Gambling in the Netherlands: Developments, Participation, and Compulsive Gambling Piet Hermkens, Ph.D. Ineke Kok, M.A.

University of Utrecht, The Netherlands

A n inventory was m a d e of the developments in what the gambling market had to offer a n d the extent of public participation in games of chance in T h e Netherlands for the period 1945-1988. Both these aspects show a sharp rise in the post-war years, b u t the more negative effects of gambling are also b e c o m i n g clearer. Since the b e g i n n i n g of the 1980's, assistance organizations have received increasing requests for help a n d advice on gambling problems. Roughly half of those seeking help are younger t h a n 25 years, presenting the compulsive use of slot-machines as their m a i n problem.

INTRODUCTION

This paper presents data obtained from a study carried out by the Department of Planning, Organization and Policy Studies, attached to the Faculty of Social Sciences of the University of Utrecht, The Netherlands. The study was commissioned by the Dutch Board for Casino Games, an advisory and supervisory governmental body. Our

Send reprint requests to: Ineke Kok, Department of Planning, Organization and Policy Studies, Facuhy of Social Sciences, University of Utrecht, P.O. Box 80140, 3508 TC Utrecht, The Netherlands. Acknowledgments: This article is a revision of an article that has been published before in the Dutch journal "Tijdschrift voor Alcohol en Drugs en andere psychotrope stoffen." Vol. 14, no 5-6. pp 162-173. The article has been reproduced in English by courtesy of the publisher.

Journal of Gambling Studies Vol. 6(3), Fall 1990 9 1990 Human Sciences Press

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mandate included the preparation of an inventory of developments in games of chance participation in The Netherlands between 1945 and 1988, differentiating between social participation and compulsive gambling. The study was conducted between 1986 and mid-1988. Data on participation in the various games of chance in The Netherlands was gathered by means of a telephone survey, whilst figures relating to compulsive gambling were obtained on the basis of a written questionnaire presented to the Alcohol and Drug Consultation Centers. A review of the literature was completed and additional information was obtained from interviews with individuals involved in policy-making, client-counselling and in the gambling business. We open this paper with an outline of the gambling laws in The Netherlands up to the present day, followed by a review of the developments in games of chance and the revenues deriving from them.

D E V E L O P M E N T OF GAMES OF C H A N C E IN T H E N E T H E R L A N D S

Law concerning Games of Chance Before 1964, regulations covering all games of chance allowed at that time were scattered through different laws. The Lottery Law contained regulations for the State Lottery, for other lotteries and for sporting competitions (the football pools); the Totalizator Law dealt with the regulations for betting on harness and horse races. The Criminal Code made participation, or aiding and abetting participation in games of chance punishable offenses. As a result, casino gambling (such as roulette and baccarat) and lotto were illegal in The Netherlands. Illegal activities on the betting market increased considerably in the mid 1950's, and there was a growing need for clear legislation. This led to the creation/promulgation of the 1964 Law concerning Games of Chance, which included all the existing regulations. During the preparation of this Law, a strong emphasis was laid on the need to channel "the human instinct to gamble." This notion of channelling had two consequences: on the one hand, the existing need to gamble was recognized; and on the other hand, regulations were drawn up to

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prevent excesses and abuses (Kamerstuk II, 1971/1972-11549, Memorie van Toelichting).l The 1964 Law on Games of Chance did not legalize casino gambling or lotto. Pressure built up for a change in this situation, particularly from tourism and leisure organizations (Grevenstuk & Visser, 1982). The supporters of legalizing casino gambling used the argument that the setting up of casinos could attract more tourists. What is more, they pointed out that considerable sums of money were disappearing into illegal roulettes and other forms of gambling abroad. The pro-gambling lobby received the backing of two members of parliament, Geurtsen (VVD, the Dutch Liberal party) and Van Schaik (KVP, Catholic Popular Party). They proposed an amendment to the Law concerning Games of Chance in 1971. In the explanatory memorandum, Geurtsen and V a n Schaik pointed out that they were not abandoning the notion of channelling, but: "However much one may tend to regret the gambling instinct as such, it appears to be ineradicably present. It is the duty of the legislator to face facts and to prevent damage arising from excesses and abuses as much as possible. It is for this reason that we propose an amendment to the Law concerning Games of Chance to enable roulette, baccarat and lotto to be played in our country in accordance with the regulations" (Kamerstuk II, 1971/1972-11549, Memorie van Toelichting). Geurtsen and V a n Schaik's proposed amendment became law in 1974. The Board for Casino Games (Raad voor de Casinospelen) was set up as an advisory and supervisory governmental body. The Board's duties are two-fold. Firstly to "advise the Ministers of Justice and Economic Affairs, either at their request or on its own initiative, on the implementation of legislation with respect to casinos incorporated in the Law covering Games of Chance, and any other matters concerning casino operation and management." Secondly, to "supervise the observance of all the regulations by the license holder, The National Casino Company" (Raad voor de Casinospelen, 1986). Small-scale games of chance such as bingo (or keno), darts, and wheel of fortune were also regulated in 1974. The regulation allows existing associations to organize these small-scale games of chance as long as any profits which may arise are paid into the association's treasury or given to some deserving cause. There is a strict limit on the prize money. No license is required, but due warning of sessions must be given in advance to the local M a y o r and Aldermen.

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Article 30 of the 1964 Law concerning Games of Chance contained a regulation on slot-machines. This regulation in article 30 is primarily aimed at imposing restrictions on those slot-machines which do not involve a chance element, or at any rate cannot be shown to do so. Article 1 prohibits straightforward gambling machines. A 1969 Supreme Court ruling on slot-machines declared that the prohibition did not apply to gambling machines which offered one or more free games. The result was an enormous increase in the number of slotmachines throughout the country. It was soon clear that article 30 was not adequate in practice. Free games paid out in cash were prohibited by law, but the restriction was contravened on a large scale. There were no regulations regarding the inspection of the machines, and the settings were tampered with. The fruit machine, which is in fact a game of chance machine, was omnipresent. An amendment to article 30 of the Law concerning Games of Chance was presented to parliament in November 1980. The reason for the amendment was that "the existing legislation which is based on a prohibition of games for prizes or money cannot be effectively put into practice. As a result, a confused situation has arisen" (Kamerstuk II, 1980-1981/16481, Memorie van Toelichting). The new legislation was based on the following principles: * The apparent public need to engage in games of chance involving gambling machines with which prizes can be won. 9 Slot-machine gambling may not lead to such heavy losses that the weaker social groups become unfairly disadvantaged. On the other hand, slot-machines must be made commercially viable to prevent a flight into illegality. 9 There must be a reasonable degree of certainty that the legislation is observed and that the detection and prosecution of contraventions to the legislation can be carried out without special problems. (Kamerstuk II, 1980-1981/16481, Memorie van Toelichting). The revised article 30 (Title Va. slot-machines) came into force on 1 December 1986. The main points of this revised article were: the obligatory registration of all slot-machines, a strict system for the granting of licenses, testing and inspection of the machines by the

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Department of Weights and Measures, a regulation on the m a x i m u m price per game, winnings and losses and direct cash payment by the slot-machine. Casino slot-machines are covered by separate legislation so far as the m a x i m u m price per game and winning payments are concerned (Speelautomatenbesluit, 1986).

Review of Developments" in the Range of Games of Chance Available Lotteries. The Dutch State Lottery had a fairly stable annual sales rate of more than 35 million guilders ($1US = 1.9 guilders) until 1964. In that year, the price of a lottery ticket was reduced, and each lot was entitled to three draws per lottery. The lottery was originally drawn four times a year; however, the n u m b e r of draws per year has increased steadily to twelve monthly draws in 1986. The prize money also underwent some adjustment in those years. There has been a fairly constant rise in State Lottery sales since 1964, reaching 638 million guilders in 1987; of that amount, roughly 70% has been paid out in prize money (see Figure 1). Revenues equalling something like 23% of total sales are channelled into the state treasury (Rozijn & Weeda, 1982; Nederlandse Staatsloterij, 1988). The General Lottery Foundation is the licensee for the Giro Lottery (since 1971) and the Bank Lottery (since 1978). Revenues from these two lotteries have remained relatively stable (see Figure 1). About one-quarter (26%) is allocated as prize money and nearly twothirds (62 %) is donated to deserving causes. In recent years, revenues have amounted to more than 67 million guilders per year (SUFA, 1987). Sports Betting. The National Sport Totalizator Foundation organizes the tote and the lotto. Revenues go to various social foundations and institutions, including those in the field of sport and culture. The total amount invested by the public in the tote and lotto varied from 200 to 240 million guilders in the period from 1974-1982, declining steadily after that to 170 million guilders in 1987 (see Figure 1). Revenues in the period prior to 1982 reached around 80 million guilders per year, whilst in the post-1982 years this figure fell to roughly 67 million guilders a year (Stichting de Nationale Sporttotalisator, 1988).

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Figure 1 A n n u a l t u r n o v e r of different types of gambling in the Netherlands 700

Guilders (millions)

600 500 400 300 200 100 0

I

I

I

I

I

I

I

1950

{

I

I

l

I

I

I

I

1960

1

~

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1970 Years

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1

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1980

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1990

Dutch State Lottery General Lottery Foundation National Sport Totalisator Foundation National Casino Company Race Horse Sport Foundation

Casino gaming. The National Casino Company (Nationale Stichting Casinospelen) in The Netherlands was licensed in December 1975 to organize and operate all gambling casinos in The Netherlands. There are presently eight (state) casinos in operation, the first being opened in October 1976 and the eighth in 1989. They are spread throughout the entire country. Slot-machines have been allowed in casinos since 1 December 1986. This extension of the number of gambling facilities corresponds to a steady growth in the n u m b e r of visitors and casino profits. The record of 2 million visits was first broken in 1987. The percentage of

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foreign visitors is approximately 12%. Gross earnings from casino gambling increased from 80 million guilders in 1977 to 164 million in 1986 and 275 million guilders in 1987 (see Figure 1). Winnings increased from 49 million guilders in 1977 to 99 million in 1986 and 190 million guilders in 1987. The enormous increase in gross earnings and winnings in 1987 was due partly to the greater number of casinos in operation that year, and partly to the fact that 1987 was the first year in which slot-machines were available for use in casinos all the year round (Nationale Stichting Casinospelen, 1988). Slot-machines. The number of private operators in the slotmachine industry at present amounts to roughly 600. This sector, experienced a sharp growth after 1969, the year of the Supreme Court's verdict on slot-machines. The total number of slot-machines in The Netherlands is estimated at 80,000; according to estimates, 50,000 of these are gambling machines and 30,000 are games of skill. Approximately 700 slot-machines are located in the official casinos. There are an estimated 120-140 amusement arcades, each of which contains an average of 60 slot-machines. This means that roughly 10% of the country's slot-machines are to be found in the amusement arcades. The proportion of games of chance to games of skill in an amusement arcade is not laid down in the legislation, but estimates point to a ratio of 2:1, whilst at fairgrounds, it is games of skill which predominate. Amusement arcades require a permit from the local city council. Slotmachine owners require an operating license and a separate license for the importation of a gambling machine into The Netherlands. Both these licenses are granted by the Ministry of Economic Affairs. Approximately 70,000 slot-machines are available for use in all kinds of catering premises (i.e. bars, snack bars and canteens). The Slot-machine Regulation of 1986 requires that permission for placing slot-machines in bars and restaurants be obtained from local council authorities. The number of licensed premises (bars, snack bars, etc.) housing two or three slot-machines, reached approximately 35,000 in 1987. It is difficult to gauge the total profits in this sector because there are no separate statistics available. The running and management of slobmachines lie in the hands of private operators. Estimates of the total turnover from this type of gambling, range from 200-400 million guilders (Zondag, 1982).

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Horse Race Betting. The Totalizator Harness and Race Horse Sport Foundation is licensed to organize betting on harness and horse races. Permission for off-the-track betting was granted in 1975, followed by facilities for off-the-track betting in the nation's Post Offices in 1981. This resulted in a considerable increase in the takeout from this type of betting, only to be followed in 1982 by a steep drop (see Figure 1). The English turf accountant Ladbroke was called in in 1986 to breathe new life into betting on horses and this has led to the opening of betting shops throughout The Netherlands in the last two or three years. By the end of 1988, Ladbroke was operating 79 betting shops and 250 are planned by 1990. The fall in profits begun 1982 came to a halt in 1986; takeout increased by 30% to 108 million guilders in 1987 (Stichting Centraal Fonds Draf- en Rensport, 1988). Bingo/Keno Bingo/keno was originally only played in the cozy atmosphere of festivities organized by associations and clubs with profits going to the association's or club's own "treasury" or to some deserving cause. In the early 1970's, bingo was seen as an "innocent popular pastime" and as an "almost quaint traditional social activity" (Kamerstuk II, 1971-1971/11549). Over the years, however, bingo has become much more of a commercial proposition. Bingo-masters offer their services, on a commercial basis to associations organizing bingo sessions. The associations receive a sum agreed upon beforehand and the major part of the profits go to the bingo-master. The prize regulations are often not taken seriously. The association often serves as little more than a front for the organization of a bingo session (Wander, 1982). The Board for Casino Games (Raad voor de Casinospelen, 1988) estimates annual revenues totalling 100-500 million guilders. Illegal Gambling Premises. Besides the range of legal games of chance, there is also an illegal circuit, for which participation and turnover data are, as yet, extremely limited. The illegal casinos (called "Golden Ten") operate a game called "Observation-roulette 24" which has a non-moving wheel/drum bearing 24 numbers, plus two noughts, of which one is marked with an "X." In this game a ball is thrown onto a downward slide into the drum which has two concentric rings, the observation-ring and the limit-ring. Casino operators see this as a game of skill, offering the player the possibility of predicting the

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winning number on the basis of an observation-rule, namely that of seeing the connection between the point at which the ball leaves the outer wall of the drum, the place where it cuts across the observationring and the slot into which it finally falls. The connection between these three points in the game become apparent to the ever-watchful players enabling them, before the ball cuts across the limit-ring, to calculate and predict where the ball will come to a stop. It is estimated that in 1988 there were around 110 Golden Ten and Observation-roulette Clubs in The Netherlands and around 25 other illegal casinos. The takings of these clubs and other illegal gambling activities are thought to be at least 500 million guilders a year (Raad voor de Casinospelen, 1988). T a x revenues. Tax revenues from games of chance amounted to 3 million guilders in 1962. By 1973, these revenues had risen to 9 million guilders. By 1987, the last year for which figures are available, tax revenues had reached the sum of 100 million guilders. Apart from tax revenues from the games of chance themselves, slot-machines are also a useful source of government revenue. Takings from these machines are taxed at 20%. In addition to the institutionalized games of chance mentioned above, the Minister of Justice also issues between 200 and 250 licenses for national lotteries each year. In 1985 hypothetical gross sales (i.e. if every lottery ticket were sold) from 237 lotteries, amounted to 120 million guilders (Hermkens, et al. 1988).

P A R T I C I P A T I O N IN A N D PEOPLE'S A S S E S S M E N T OF GAMES OF C H A N C E In order to achieve a clearer picture of public participation in games of chance, we conducted a telephone survey in October/ November 1986 on the status of games of chance and those participating in them (Becker et al., 1987). A total of 2,200 interviews were conducted by telephone with Dutch people aged 18 and above. Respondents to our telephone survey were chosen at random, according to the C A T I system, from 76 local council areas in The Netherlands, representative of all the country's local government authorities. All those interviewed were 18 years or older. The non-response level was

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35 %. In comparison with the national survey figures, our study shows an under-representation of both males and the younger age group. In order to achieve a degree of generalisation for the Netherlands population aged 18 years and over, balancing factors such as sex and age were also applied. Different kinds of games of chance were distinguished in the questionnaire. Taken together, they give a good impression of the varieties of games of chance played in The Netherlands: lotteries (State Lottery, other large-scale national lotteries, T V lotteries and smallscale lotteries for charitable purposes), tote, lotto, prize contests, betting or playing for money, bingo/keno, casino gambling, slotmachines, betting on horses etc. A total of 19 games of chance were distinguished. The interviewees were asked if they (or their partner) had participated in any of the 19 games of chance on several occasions, on one occasion or not at all. The results are indicated in Table 1. The majority (73%) of the respondents have taken part in smallscale lotteries for charitable purposes on more than one occasion. This is followed by: State Lottery (52 % on several occasions); playing with friends and acquaintances for money (40% on several occasions); taking part in T V lotteries (37% on several occasions); and bingo (33% on several occasions). After these popular forms of gambling, come the following games of chance played on more than one occasion: large-scale national lotteries (Bank/Giro Lottery, big club action, etc.) (29 %); lotto (29 %); tote (23%); prize contests involving an activity on the part of the competitor, such as thinking-up slogans (22%); betting with friends and acquaintances (for example, on the World Cup) (19%). The least popular group of games of chance, in relative terms, comprised: slot-machines in bars and snack bars (15 %); prize contests which came unsolicited in t h e post (thinking up rhymes or slogans) (11%); illegal lotto (based on the draw of the last n u m b e r from the official lotto, also known as city lotto) (10% on more than one occasion); gambling in an official casino (8 %). The lowest scores were for: slot-machines in amusement arcades (5%); betting on horses on the track (3%) and off the track (2%); betting on elections (3%); and Golden Ten (3 %). In the telephone survey, a number of statements were read out to the interviewees to test their opinions about gambling; 62% thought gambling was wrong and could lead to problems. In this respect,

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Table 1 S u r v e y of the Frequency of Participation of Households (18 Years and Older) in 19 Different Games of Chance (N = 2,200). Frequency of Gambling more than once once not at all

1 Small lottery for worthy cause 2 State Lottery 3 Big national lottery 4 T V lottery 5 Prize contests with slogans 6 Unsolicited prize contests 7 Football pools (tote) 8 Official lotto 9 City lotto 10 Betting with friends & acquaintances 11 Betting on election results 12 Betting for money with friends & acquaintances 13 Bingo/keno 14 One-armed bandits in public houses & snack bars 15 One-armed bandits in amusement arcades 16 Betting on horses on the track 17 Betting on horses off the track 18 Golden Ten Club 19 Casino Source: Hermkens et al., 1988, Table 3.1,2.

N

%

N

%

N

%

1612

73

150

7

450

20

1145 648 814 484

52 29 37 22

129 72 195 243

6 3 9 11

937 1491 1205 1485

42 68 54 67

236

11

158

7

1819

82

512 648 228 413

23 30 10 19

138 118 34 117

6 5 2 5

1561 1438 1947 1683

71 65 88 76

55

3

22

1

2137

96

888

40

151

7

1173

53

740 341

33 15

322 145

15 7

1152 1725

52 78

114

5

66

3

2032

92

74

3

56

3

2083

94

54

2

21

1

2138

97

55 174

3 8

31 142

1 6

2128 1897

96 86

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however, there were large differences between the age groups: 52 % of young people below the age of 25 thought gambling wrong, as against 74 % of those above the age of 65. We therefore broke the data down further into different age groups. We may conclude from Table 2 that there are large differences in the ways in which different age groups take part in different games of chance. In the case of 14 of the 19 games of chance, pensioners (65 + ) take part less than the other interviewees. On the other hand, that same age group shows substantial involvement relative to other groups in the State Lottery, large-scale national lotteries and betting on horses. Table 2 also shows that slot-machines in public bars and amusement arcades are to a large extent the preserve of young people. Among respondents under the age of 25 years, 38 % had played a slotmachine on more than one occasion in a bar or snack bar and 16 % in an amusement arcade, while less than 5 % of interviewees above the age of 40 engage in this type of gambling. A similar difference emerges in the case of betting or playing for money with friends and acquaintances: young people do this more frequently than older people. Almost three-fifths (59%) of the interviewees under the age of 25 played for money with friends or acquaintances on more than one occasion, while the corresponding percentage among interviewees over 65 was only 20%. Young people take part in the illegal lotto more often than older people, and they participate in bingo/keno, T V lotteries and prize contests with slogans in greater numbers than older people. On the other hand, young people take part less often in the State Lottery and large-scale national lotteries. The casino gamblers are mainly to be found in the age groups between 25 and 65 years. Golden Ten gamblers are concentrated mainly among the under-30's. The status attributed to games of chance depends to some extent on whether the interviewees themselves take part in them or not. Those who do take part in games of chance on more than one occasion are less in favor of the claim that "gambling is wrong and can lead to problems" (see Becker et al., 1987). The same difference of opinion can be seen in the responses to the statement that "gambling is an exciting challenge that one looks forward to." The responses to this statement from young people and those who take part in them on more than one occasion were much more positive than those of older people and nonparticipants.

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Table 2 Survey of the Frequency of Participation of Households (18 Years and Older) in 19 Different Games of Chance, Broken Down into Age Groups (the Percentages Refer to People who have Participated on More than one Occasion) (N = 2,200). Percent Gambling on Each Activity Age Type of Gambling 1 Small lottery for worthy cause 2 State Lottery 3 Big national lottery 4 T V lottery 5 Prize contests with slogans 6 Unsolicited prize contests 7 Football pools (tote) 8 Official lotto 9 City lotto 10 Betting with friends & acquaintances 11 Betting on election results 12 Betting for money with friends & acquaintances 13 Bingo/keno 14 One-armed bandits in public houses & snack bars 15 One-armed bandits in amusement arcades 16 Betting on horses on the track 17 Betting on horses off the track 18 Golden Ten Club 19 Casino

18-24 25-29 30-39 40-49 50-64 65+ 69

74

75

82

72

63

37 18 47 28

44 27 44 21

54 32 41 27

62 36 41 27

55 30 33 18

54 30 21 14

14

13

12

13

8

7

15 25 14 32

18 29 13 30

26 33 11 19

32 31 11 16

25 31 8 10

15 19 3 4

2

3

3

3

2

3

59

55

40

36

30

20

45 38

37 27

31 15

33 7

32 6

27 1

16

7

4

2

2

0

4

1

1

3

3

4

2

1

2

2

3

2

5 6

6 10

2 8

1 9

2 7

0 4

Source: Hermkens et al., 1988, Table 3.1.4.

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Interviewees who stated that they took part in a game of chance at least once every two months were asked how much pleasure they get from their particular game of chance. The responses indicate that those games of chance in which there is only a brief interval between entering the game and winning (for the lucky ones) are given high scores in the evaluation scale: 88% claimed to experience (very) much pleasure in playing for money with friends and acquaintances. For casino gamblers and bingo players, the corresponding percentages were 79 % and 73% respectively. Slot-machines in bars and amusement arcades scored proportionately: 43 % claimed to experience (very) much pleasure from this kind of gambling. The various lotteries had relatively low scores.

T H E D I M E N S I O N S OF C O M P U L S I V E GAMBLING

Discussions of compulsive gambling in The Netherlands are dominated by the question of the number of compulsive gamblers. It is impossible to answer t h i s question on the basis of data currently available. A reliable estimate of the number of compulsive gamblers is also impossible, for the same reason. Although it is virtually impossible to make a reliable estimate of the number of compulsive gamblers in The Netherlands, it is possible to combine the material we have with what we know about other types of addictive behavior (i.e. alcoholism) in order to get an idea of the n u m b e r of compulsive gamblers. In October and November of 1987, we conducted a written survey of the number of cases of compulsive gambling recorded since 1980 by the Alcohol and Drug Consultation Centers (CAD) (Hermkens et al., 1988). The CADs are mobile organizations offering both psycho-social and medical help to people in difficulties with, or addicted to, drugs, alcohol or other psycho-active substances. Efforts are directed primarily at crisis-intervention, guidance (advice, medication, assistance in the search for accommodation and employment), rehabilitation, treatment (individually or in groupform), information, prevention and consultation. Clients are usually referred to the CAD by family doctors, social workers or justice department officials. Individuals may also seek CAD help independently. The Netherlands has 17 CAD centres financed by the Ministry of Health and Welfare, and most of them work from several points in a particular city or area (NBLC/FZA, 1986).

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There are, in addition, a large number of other aid-organizations, often working closely together, as well as mental health facilities, where addicts of all kinds can apply for help. Gambling addicts are usually referred to the CAD because of the expertise in this particular area which has been built up there in recent years. The Gamblers Anonymous organization is also active in The Netherlands with momentarily 13 groups. Only the CADs were surveyed. On the basis of this survey and the discussions that were held we conclude: | Only a few cases of compulsive gambling were registered in the CAD before 1984. 9 In 1985, a few CADs recorded more than 10 cases of compulsive gambling. 9 There was an appreciable increase in requests for help in 1986 by comparison with the previous year. While there were only a few dozen cases recorded in 1985, the data made available to us, facilitates a cautious estimate of approximately 400 requests for assistance in cases of compulsive gambling. 9 The records from 1 J a n u a r y to 1 October 1987 indicate another appreciable rise in the number of cases registered. For this period the numbers can be estimated at somewhere between 850 and 900. This means that the total for the whole of 1987 would be in the region of 1,100 to 1,200. As far as the background of the compulsive gamblers who request professional assistance is concerned, we can make the following observations (based on data for 1986-1987): 9 The ratio of men to women is roughly 9:1. 9 Approximately 20% are aged between 16 and 20 years and approximately 30% are aged between 21 and 25 years. The remaining 50 % is spread equally over the other age groups. 9 In terms of kinds of games of chance, approximately 60% of the compulsive gamblers are addicted to slot-machines; the problems of the remaining 40 % are associated more with casinos, Golden Ten, cards and betting on horses. 9 The majority of the debts are below 10,000 guilders, but there are striking exceptions involving appreciably higher amounts of money. The picture as regards the precise volume of the debt

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is very confused, because it is often the case that special measures have been taken to clear up the debts before the time of registration. 15 % to 20 % were brought into police custody, the vast majority for offenses against property. If we pursue the analogy with alcoholics, we can follow the assessment methods used there to estimate the number of compulsive gamblers in The Netherlands. Raat (1987, p. 101) concludes from the various researches carried out, that between 5 % and 10% of the total number of problem cases call in professional assistance. If we assume that a similar percentage of between 5 and 10 applies in the case of gambling, we come up with a figure for the number of compulsive gamblers in 1987 somewhere between 10,000 and 20,000. This figure is no more than an indication of the dimensions of the problem. The above figures would seem to indicate that since 1986 there has been an explosive increase in the number of individuals seeking professional assistance for compulsive gambling. It is uncertain to what extent this growth is primarily due to the breaking down of a taboo or to the attention devoted to compulsive gambling by the media. Data over a number of years will be required to answer this question. It is important to point out that the increase is almost entirely the result of a rise in compulsive gambling among young people. The majority are young boys who start gambling at an early age. Half of those who ask for professional assistance are under the age of 25 years. It might be possible to find an explanation for the fact that it is mainly young people who become compulsive gamblers from the fact that it is precisely this age group which takes part most often in games of chance and has a positive attitude toward gambling. Gambling has become a habit for this age group. It is hardly in need of legitimation.

CONCLUSION The range of games of chance available in The Netherlands has been extended considerably in the last fifteen years and the public participates on a large scale. However, besides the recreational and economic aspects of this phenomenon, the more negative effects of gambling are also becoming clearer. Since the beginning of the 1980's

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an increasing n u m b e r of individuals have made calls for professional help with gambling problems. This particularly concerns those in the age group between 16 and 25 years. Research like that reported here can only signal the points where difficulties arise, in order to help in the further elaboration of policy on compulsive gambling. The lack of research data covering a period of a n u m b e r of years, which is a sine qua non for an explanation of the increase in the n u m b e r of compulsive gamblers, does not mean that the government and organizations involved with games of chance should just sit back and wait. T h e y can already make choices now in the formulation of policies aimed at damming the spread of the phenomenon of compulsive gambling as much as possible. The discussion of compulsive gambling in The Netherlands in the last few years has been mainly concentrated on the number of compulsive gamblers. In our opinion it is at least as important to tackle the more qualitative aspects of compulsive gambling. It is clear that further studies are required in order to chart the developments and trends in this field in greater detail, and governments and gaming organizations will need to give serious and urgent consideration to regulations designed to protect participants, the younger ones particularly, against abuse and addiction.

REFERENCE NOTE 1. Kamerstuk II = Paper on Parliamentary Proceedings Memorie van Toelichting = Explanatory Memorandum attached to the parliamentary motion.

REFERENCES Becker, H.A., Hermkens, P.L.J. & Mutsaers, H.P.M. (1987). Deelname aan kansspelen, waardering voor kansspelen. Utrecht: Vakgroep Planning en Beleid, Rijksuniversiteit Utrecht. Grevenstuk, J.N. & Visser, W. (1982). Casino's in Nederland. Economisch Statistische Berichten, 22, 1358-1361. Hermkens, P.L.J., Becker, H.A., Kok, K.M. & Mutsaers, H.P.M. (1988). Kansspelen als Riskante Gewoonte; Proble~pecten van gokken in Nederland verkend. Utrecht: Vakgroep Planning en Beleid, Rijksuniversiteit Utrecht. Kamerstuk II, zitting 1971-1972-- 11549, Memorie van Toelichting. Kamerstuk II, zitting 1980-1981-16481, Memorie van Toelichting. Nationale Stichting Casinospelen (1988). Jaarverslag 1987. Hoofddorp: Author.

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NBLC/FZA (Nederlands Bibliotheek en Lektuur Centrum) (1986), Gids voor de Alcohol en Drugszorg. 's-Gravenhage: NBLC/FZA. Nederlandse Staasloterij (1988). Personal Communication. Raad voor de Casinospelen (1986). Jaarverslag 1986. 's-Gravenhage: Staatsdrukkerij. Raad voor de Casinospelen (1988). Kansspelbeleid: Normeren en Tolereren. 's-Gravenhage: Author. Raat, H. (1987). Alkoholproblematiek en hulpverlening. Proefschrift. Amsterdam: VU-uitgeverij. Rozijn, L. & Weeda, J.H. (1982). De Nederlandse Staatsloterij. Econornisch Statistische Berichten, 22, 1352-1355. Speelautomatenbesluit (1986). Staatsblad, 589. Stichting Centraal Fonds Draf-en Rensport (1988). Personal Communication. Stichting de Nationale Sporttotalisator (1988). Jaarverslag 1987. 's-Gravenhage: Author. SUFA (Stichting Uitvoeringsorgaan Financi~le Akties) (1987). Jaarverslag 1987. Rotterdam: Author. Wander, H. (1982). Bingo van onschuldig volksvermaak naar keihard miljoenenbedrijf. Algemeen Politieblad, 13, 287-290. Zondag, A. (1982). Speelautomaten in Nederland. Economisch Statistische Berichten, 22, 1371-1375.

Gambling in the Netherlands: Developments, participation, and compulsive gambling.

An inventory was made of the developments in what the gambling market had to offer and the extent of public participation in games of chance in The Ne...
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