580779

research-article2015

PSPXXX10.1177/0146167215580779Personality and Social Psychology BulletinHall et al.

Article

Gender Profiling: A Gendered Race Perspective on Person–Position Fit

Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 1­–16 © 2015 by the Society for Personality and Social Psychology, Inc Reprints and permissions: sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0146167215580779 pspb.sagepub.com

Erika V. Hall1, Adam D. Galinsky2, and Katherine W. Phillips2

Abstract The current research integrates perspectives on gendered race and person–position fit to introduce the concept of a gender profile. We propose that both the “gender” of a person’s biological sex and the “gender” of a person’s race (Asians are perceived as feminine and Blacks as masculine) help comprise an individual’s gender profile—the overall femininity or masculinity associated with their demographic characteristics. We also propose that occupational positions have gender profiles. Finally, we argue that the overall gender profile of one’s demographics, rather than just one’s biological sex, determines one’s fit and hirability for feminine or masculine occupational roles. The current five studies establish the gender profiles of different races and sexes, and then demonstrate that individuals with feminine-typed and masculine-typed gender profiles are selected for feminine and masculine positions, respectively. These studies provide new insights on who gets ahead in different environments. Keywords race, gender, stereotypes, intersectionality Received January 30, 2015; revision accepted March 15, 2015 When people hear the word “profiling,” they often immediately think of race. However, many other types of profiling exist outside of the racial context. For example, people of different genders are often stereotyped as having qualities that fit the profile for masculine- and feminine-typed occupations (Heilman, 1983, 1995). Because women are perceived to be feminine, they are seen as more suitable for feminine occupations (e.g., librarian, daycare worker). Similarly, because men are perceived to be masculine, they are seen as more suitable for masculine occupations (e.g., security patrol, firefighter; Eagly & Karau, 2002). Consistent with recent research on the importance of intersectionality when studying race or gender (e.g., Berdahl & Moore, 2006; Crenshaw, 1989/1993; Nelson & Probst, 2004; Purdie-Vaughns & Eibach, 2008), we argue that the integration of race and gender offers exciting opportunities for more precise empirical examinations and theoretical advancement on profiling. The current research explores profiling on the basis of gender and race for personnel selection, which we define as the selection of employees for a particular occupational position. Specifically, we introduce the concept of a gender profile—the femininity and/or masculinity associated with a specific demographic group—to understand how the gendered characteristics of a person’s race and biological sex simultaneously determine whether they are perceived to fit into, and are hirable for, feminine or masculine occupational positions. Thus, our investigation

provides additional insight into the judgments that contribute to the segregation found in many workplaces. Notably, researchers have suggested that races are gendered, such that Asians are perceived to be more feminine, and Blacks are perceived to be more masculine, than Whites (Galinsky, Hall, & Cuddy, 2013; Johnson, Freeman, & Pauker, 2012). Because both race and biological sex separately contribute to perception of a person’s femininity and masculinity, investigations into the selection of individuals into feminine or masculine occupations need to account for both the gender of the candidate’s race and the gender of the candidate’s biological sex.

Gendered Race Although the current research is the first to explore the combination of gendered race and biological sex for occupational positions, a few studies have documented an overlap between racial and gender stereotypes (Galinsky et al., 2013; Goff, 1

Emory University, Atlanta, GA, USA Columbia University, New York, NY, USA

2

Corresponding Author: Erika V. Hall, Emory University, 1300 Clifton Road NE, Atlanta, GA 30322, USA. Email: [email protected]

Downloaded from psp.sagepub.com at UNIV NEBRASKA LIBRARIES on April 10, 2015

2

Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 

Thomas, & Jackson, 2008; Johnson et al., 2012). In one study, participants were asked to categorize photos of White and Black women by gender (Goff et al., 2008). Participants made more gender categorization errors for Black women compared to White women, and the researchers theorized that this was due to the implicit perception that Black women were more masculine than White women. Johnson et al. (2012) extended these findings by including Asian and male targets and found that participants were better able to categorize Asian female and Black male faces by gender compared to Black female and Asian male faces. Racial genderization also extends beyond physical appearances. Galinsky et al. (2013) found that the stereotype content for Blacks was the most masculine, and Asians the most feminine, of all three racial groups. For example, stereotypes of Blacks as aggressive, hostile, and dominating overlapped with U.S.-based conceptions of prototypical masculinity, and stereotypes of Asians as gentle, passive, and weak overlapped with conceptions of prototypical femininity (Galinsky et al., 2013). Although it is not the focus of the present investigation, there may be a number of reasons for this overlap from cultural factors to perceptions of phenotypic differences (e.g., Afrocentric facial features are perceived to be more masculine than Eurocentric features; Goff et al., 2008; Johnson et al., 2012). We present a model of gender profiling that offers predictions for how candidates are perceived to fit in feminine or masculine occupations based on the masculine and feminine connotations associated with both their gender and racial identities. In our conceptual framework, a feminine-typed demographic group is perceived to be more feminine than masculine and a masculine-typed demographic group is perceived to be more masculine than feminine. For example, Asians are perceived to be feminine-typed, Whites are perceived to be neutral, and Blacks are perceived to be masculine-typed (Galinsky et al., 2013). Thus, the current work goes beyond prior theories that have explored the organizational outcomes of race and gender combinations (Berdahl & Moore, 2006; Kulik, Roberson, & Perry, 2007; Nelson & Probst, 2004) by directly testing the implications of having two “gendered” demographic characteristics. In doing so, we integrate gender profiling perspectives with the larger literature on person–position fit.

Perceptions of Person–Position Fit Both race researchers (drawing upon leadership categorization theory) and gender researchers (drawing upon role congruity theory and the lack of fit model) have made important advances in explaining the processes of person–position fit (Eagly & Karau, 2002; Heilman, 1983, 1995, 2001; Lord, Foti, & De Vader, 1984). Leadership categorization theory describes the process, whereby perceivers match a candidate’s core qualities with the qualities that are perceived to be necessary for a certain job (Lord et al., 1984; Lord &

Maher, 2002). Candidate evaluations are lower when a person’s qualities do not “fit” with the qualities of an occupational prototype, and become higher as the degree of fit increases. Leadership categorization theory posits that a prototype, or “profile,” exists for different types of positions, and that a candidate is measured against this prototype. Leadership categorization theory has been instrumental in explaining discrimination toward minority race candidates. For example, Rosette, Leonardelli, and Phillips (2008) found that the White stereotype is presumed to be part of the prototype of a leader; thus, participants assumed that a business representative was White, regardless of the representative’s industry or company’s race base rates. Leaders who do not match this “White standard” often suffer from lower leadership evaluations. Additionally, Sy et al. (2010) showed that there were prototypes for sales and engineer occupations, as well as stereotypes for Asians (e.g., mathematical) and Whites (e.g., social). Further, the authors showed that leadership perceptions were higher for Asian candidates in engineering and White candidates in sales because of perceived race-prototype matching. In sum, race is a crucial characteristic in determining perceptions of fit. Role congruity theory and the lack of fit model have been primarily used in explaining perceived person–position fit in a gender-based context (Eagly & Karau, 2002; Heilman, 1993, 1995, 2001). These theories contend that evaluators assess applicants based on stereotypes related to the applicant’s sex. For example, men do not possess the communal qualities necessary to be teachers and nurses, and women do not possess the dominant qualities necessary to be firefighters and police officers (Eagly & Karau, 2002; Heilman, 1993, 1995, 2001). Thus, the perceived fit between the femininity or masculinity of a candidate and a potential job becomes a crucial element in determining the prospective fit for that position. Although leadership categorization theory has typically been situated in a different domain from role congruity theory and the lack of fit model, they all share important overlapping qualities. First, they all embody the belief that an overall matching process occurs between a candidate’s qualities and the qualities required for a position. Second, they conclude that incongruence between the candidate’s and job’s qualities will result in lower evaluations of a candidate. These theories collectively serve as a useful lens for studying the domain of gendered race. We suggest that each position has a gender profile—that is, how much the position requires masculinity or femininity. Consistent with prior research, we argue that biological sex will influence hiring for gender-typed positions because women will be perceived to be feminine-typed and men will be perceived to be masculine-typed. Further, we extend past theories to show that the gender of one’s race is similarly consequential for perceptions of person–position fit. We predict that demographic groups that are perceived to embody masculinity (e.g., Blacks) and/or femininity (e.g., Asians)

Downloaded from psp.sagepub.com at UNIV NEBRASKA LIBRARIES on April 10, 2015

3

Hall et al. will be perceived to fit or misfit the masculine or feminine positions accordingly. Although we have discussed the intersection of race and sex, our central hypotheses are main effect predictions. We predict that both the biological sex and race of a candidate will have independent main effects on whether a candidate is seen as a good fit for an occupational position.

Overview of Studies We conducted five experiments to test our hypotheses about the fit between gendered races and feminine or masculine positions. We selected positions that exemplified femininity or masculinity, but that steered clear of strong stereotypes that are associated with the stereotypes geared to Asians (e.g., mathematical) and Blacks (e.g., athletic). Study 1 establishes the gender profile of the prototypic librarian (feminine) and security patrol (masculine) positions, as well as the gender profile of the male and female, and Asian, White, and Black demographic groups. Further, Study 1 establishes which demographic groups are seen as having a similar gender profile as these particular occupations. Study 2 builds off these findings to test whether Blacks are perceived to be relatively more hirable than the other racial groups for a masculine-typed position, and whether Asians are perceived to be more hirable than the other racial groups for a femininetyped position. Study 3 replicates Study 2, while also testing two plausible counter hypotheses. Study 4 holds the title of the position constant (negotiator) and describes the position using feminine- or masculine-typed descriptors. Finally, Study 5 enhances the external validity of the experimental context by using elaborate fictional resumes and a betweensubjects design. Overall, we show that the gender of one’s race and the gender of one’s biological sex are independent determinants of one’s gender profile.

Study 1: The Gendered Content in Racial Stereotypes and Occupational Prototypes Study 1 assessed the gender profile of (a) Asian, White, and Black, female and male stereotypes, and (b) the prototype for a librarian and security patrol position. We utilized a Princeton-Trilogy-based design (Devine & Elliot, 1995; Karlins, Coffman, & Walters, 1969; Katz & Braly, 1933) to determine feminine and masculine content. First, we asked a group of students to assess both the femininity and the masculinity of a preestablished set of traits. To compute the overall femininity and masculinity scores, we applied those “gender” assessments to the traits that a second group of participants perceived to be typical of demographic groups (Asian, White, and Black, women and men) and the traits commonly desired for the masculine and feminine positions (librarians and security patrol positions, respectively).

Finally, we compared the gendered connotations associated with each occupation to the gendered connotations associated with these demographic groups to determine whether they matched. We predicted that Asians would be perceived to be highly feminine-typed, Blacks would be perceived to be highly masculine-typed, and Whites would be perceived to be neutrally gendered in relation to Asians and Blacks. Further, we predicted that the librarian prototype would require highly feminine qualities and security patrol highly masculine qualities.

Participants and Procedure One hundred sixty-seven participants from a nationwide Amazon Mechanical Turk sample were paid 45 cents to participate in a short online survey (125 women, 2 sex unidentified; 121 White, 26 Asian, 11 Black, 8 other, 1 race unidentified; Mage = 39.8). Sample size was determined in accordance with past Princeton Trilogy Studies (e.g., Devine & Elliot, 1995; Karlins et al., 1969; Katz & Braly, 1933). Participants were randomly assigned to either make gender attributions or stereotype attributions. In the gender attribution group, 16 participants were told to review a list of 99 traits and assess each trait on both a 1 (not at all feminine) to 7 (extremely feminine) scale and a 1 (not at all masculine) to 7 (extremely masculine) scale. The traits included the 84 original Katz and Braly (1933) stereotypical traits, 9 more that were added in an updated Princeton Trilogy replication (athletic, criminal, hostile, low in intelligence, poor, rhythmic, sexually perverse, uneducated, and violent; see Devine & Elliot, 1995), and 6 that were added when pretests revealed that the list of possible attributes leaned toward masculine traits (gentle, delicate, yielding, polite, shy, and patient). Mean masculinity and femininity scores were computed for each of the 99 traits. In the stereotype attribution group, 151 participants were given an identical list of 99 traits. Participants were randomly assigned to evaluate one of two occupations (librarian and security patrol) or one of six demographic groups (Asian men, Asian women, White men, White women, Black men, or Black women) and were instructed to choose the 10 traits (of the list of 99) that were most typical of their respective target groups. This resulted in 10 conditions between the two gender attribution and stereotype attribution groups. Then, we inserted the respective mean femininity and masculinity scores for each of the 10 traits that a participant chose for his or her category. For each participant, we averaged these 10 femininity and 10 masculinity scores to assess the average femininity/masculinity that each participant associated with that respective category. Finally, we averaged these femininity and masculinity scores across all participants, and these overall femininity and masculinity scores were the main unit of analysis.

Downloaded from psp.sagepub.com at UNIV NEBRASKA LIBRARIES on April 10, 2015

4

Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 

Table 1.  Femininity, Masculinity, and Sex-Type Scores by Gender, Race, and Demographic Group (Study 1). Sex-type score one-tailed t test from 0 Level of analysis Gender  Woman  Man Race  Asian  White  Black Demographic group   Asian woman   White woman   Black woman   Asian man   White man   Black man

Femininity

Masculinity

Sex-type score

t

p

Conceptual sex-type designation

4.42 (0.34)a 4.19 (0.32)b

4.23 (0.23)a 4.34 (0.19)b

0.20 (0.45)a −0.14 (0.37)b

3.29 3.02

.00 .00

Feminine Masculine

4.47 (0.30)a 4.29 (0.34)b 4.16 (0.34)b

4.23 (0.23)a 4.27 (0.22)a,b 4.35 (0.18)b

0.24 (0.43)a 0.02 (0.45)b −0.20 (0.36)c

3.49 0.33 3.49

.00 .74 .00

Feminine Not sex-typed Masculine

4.58 (0.24)a 4.45 (0.32)a,b 4.26 (0.38)c 4.31 (0.15)b,c 4.16 (0.31)c,d 4.06 (0.26)d

4.15 (0.27)a 4.16 (0.17)a 4.37 (0.16)b 4.31 (0.15)b 4.38 (0.21)b 4.34 (0.20)b

0.43 (0.36)a 0.29 (0.42)a −0.11 (0.42)b,c 0.06 (0.41)b −0.22 (0.33)c −0.28 (0.29)c

5.25 2.93 1.24 0.63 2.92 4.32

.46. Target name was collapsed across conditions in all subsequent analyses. Consistent with Study 2, the Position × Target sex effect, F(1, 391) = 121.17, p < .001, ηρ2 = .24, and Position × Target race effect, F(2, 391) = 10.52, p < .001, ηρ2 = .05, were significant. However, contrary to the height and weight alternative explanation, the three-way height and weight information by position by target race effect did not reach significance, F(2, 391) = 0.43, p = .65 (Table 3).6 No other effects were significant. As shown in Table 3, female targets were perceived to be more hirable for the feminine position than male targets, t(416) = 6.86, p < .001, d = 0.67, and male targets were perceived to be more hirable for the masculine position than female targets, t(416) = 11.36, p ≤ .001, d = 1.18. As predicted, Asian targets were perceived to be more hirable for the feminine position than the White targets, p = .055, and more hirable than the Black targets, p < .001, d = 0.47. Further, the White targets were perceived to be more hirable for the feminine position than the Black targets, p = .04, d = 0.23. Also as predicted, Black targets were perceived to be significantly more hirable for the masculine position than the White targets, p = .03, d = 0.25, and the Asian targets, p < .001, d = 0.12. Further, the White targets were perceived to be more hirable for the masculine position than the Asian targets, p = .02, d = 0.30.7

Examining the Mechanism With Sex-Type Ratings We used the sex-type ratings to explore whether Asians relative hirability for the feminine position and Blacks relative hirability for the masculine position could be empirically explained by peoples’ perceptions of their sex-types (masculine or feminine) controlling for status. Following the recommended processes for mediation with a multi-categorical independent variable (Aiken & West, 1991; Hayes & Preacher, 2014), we conducted our mediation analyses using the processes described in Study 2. Feminine positions (librarian).  Female targets were associated with a more feminine (less masculine) sex-type (B = 6.19, p < .001; CI = [5.8108, 6.5733]). Further, a more feminine sex-type was associated with hirability for the librarian position (B = 0.23, p < .001; CI = [0.1750, 0.2685]). Sex-type mediated the effect of target sex on hirability for the librarian position, and the conditional indirect effect of sex-type was significant (indirect effect = 1.43, CI = [1.0400, 1.8142]; 10,000 bootstrap iterations; Figure 3A). Compared to Asians, White (B = −0.90, p = .04; CI = [−1.7581, −0.0354]) and Black targets (B = −1.50, p < .001; CI = [−2.3679, −0.6296]) were associated with a more masculine (less feminine) sex-type. Further, a more feminine sex-type was associated with hirability for the librarian position (B = 0.15, p < .001; CI = [0.1244, 0.1854]). Sex-type mediated the effect of race on hirability for the librarian position, and the conditional indirect effect of sex-type reached significance for both White (indirect effect = −.1389, CI = [−0.2821, −0.0131]; 10,000 bootstrap iterations) and Black targets (indirect effect = −.23, CI = [−0.3977, −0.0993]; 10,000 bootstrap iterations). A feminine sex-type was required for the position, and Asians were perceived to be more strongly feminine-typed, than all other racial groups (Figure 3B). Masculine positions (security patrol position).  Male targets were associated with a more masculine (less feminine) sex-type (B = 6.14, p < .0001; CI = [5.7610, 6.5267]). Further, a more masculine sex-type was associated with hirability for the security patrol position (B = −0.35, p < .001; CI = [−0.4133, −0.2901]). Sex-type mediated the effect of target sex on hirability for the security patrol position, and the conditional indirect effect of sex-type was significant (indirect effect = −2.16, CI = [−2.5513, −1.7734]; 10,000 bootstrap iterations; Figure 4A). Compared to Asians, White targets (B = −0.93, p = .03; CI = [−1.7853, −0.0680]) and Black targets (B = −1.46, p < .001; CI = [−2.3367, −0.6024]) were associated with a more masculine (less feminine) sex-type. Further, a more masculine sex-type was associated with hirability for the security patrol position (B = −0.28, p < .001; CI = [−0.3123, −0.2446]). Sex-type mediated the effect of race on hirability

Downloaded from psp.sagepub.com at UNIV NEBRASKA LIBRARIES on April 10, 2015

10

Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 

Table 4.  Perceived Femininity, Masculinity, and Sex-Type Scores by Target Gender, Race, and Demographic Group (Studies 2 and 3). Level of analysis Gender  Woman  Man Race  Asian  White  Black Demographic group   Asian woman   White woman   Black woman   Asian man   White man   Black man

Femininity (Study 2)

Masculinity (Study 2)

Sex-type (Study 2)

Femininitya (Study 3)

Masculinitya (Study 3)

Sex-typea (Study 3)

5.86 (0.87)a 2.46 (1.24)b

2.15 (0.89)a 5.45 (1.15)b

3.71 (1.63)a −2.99 (2.23)b

5.71 (0.97)a 2.66 (1.16)b

2.20 (1.02)a 5.29 (1.07)b

3.51 (1.89)a −2.63 (2.08)b

4.65 (1.93)a 4.13 (1.99)a 4.08 (2.04)a

3.04 (1.72)a 3.85 (1.89)b 4.01 (2.02)b

1.61 (3.56)a 0.28 (3.84)b 0.07 (3.99)b

4.59 (1.77)a 4.19 (1.78)a,b 3.89 (1.98)b

3.27 (1.76)a 3.78 (1.89)b 4.06 (1.87)b

1.32 (3.44)a 0.42 (3.60)a,b −0.18 (3.79)b

6.00 (0.76)a 5.85 (0.91)a 5.81 (0.88)a 3.08 (1.68)b 2.38 (1.04)c 2.28 (1.13)c

1.86 (0.74)a 2.22 (0.93)a 2.22 (0.89)a 4.40 (1.50)b 5.50 (0.94)c 5.86 (0.85)c

4.14 (1.43)a 3.63 (1.68)a 3.59 (1.67)a −1.32 (2.99)b −3.12 (1.92)c −3.58 (1.76)c

5.88 (0.88)a 5.74 (0.81)a 5.51 (1.16)b 3.08 (1.29)c 2.67 (0.95)d 2.31 (1.13)e

1.96 (0.76)a 2.12 (0.91)a 2.53 (1.27)b 4.81 (1.28)c 5.41 (0.92)d 5.56 (0.90)d

3.93 (1.48)a 3.62 (1.63)a 2.99 (2.36)b −1.73 (2.41)c −2.75 (1.72)d −3.25 (1.91)d

Note. For each level of analysis (gender, race, and demographic group), means in each column that share different subscripts differ significantly, and means in each column that share the same subscripts do not differ significantly. a Means shown are collapsed across the height and weight and control conditions.

A.

6.19

Sex-Type (-) masculine-type, (0) neutral, (+) feminine-typed

***

.83*** (-.60**)

Candidate Sex (0=Man, 1=Woman)

B.

.23***

Hireability for Librarian Position

Sex-type (-) masculine-type, (0) neutral, (+) feminine

-.90* -1.50

.15***

***

1=White 0=Asian

-.29n.s. (-.24n.s) ***

-.60

**

(-.46 )

Hireability for Librarian Position

1=White 0=Black

Figure 3.  Mediation of candidate race on hirability for librarian position via perceived sex-type (Study 3). (A) The effect of target sex on librarian position. (B) The effect of target race on librarian position. Asterisks indicate significant paths: *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

for the security patrol position, and the conditional indirect effect of sex-type reached significance for both White (indirect effect = .26, CI = [0.0245, 0.5027]; 10,000 bootstrap iterations) and Black targets (indirect effect = .41, CI = [0.1646, 0.6688]; 10,000 bootstrap iterations). A masculine sex-type was required for the position, and Asians were perceived to be less masculine-typed than all other racial groups (Figure 4B).

Study 3 reaffirmed that gendered person–position fit perceptions for demographic groups are determined by the level of femininity and/or masculinity associated with a candidate’s biological sex and race and the level of femininity and/ or masculinity required for the particular position. In Study 3, Asians were perceived to be the most hirable for the feminine position, and Blacks were perceived to be the most hirable for the masculine position. Collectively, these

Downloaded from psp.sagepub.com at UNIV NEBRASKA LIBRARIES on April 10, 2015

11

Hall et al.

A. 6.14

Sex-Type (-) masculine-type, (0) neutral, (+) feminine-typed

***

Candidate Sex (0=Man, 1=Woman)

-1.60*** (.57*)

-.35***

Hireability for Security Patrol Position

B. Sex-type (-) masculine-type, (0) neutral, (+) feminine

-.93* -1.47

-.28***

***

1=White 0=Asian

.50* (-.24n.s) .87

***

**

(-.46 )

Hireability for Security Patrol Position

1=Black 0=Asian

Figure 4.  Mediation of candidate race on hirability for security patrol position via perceived sex-type (Study 3). (A) The effect of target sex on security patrol position. (B) The effect of target race on security patrol position. Asterisks indicate significant paths: *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

experimental studies show that both the gender of a person’s race and the gender of a person’s biological sex are crucial to determine their perceived fit for gendered positions.

Study 4: Gender Profiling in Negotiations To increase the robustness of our assertions, we need to establish that our effects are not specific to the librarian and security positions. In Study 4, we used a single position, a “negotiator,” and described the position in either a masculine- or feminine-typed manner. We predicted that Blacks would have an advantage for the position when it was described using masculine terms, whereas Asians would have an advantage for the position when it was described using feminine terms.

Participants and Procedure Three hundred thirty-four participants were recruited from Amazon Mechanical Turk and paid 45 cents to participate in a short online survey. Forty-seven participants were excluded after incorrectly identifying the race and/or sex of the target, leaving a total sample of 287 participants (178 women; 218 White, 16 Black, 27 Asian, 26 Other; Mage = 30.87). Manipulation.  Participants were asked to review an application of an Asian, White, or Black, male or female job candidate for two available college work study positions. The manipulation of candidate race and sex was consistent with

the method described in Study 3. Both work study positions were described as “negotiator” positions; however, Position A required stereotypically masculine qualities and Position B required stereotypically feminine qualities. For example, Position A required that the candidate have a “dominant and/ or strong mannered way of resolving disputes” and an “assertive or forceful disposition.” Position B required that the candidate have a “delicate and/or mild mannered way of resolving disputes” and a “soft or gentle disposition” (see supplemental materials for the complete stimulus prompt). Pretests (N = 48; 23 women) indicated that participants perceived Position A (M = 2.19, SD = 0.82) to be significantly more masculine than Position B (M = 3.83, SD = 0.66) on a 1 = very masculine to 5 = very feminine scale. Additionally, Position A was perceived to be significantly more masculine than the 3 (neutral) scale midpoint, t(47) = 6.90, p < .001, while Position B was perceived to be significantly more feminine than the 3 (neutral) scale midpoint, t(47) = 8.71, p < .001, indicating that each position was perceived as sufficiently masculine and feminine, respectively. Measures.  After reading through the application, participants rated the candidate’s hirability for the feminine-typed and masculine-typed negotiator position. Hirability for the feminine- (described as Position A) and masculine-typed (described as Position B) positions was measured with two statements: “I think this candidate is a good fit for Position (A/B)” and “I would personally hire this candidate for Position (A/B),” α = .85 and α = .85, respectively (1 = strongly disagree to 7 = strongly agree).

Downloaded from psp.sagepub.com at UNIV NEBRASKA LIBRARIES on April 10, 2015

12

Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 

Results We analyzed the data using a 3 (target race: Asian, White, or Black) × 2 (target sex: man or woman) × 2 (participant sex: man or woman) × 2 (target name: stereotypical or nonstereotypical) × 2 (position: feminine vs. masculine) mixedmeasures ANOVA with the final factor within-subjects. Participant gender did not moderate any of the predicted effects, all ps > .91. Consistent with Studies 2 and 3, the Position × Target sex effect, F(1, 263) = 10.15, p = .01, ηρ2 = .04, and Position × Target race effect, F(2, 263) = 6.49, p = .01, ηρ2 = .05, were significant. Women (M = 5.06, SD = 1.30) were perceived to be more hirable for the feminine position than men (M = 4.38, SD = 1.53), t(285) = 4.08, p < .001, d = 0.48. Surprisingly, men (M = 4.49, SD = 1.48) were not perceived to be significantly more hirable for the masculine position than women (M = 4.25, SD = 1.64), t(285) = 1.32, p = .19. As predicted, Asians (M = 5.16, SD = 1.29) were perceived to be more hirable for the feminine position than Whites (M = 4.64, SD = 1.52), t(186) = 2.52, p = .01, d = 0.37, and Blacks (M = 4.39, SD = 1.47), t(186) = 3.79, p < .001, d = 0.56. Whites were not perceived to be significantly more hirable for the feminine position than Blacks, t(196) = 1.16, p = .25. Further, Blacks (M = 4.63, SD = 1.53) were perceived to be more hirable for the masculine position than Asians (M = 4.08, SD = 1.62), t(186) = 2.38, p = .02, d = 0.35. Finally, Whites (M = 4.39, SD = 1.51) did not differ in hirability from Asians, t(186) = 1.36, p = .18, or Blacks, t(196) = 1.10, p = .27. The overall pattern of Study 4 replicated the prior studies, with both biological sex and race determining hirability and person–position fit.

a short online survey. One hundred thirty-nine participants were excluded after incorrectly identifying the race and/or gender of the target, leaving a total sample of 705 participants (276 women, 5 sex unidentified; 486 White, 40 Black, 129 Asian, 49 Other, 1 race unidentified; Mage = 32.08). Manipulation.  Participants were asked to review an application form and resume of an Asian, White, or Black, male or female job candidate for an available college work study position. The manipulation of candidate race and sex on the application form was consistent with the procedure in Studies 3 and 4. The resume was constructed to reflect a believable candidate. Participants learned that the candidate worked in four prior positions (e.g., office assistant), was a member of three clubs (e.g., Media and Journalism Club), and had a 3.12 grade-point average (GPA) in the Department of General Studies at Akron College. In addition to the race and gender checkboxes on the application, as well as the candidate names, race was further manipulated through candidate work experience and activities. The candidates indicated that they were members of a race-based student union (e.g., Black Student Union) and had held the position of a coordinator of a race-based American heritage parade (e.g., Annual Asian American Heritage Parade). In contrast to Studies 2 through 4, participants were assigned to view one of the two negotiation positions to mimic a real-world hiring decision. Measures.  Hirability for the feminine and masculine negotiation positions was measured with two statements: “I think this candidate is a good fit for this position” and “I would personally hire this candidate for this position,” α = .96 and α = .93, respectively (1 = strongly disagree to 7 = strongly agree).

Study 5: Enhancing the External Validity

Results

To increase the external validity of our findings, we conducted a final study that enhanced the realism of the hiring process. For example, in typical hiring situations, a candidate would be hired for a single position, rather than choosing between two vastly different occupations. Furthermore, employers would most likely require a resume as well as the application form we used in Studies 2 to 4. Importantly in Study 5, we also used a between-subjects design, in which participants were randomly assigned to evaluate an Asian, White, or Black male or female candidate’s application form and resume for a single negotiation specialist position, which was either described in masculine or feminine terms. Consistent with Study 4, we predicted that Blacks would have an advantage for the position when it was described using masculine terms, whereas Asians would have an advantage for the position when it was described using feminine terms.

We analyzed the data using a 3 (target race: Asian, White, or Black) × 2 (target sex: man or woman) × 2 (participant sex: man or woman) × 2 (target name: stereotypical or nonstereotypical) × 2 (position: feminine vs. masculine) between-subjects ANOVA. Neither participant gender, all ps > .37, nor stereotypical name, all ps > .51, moderated any of the predicted effects, so they were dropped from all subsequent analyses. As predicted, the Position × Target race effect was significant, F(2, 693) = 5.31, p = .01, ηρ2 = .02. However, the Position × Target gender effect did not reach significance, F(1, 693) = 1.37, p = .24. Asians (M = 4.33, SD = 1.49) were perceived to be less hirable for the masculine position than Blacks (M = 4.81, SD = 1.30), t(227) = 2.62, p = .01, d = 0.34, but not significantly less so than Whites (M = 4.61, SD = 1.47), t(219) = 1.45, p = .15. Furthermore, there was no significant difference in hirability between Whites and Blacks, t(242) = 1.10, p = .27. Asians (M = 5.56, SD = 1.01) were perceived to be marginally more hirable for the feminine position than Blacks (M = 5.28, SD = 1.29), t(234) = 1.86, p = .06, d = 0.24, but

Participants and Procedure Eight hundred forty-four participants were recruited from Amazon Mechanical Turk and paid 45 cents to participate in

Downloaded from psp.sagepub.com at UNIV NEBRASKA LIBRARIES on April 10, 2015

13

Hall et al. not significantly more so than Whites (M = 5.41, SD = 0.96), t(251) = 1.14, p = .25. Furthermore, there was no significant difference in hirability between Whites and Blacks, t(225) = 0.91, p = .36, or Whites and Asians, p = .13, for the feminine position.

Meta-ANOVA of Studies 2 to 5 Recently, researchers have called for meta-analytic techniques to assess the replicability of psychological effects (see Asendorpf et al., 2013). To assess the robustness of the findings, we conducted a meta-analysis of Studies 2 through 5 using meta-ANOVA techniques. Meta-ANOVAs synthesize two or more studies within a research paper and accurately account for between-study variation (McShane & Böckenholt, 2013). We used McShane and Böckenholt’s online web portal for computing meta-ANOVA estimates (specifically, metacondition estimates, contrast estimates, and standard errors). Then, using contrast estimates and standard errors, we computed z scores and p values for each contrast test. The meta-analytic estimates revealed consistent effects across the four studies. Female targets were perceived to be more hirable than male targets for the feminine position, p < .001, and male targets were perceived to be more hirable than female targets for the masculine position, p < .001. Asian targets were perceived to be significantly more hirable for the feminine position than Blacks, p < .001, and more so than Whites, p = .055. However, there was no perceived difference in hirability for the feminine position between Whites and Blacks, p = .19. Black targets were perceived to be significantly more hirable for the masculine position than Asians, p = .02. However, there were no significant differences between Whites and Asians, p = .12, and Whites and Blacks, p = .41, for the masculine position. Thus, the most robust finding throughout the studies was the predicted one: The demographic groups that were perceived to embody masculinity (e.g., Blacks) and/or femininity (e.g., Asians) were perceived to be more hirable for the masculine or feminine positions, accordingly.

General Discussion The current research introduced the concept of gender profiles and conceptually connected it to both demographic and occupational groups to add new insights into the processes of person–position fit. First, we found evidence that demographic groups vary on how masculine or feminine they are perceived to be. In Study 1, we found that race and gender independently influence the gender profile of individuals. Consequently, we found matches between the gender profiles of Asians and feminine-typed occupations, and the gender profiles of Blacks and masculine-typed occupations. Studies 2 to 5 found that masculine-typed demographic group members (Black men and women) were perceived to be more hirable for the highly masculine position, whereas feminine-typed

demographic group members (Asian women and men) were perceived to be more hirable for the highly feminine position. We also ruled out status and body size perceptions as alternative accounts for the gender profiling effects. The current studies make a significant contribution to the literature on person–position fit, diversity, and gendered races. First and foremost, we demonstrate that gender of one’s race as well as one’s biological sex creates one’s gender profile that offers critical information for predicting person– position fit perceptions. By taking into account the perceived femininity or masculinity of demographic groups, we can more precisely determine which individuals will be seen as a good or bad fit for feminine or masculine positions.

Limitations and Opportunities for Future Research The gender profile paradigm is a fertile ground for exploring the femininity and masculinity of other demographic groups beyond race and biological sex. For example, Eagly and Kite (1987) showed that the U.S.-based stereotypes of different nationalities embodied agentic or communal—and therefore, masculine and feminine—connotations. By these designations, candidates from Sweden may be funneled into feminine positions in the United States, whereas candidates from Iran may be funneled into masculine positions. Interestingly, Eagly and Kite (1987) also showed that the stereotypes of these nationalities tended to best match the stereotypes of the nationalities’ male members. In other words, this suggests that the male members are perceived to be most prototypical of their nationalities, and therefore, their feminine and masculine connotations are applied across the entire nationality. Consistent with this line of thinking, Black women are perceived to be less prototypical of their racial group than Black men (Purdie-Vaughns & Eibach, 2008; Sesko & Biernat, 2010). However, a recent study suggests that Asian men are perceived to be less prototypical of their racial group than Asian women (Schug, Alt, & Klauer, 2015). Because Asians are perceived to be feminine, Asian male masculinity is not perceived to epitomize the Asian identity. Future research should disentangle this discrepancy and determine whether prototypicality is determined by androcentric hegemony as Eagly and Kite (1987) suggest or gendered race theory as was shown by Schug et al. (2015). Further, there is an opportunity for future research to explore whether there are other factors beyond status and size that can account for the person–position fit that we did not explore in the current text. The stereotypes that pertain to both races and occupations are plentiful, making it difficult to account for an exhaustive list of stereotypes and alternative explanations in the current text. Finally, we were limited in the number of positions that we were able to test (librarian vs. security patrol; feminine vs. masculine negotiator) because with every new study, we tried to keep the context constant and sequentially rule out

Downloaded from psp.sagepub.com at UNIV NEBRASKA LIBRARIES on April 10, 2015

14

Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 

potential alternative accounts from the preceding study. Future research should explore the robustness of the phenomenon with more gender-typed occupations. Take the example of science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) positions: They may be perceived to be stereotypically masculine because they require rationality, intelligence, and competence. However, Asians, who are often stereotyped as having these qualities, may be perceived to be more hirable to STEM positions than Blacks. Nonetheless, although these cognitive traits (e.g., analytical, quantitatively skilled) were once thought to be masculinized, Cejka and Eagly (1999) showed only a small (albeit significant) difference between participants’ perceptions of the likelihood of the average man (M = 3.44) versus the average woman (M = 3.26) to embody these traits. Thus, although Asians may be perceived to be a better fit for STEM positions, these positions may not be perceived as masculine as they were once perceived to be. Another possibility is that there are different types of masculinities and femininities rather than one unitary masculine and feminine dimension. Thus, the stereotypes associated with each racial group may coincide with a few, but not all of these femininities and masculinities. For example, Cejka and Eagly (1999) illustrated several different masculine and feminine physical (athletic vs. dainty, respectively), personality (aggressive vs. nurturing, respectively), and cognitive (mathematical vs. creative, respectively) gender-stereotypic dimensions. An exemplar-based model would suggest that exposure to a position that requires physical and personalitybased masculinity might shift a perceiver’s attention to Blacks (vs. Asians; Smith & Zarate, 1992). However, that perceiver may fundamentally redefine masculinity when met with a position that requires cognitive masculinity, such that they then perceive Asians to be more masculine. Although we found two independent gender profiling effects for race and sex, our research informs studies that investigate intersectionality. Intersectionality research emerged to study the interplay of different demographic identities on important legal and economic outcomes. Leveraging the legal experiences of Black women, Kimberlé Crenshaw (1989/1993) initially championed intersectional ideas to understand the discriminatory experiences that Black women shared with White women and Black men, versus experienced on their own. More recently, Biernat and Sesko (2013) found that gender bias was only evident in intersex pairs involving White, but not Black, women. If the masculinity associated with the Black race influences the masculinity in a Black woman’s gender profile, Black women may be less subject to the feminine expectations and gender-based discrimination that White women face (see also Goff et al., 2008; Livingston, Rosette, & Washington, 2012). Notably, in Study 1, we found that the Black woman’s sex-type was closer in magnitude to the sex-type for White and Black men, rather than Asian and White women.

Also in Study 1, the Asian man’s sex-type was closer to the sex-type of Asian and White women. Thus, our perspective can even inform the study of social groups, such as Asian men, that have been understudied through the classical intersectionality lens. Future research should continue to determine the unique gender and racial experiences of intersectional targets, while considering how their gender profiles may affect these nuanced experiences. Of note, even though we found main effects for race and sex, there are suggestions in our own data that the experience of women was not uniform across races and the experience of different racial groups was not always consistent across sexes. Finally, the effect sizes in our within-subjects studies were stronger than the effect sizes in our between-subjects study. This could indicate that the effect of gender profiling is most prevalent in situations where a candidate is placed in one of many task assignments or positions. For example, the effect may be bolstered for candidates who are first accepted in a cohort within the organization and then allocated to one of many available job opportunities.

Conclusion The workplace is growing increasingly diverse (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2011). Although an abundance of research has focused on the orchestrating role of gender in social sanctioning and human behavior, the current research broadens and extends these perspectives by introducing the concept of the gender profile to the conversation. The gender profile perspective suggests the need to incorporate the fact that any demographic characteristic, not just biological sex, can contribute to one’s gender profile. By conceiving of people as having gender profiles based on a range of demographic characteristics and conceiving positions as having preferred gender profiles, we offer a new perspective on personnel selection and person–position fit that can shed light on how occupational gender and racial segregation persist. Declaration of Conflicting Interests The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Notes 1. Post hoc analyses show that participant race (1 = non-White vs. 0 = White) did not moderate any of the predicted effects either, all ps > .06. 2. Non-stereotypically named White and Black targets did not differ in hirability for the librarian position, t(117) = 0.94, p = .35. 3. It is important to note that the direction of causality cannot be inferred from this mediation as the mediation tests do provide

Downloaded from psp.sagepub.com at UNIV NEBRASKA LIBRARIES on April 10, 2015

15

Hall et al. support for the alternate models (e.g., hirability mediates link between race and masculinity/femininity). However, this alternate direction of causality is not as plausible because, in Study 1’s between-subjects design, target groups were independently rated as masculine/feminine without rating their hirability for a masculine/feminine job position. 4. Mendes, Newport, and McGeeney (2012) measure obesity as having a body mass index (BMI) of 30 or above. 5. Without the added status covariate, the Position × Target sex effect, F(1, 368) = 113.52, p < .001, ηρ2 = .24, and Position × Target race effect, F(2, 368) = 9.39, p < .001, ηρ2 = .05, remain significant. Similarly, the three-way Height and weight information × Position × Target race effect did not reach significance, F(2, 368) = 0.26, p = .77. 6. The means shown in Tables 3 and 4 are collapsed across the height and weight and control conditions. 7. Finally, there was a significant position by participant gender effect, F(1, 391) = 8.32, p = .01, ηρ2 = .02, which was qualified by a significant Position × Target gender × Participant gender effect, F(1, 391) = 5.10, p = .02, ηρ2 = .01. Female participants perceived that male targets were more hirable for the security patrol position (M = 5.23, SD = 1.41) than did male participants (M = 4.37, SD = 1.55), t(201) = 3.95, p < .001. No other contrasts reached significance, all ps > .11.

Supplemental Material The online supplemental material is available at http://pspb. sagepub.com/supplemental.

References Aiken, L. S., & West, S. (1991). Multiple regression: Testing and interpreting interactions. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications. Asendorpf, J. B., Conner, M., De Fruyt, F., De Houwer, J., Denissen, J. J., Fiedler, K., . . . Wicherts, J. M. (2013). Recommendations for increasing replicability in psychology. European Journal of Personality, 27, 108-119. Berdahl, J. L., & Moore, C. (2006). Workplace harassment: Double jeopardy for minority women. Journal of Applied Psychology, 91, 426-436. Bertrand, M., & Mullainathan, S. (2004). Are Emily and Greg more employable than Lakisha and Jamal? A field experiment on labor market discrimination. American Economic Review, 94(4), 991-1013. Biernat, M., & Sesko, A. K. (2013). Evaluating the contributions of members of mixed-sex work teams: Race and gender matter. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 49, 471-476. Bureau of Labor Statistics (2011). Labor force characteristics by race and ethnicity, 2011. U.S. Department of Labor. Available from http://data.bls.gov/ Cejka, M. A., & Eagly, A. H. (1999). Gender-stereotypic images of occupations correspond to the sex segregation of employment. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 25, 413-423. Crenshaw, K. (1993). Demarginalizing the intersection of race and sex: A Black feminist critique of antidiscrimination doctrine, feminist theory and antiracist politics. In D. K. Weisbert (Ed.), Feminist legal theory: Foundations (pp. 383-395). Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press. (Original work published 1989) Devine, P. G., & Elliot, A. J. (1995). Are racial stereotypes really fading? The Princeton trilogy revisited. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 21, 1139-1150.

Eagly, A. H., & Karau, S. J. (2002). Role congruity theory of prejudice toward female leaders. Psychological Review, 109, 573-598. Eagly, A. H., & Kite, M. E. (1987). Are stereotypes of nationalities applied to both women and men? Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 53, 451-462. Galinsky, A., Hall, E. V., & Cuddy, A. (2013). Gendered races: Implications for interracial marriage, leadership selection, and athletic participation. Psychological Science, 24, 498-506. Goff, P. A., Thomas, M. A., & Jackson, M. C. (2008). “Ain’t I a woman?” Towards an intersectional approach to person perception and group-based harms. Sex Roles, 59, 392-403. Hayes, A. F., & Preacher, K. J. (2014). Statistical mediation analysis with a multicategorical independent variable. British Journal of Mathematical and Statistical Psychology, 67, 451-470. Heilman, M. E. (1983). Sex bias in work settings: The lack of fit model. In B. Staw & L. Cummings (Eds.), Research in organizational behavior (Vol. 5, pp. 269-298). Greenwich, CT: JAI Press. Heilman, M. E. (1995). Sex stereotypes and their effects in the workplace: What we know and what we don’t know. Journal of Social Behavior and Personality, 10, 3-26. Heilman, M. E. (2001). Description and prescription: How gender stereotypes prevent women’s ascent up the organizational ladder. Journal of Social Issues, 57, 657-674. Johnson, K. L., Freeman, J. B., & Pauker, K. (2012). Race is gendered: How covarying phenotypes and stereotypes bias sex categorization. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 102, 116-131. Karlins, M., Coffman, T. L., & Walters, G. (1969). On the fading of social stereotypes: Studies in three generations of college students. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 13, 1-16. Katz, D., & Braly, K. (1933). Racial stereotypes of one hundred college students. The Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 28, 280-290. Kulik, C. T., Roberson, L., & Perry, E. L. (2007). The multiplecategory problem: Category activation and inhibition in the hiring process. The Academy of Management Review, 32, 529-548. Livingston, R. W., Rosette, A. S., & Washington, E. F. (2012). Can an agentic Black woman get ahead? The impact of race and interpersonal dominance on perceptions of female leaders. Psychological Science, 23, 354-358. Lord, R. G., Foti, R. J., & De Vader, C. L. (1984). A test of leadership categorization theory: Internal structure, information processing, and leadership perceptions. Organizational Behavior and Human Performance, 34, 343-378. Lord, R. G., & Maher, K. J. (2002). Leadership and information processing: Linking perceptions and performance. New York, NY: Routledge. McShane, B., & Bockenholt, U. (2013). The power of weak studies: Why the synthesis of a research paper matters. Advances in Consumer Research, 41, 505-506. Mendes, E., Newport, F., & McGeeney, K. (2012, July). In U.S., Blacks most likely to be very obese, Asians least. Gallup. Retrieved from http://www.gallup.com/poll/155735/blackslikely-obese-asians-least.aspx Nelson, N. L., & Probst, T. M. (2004). Multiple minority individuals: Multiplying the risk of workplace harassment and discrimination. In J. L. Chin (Ed.), The psychology of prejudice and discrimination: Ethnicity and multiracial identity (pp. 193-217). Westport, CT: Praeger.

Downloaded from psp.sagepub.com at UNIV NEBRASKA LIBRARIES on April 10, 2015

16

Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 

Purdie-Vaughns, V., & Eibach, R. P. (2008). Intersectional invisibility: The distinctive advantages and disadvantages of multiple subordinate-group identities. Sex Roles, 59, 377-391. Rosette, A. S., Leonardelli, G. J., & Phillips, K. W. (2008). The White standard: Racial bias in leader categorization. Journal of Applied Psychology, 93, 758-777. Schug, J., Alt, N. P., & Klauer, K. C. (2015). Gendered race prototypes: Evidence for the non-prototypicality of Asian men and Black women. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 56, 121-125. Sesko, A. K., & Biernat, M. (2010). Prototypes of race and gender: The invisibility of Black women. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 46, 356-360.

Simmons, J. P., Nelson, L. D., & Simonsohn, U. (2013, January 17-19). Life after P-Hacking. Meeting of the Society for Personality and Social Psychology, New Orleans, LA. Retrieved from http://ssrn.com/abstract=2205186 Smith, E. R., & Zarate, M. A. (1992). Exemplar-based model of social judgment. Psychological Review, 99, 3-21. Sy, T., Shore, L. M., Strauss, J., Shore, T. H., Tram, S., Whiteley, P., & Ikeda-Muromachi, K. (2010). Leadership perceptions as a function of race-occupation fit: The case of Asian Americans. Journal of Applied Psychology, 95, 902-919. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. (2012). Anthropometric reference data for children and adults United States. 2007-2010. Retrieved from http://www.cdc.gov/nchs/ data/series/sr_11/sr11_252.pdf

Downloaded from psp.sagepub.com at UNIV NEBRASKA LIBRARIES on April 10, 2015