engaged in by men and women who go to some nightclubs in Lisbon’s movida areas. The courtship process tends to follow a pattern: nonverbal seduction, visual seduction, verbal seduction, and acting (touching, caressing, and kissing). This courtship sequence has been observed in ancient Rome (Ovid, 2004), Medieval Europe (Chaucer, 2007), the United States (Perper, 1985), and in the content of Japanese manga art (Perper & Cornog, 2002). The escalation sequence (Perper, 1985) reaches its peak when full-body synchrony is attained between men and women. Nonetheless, it is important to note that despite the seduction process tending to follow a pattern, it is not entirely linear and sometimes men and women (especially the younger ones) ‘‘skip’’ stages. Men and women generally seduce in peer groups (especially the younger ones and in the early stages of the courtship sequence), accompanied by elements that powerfully facilitate the seduction behavior, such as music, drinks, and dancing. During the courtship sequence people express themselves freely because the seduction process is a spontaneous form of interaction that most of the men and women perceive as distinct from institutional structures (family, work, and study); daily social obligations and stratification are temporarily forgotten or suspended (Turner, 1969). Some men and women, especially younger ones, wanted to overcome social barriers (touching the body, kissing, and caressing). These situations tended to involve excesses caused by the thin limits and weak sources of repression inside the nightclubs. However, this did not involve undressing or having intercourse in public spaces, because in these communitas contexts freedom was limited by certain rules. The seduction process observed involved both masculine and feminine initiatives. Women (especially younger women) engaged primarily in nonverbal and sometimes in visual seduction. Some other researchers have noted that women do seem responsible for the earlier stages of the seduction process (Cary, 1976; de Weerth & Kalma, 1995; Kendon, 1975; Fisher, 1992; McCormick & Jones, 1989; Perper, 1985; Perper & Weis, 1987), while men appear to conduct verbal courtship and acting. Basically, women apparently control male approaches and elicit male self-presentation (Grammer et al., 1998; Moore, 1985). However, neither men nor women dominate successful seduction during the courtship process. Each person plays a role in influencing the partner and signaling that the other’s influence attempts are or are not welcome (Bredow, Cate, & Huston, 2008). The seduction process will stop when one of the partners no longer responds to the escalation behavior of the other partner (Perper, 1985). In other words, both parties are very important to the courtship sequence, because if either person misses a cue, the seduction process can end (Fisher, 1992). Women seem to base their seduction behaviors on masculine traits: the look in men’s eyes (mysterious, tender,

and sensual), a seductive smile, and strong hands. Female physical attractiveness—beauty, dress, ornaments, and makeup—is the strongest predictor for men’s (young and older ones) courtship behavior (Grammer, 1990). Sometimes the seduction is not successful due to (1) men’s use of obscene expressions that cause female embarrassment or shame, which is the opposite of the freedom experienced in the communitas domain; or (2) refusal to threaten the structure domain, as was observed in the case of some married women who did not seduce or respond to men’s visual and verbal seductions. There were also cases of young men who were accompanied by their girlfriends and who did not seduce or respond to young women’s visual or verbal seductions. On the one hand, married women and young men did not want to endanger the structure domain; on the other hand, the men who seduced married women and young women who seduced young men accompanied by their girlfriends wanted to defy the structure domain. This research is a work in progress and is in need of replication in future studies. Although the analysis of differences and overlap between seduction strategies among heterosexual, gay, and=or lesbian individual and ethnic groups is fundamental, each of these issues is in itself complex and can be constituted as a research object on its own. Each of these also refers to specific areas of research (within or across disciplines) that would benefit from further exchanges and dialogue. This study has practical implications related to the way the researcher was confronted with challenging dilemmas that are centered on the subtle distinction between writing ethnography revealing the erotic contexts as a thick description (Creswell, 2007) and not revealing them. Using the ethnographic method to deeply explore the strategies of seduction of men and women in nightclubs involves detailed, profound, and meticulous description. Those details may cause sexual arousal, but they are based on fieldwork observations and on the vivid descriptions that people provided of their own practices. The aim of anthropology research is to deeply explore meanings and practices to understand=explain people’s behavior. Based on the participants’ discourse, the emic principle of research was respected; in other words, the interpretation was carried out from the perspective of individuals under study and not from the researchers’ worldview. The thick descriptions of the erotic contexts facilitated the interpretation of what people said and did, and why they spoke and behaved in certain ways. This kind of description of the erotic contexts is appropriate to the construction of ‘‘legitimate’’ anthropological knowledge related to the communitas domain. References Argyle, M. (1988). Bodily communication. London, England: Methuen. Bardin, L. (1977). Ana´lise de conteu´do (L. A. Reto & A. Pinheiro, Trans.). Lisbon, Portugal: Edic¸ o˜es 70.

9

Downloaded by [New York University] at 18:08 26 May 2015

BRAK-LAMY Barreto, A. (2002). Mudanc¸ a Social em Portugal, 1960=200. Lisbon, Portugal: Instituto de Cieˆncias Sociais. Berg, B. L. (1989). Qualitative research methods for the social sciences. New York, NY: Allyn and Bacon. Bernard, H. R. (1988). Research methods in cultural anthropology. London, England: Sage. Bernieri, F., & Rosenthal, R. (1991). Interpersonal coordination: Behavior matching and interactional synchrony. In R. S. Feldman & B. Rimel (Eds.), Fundamentals of nonverbal behavior (pp. 401–431). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Bredow, C. A., Cate, R. M., & Huston, T. L. (2008). Have we met before? A conceptual model of first romantic encounters. In S. Sprecher, A. Wenzel, & J. Harvey (Eds.), Handbook of relationship initiation (pp. 3–28). New York, NY: Psychology Press. Cabral, J. P. (1983). Notas crı´ticas sobre a observac¸ a˜o participante no contexto da etnografia portuguesa. Ana´lise Social, 19, 327–339. Cary, M. S. (1976). Talk? Do you want to talk? Negotiation for the initiation of conversation between the unacquainted (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA. Cavan, S. (1966). Liquor license: An ethnography of bar behavior. Chicago, IL: Aldine. Chaucer, G. (2007). Merciless beauty: A triple roundel. In G. NeCastro (Ed. and Trans.), The short poems of Geoffrey Chaucer (pp. 21–22). Retrieved from http://machias.edu/faculty/necastro/ chaucer/translation/short/short.pdf Creswell, J. W. (2007). Qualitative inquiry and research design: Choosing among five traditions. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Denzin, N. K., & Lincoln, Y. S. (1994). Handbook of qualitative research. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Desjeux, D., Jarvin, M., Conrod, S., & Taponier, S. (1999). Regards anthropologiques sur les bars de nuit. Espaces et sociabilite´s. Paris, France: L’Harmattan. de Weerth, C., & Kalma, A. (1995). Gender differences in awareness of courtship initiation tactics. Sex Roles, 32, 717–734. doi:10.1007= BF01560186 Diamond, L. (2008). Sexual fluidity: Understanding women’s love and desire. Cambridge, UK: Harvard University Press. Emerson, R. M., Fretz, R. I., & Shaw, L. L. (1995). Writing ethnographic fieldnotes. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Fisher, H. (1992). Anatomy of love: The natural history of monogamy, adultery and divorce. New York, NY: W. W. Norton. Ford, C. S., & Frank, A. B. (1951). Patterns of sexual behavior. New York, NY: Harper and Brothers. Givens, D. B. (1978). The nonverbal basis of attraction: Flirtation, courtship, and seduction. Psychiatry, 41, 346–359. Givens, D. B. (1983). Love signals: How to attract a mate. New York, NY: Crown. Goffman, E. (1989). On fieldwork. Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, 18(2), 123–132. doi:10.1177=089124189018002001 Grammer, K. (1990). Strangers meet: Laughter and non-verbal signs of interest in opposite-sex encounters. Journal of Nonverbal Behavior, 14(4), 209–236. doi:10.1007=BF00989317 Grammer, K., Kruck, K. B., & Magnusson, M. S. (1998). The courtship dance: Patterns of nonverbal synchronization in opposite-sex encounters. Journal of Nonverbal Behavior, 22(1), 3–29. doi:10.1023=A:1022986608835 Harris, B. (1991). Female courtship strategies as a function of sexuality standards. Data Guru. Retrieved from http:/www.dataguru.org Holsti, O. R. (1969). Content analysis for the social sciences and humanities. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley. Jesser, C. J. (1978). Male responses to direct verbal sexual initiatives of females. Journal of Sex Research, 14, 118–128.

10

Kendon, A. (1975). Some functions of the face in a kissing round. Semiotica, 15, 299–334. doi:10.1515=semi1975.15.4.299 Lofland, J., & Lofland, L. (1984). Analyzing social settings. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth. Maslow, A. (1964). Religions, values, and peak-experiences. Columbus, OH: Ohio State University Press. McCormick, N. B. (1979). Come-ons and put-offs: Unmarried students’ strategies for having and avoiding sexual intercourse. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 4, 194–211. doi:10.1111=j.14716402.1979.tb00708.x McCormick, N. B., & Jones, A. J. (1989). Gender differences in nonverbal flirtation. Journal of Sex Education and Therapy, 15, 271–282. Moore, M. (1985). Nonverbal courtship patterns in women: Context and consequences. Ethology and Sociobiology, 6(4), 237–247. doi:10.1016=0162-3095(85)90016-0 Moore, M., & Butler, D. L. (1989). Predictive aspects of nonverbal courtship behavior in women. Semiotica, 76, 205–216. doi:10.1515=semi.1989.76.3-4.205 Morris, D. (1977). Manwatching: A field guide to human behaviour. London, England: Book Club Associates. Ovid, N. (2002). The art of love (J. Michie, Trans.). New York, NY: Modern Library=Random House. Ovid, N. (2004). Metamorphoses (D. Raeburn, Trans.). London, England: Penguin. Perper, T. (1985). Sex signals: The biology of love. Philadelphia, PA: iSi Press. Perper, T., & Cornog, M. (2002). Eroticism for the masses: Japanese comics and their assimilation in the U.S. Sexuality and Culture, 6, 3–126. Perper, T., & Weis, D. (1987). Proceptive and rejective strategies of U.S. and Canadian college women. Journal of Sex Research, 23(4), 455–480. doi:10.1080=00224498709551385 Polo, M. (1958). The travels of Marco Polo (R. Lathan, Trans.). New York, NY: Penguin. Potter, J., & Wetherell, M. (2003). Unfolding discourse analysis. In C. Seale (Ed.), Social research methods: A reader (pp. 350–356). London, England: Routledge. Price, S. (1984). Co-writers and colabashes. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press. Remoff, H. T. (1980). Female choice: An investigation into human breeding system strategy (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). Rutgers University, New Brunswick, NJ. Renninger, A., Wade, J., & Grammer, K. (2004). Getting that female glance: Patterns and consequences of male nonverbal behavior in courtship contexts. Evolution and Human Behavior, 25, 416–431. doi:10.1016=j.evolhumbehav.2004.08.006 Schatzman, L., & Strauss, A. L. (1973). Field research: Strategies for a natural sociology. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Scheflen, A. E. (1965). Quasi-courtship behavior in psychotherapy. Psychiatry, 28(3), 245–257. Spradley, J., & Mann, J. (1979). Les bars, les femmes, et la culture: Femmes au travail dans un monde d’hommes (O. Gagne´, Trans.). Paris, France: Presses Universitaires France. Steinberg, T. L. (2003). Reading the Middle Ages: An introduction to medieval literature. Jefferson, NC: McFarland. Turner, V. (1969). The ritual process: Structure and anti-structure. Chicago, IL: Aldine. Vatsyayana, M. (1961). Kama sutra of Vatsyayana. Bombay, India: D. B. Taraporevala. Walsh, D. G., & Hewitt, J. (1985). Giving men the come-on: Effect of eye contact and smiling in a bar environment. Perceptual and Motor Skills, 61, 873–874. doi:10.2466=pms.1985.61.3.873