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Exploring high school learners’ perceptions of bullying a
Patricia Blake & Johann Louw
a
a
Department of Psychology , University of Cape Town , Rondebosch, 7701, South Africa Published online: 15 Nov 2010.
To cite this article: Patricia Blake & Johann Louw (2010) Exploring high school learners’ perceptions of bullying, Journal of Child & Adolescent Mental Health, 22:2, 111-118, DOI: 10.2989/17280583.2010.536657 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.2989/17280583.2010.536657
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Journal of Child and Adolescent Mental Health 2010, 22(2): 111–118 Printed in South Africa — All rights reserved
Copyright © NISC Pty Ltd
JOURNAL OF CHILD AND ADOLESCENT MENTAL HEALTH ISSN 1728–0583 EISSN 1728–0591 DOI: 10.2989/17280583.2010.536657
Research Paper Exploring high school learners’ perceptions of bullying
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Patricia Blake and Johann Louw* Department of Psychology, University of Cape Town, Rondebosch 7701 South Africa * Corresponding author, e-mail: [email protected] Objective: Learners’ perceptions of aspects of school life that are sufficiently serious to interfere with their schoolwork were investigated. Bullying was a form of behaviour that was singled out for inclusion and further exploration in the study. Method: Learners from three coeducational Western Cape Education Department schools were surveyed: 414 Grade 8 and 474 Grade 9 learners completed an anonymous, voluntary self-report questionnaire. Results: Factors identified as most frequently interfering with their schoolwork included classmates not listening in class, feeling overwhelmed by schoolwork, teacher absenteeism, and verbal fighting. When asked specifically about bullying, 40% of learners indicated that they frequently experienced bullying at school – although they ranked it as much lower when compared to other potentially problematic school experiences. Furthermore, although the majority of learners indicated they thought teachers considered bullying a problem, few felt there was anything that school staff could do to counteract bullying effectively. Conclusions: These findings suggest that learners perceive bullying as an unavoidable part of school experience and have normalised this aggressive behaviour.
Introduction Bullying in school is recognised internationally as a relatively common childhood experience (Nansel et al. 2004), and its harmful effects are well documented (Craig and Pepler 2007, Olweus 1980). Rigby (2005) described bullying as a sub-set of aggressive behaviours, intended to be harmful, which are characterised by repeated aggressive acts in which there is an imbalance of power between the perpetrator(s) and the victim(s). Bullying can take a number of different forms, usually referred to (see Stassen Berger 2007) as verbal (including name calling, public insults and derogatory remarks), physical (such as hitting, kicking, pushing and vandalism), and relational bullying (an indirect form, such as spreading rumours and social exclusion). Studies on bullying have consistently shown that boys are more involved in the direct forms of bullying, while girls are more involved in indirect bullying (Wang, Iannotti and Nansel 2009). Liang, Flisher and Lombard (2007) have claimed that bullying and its correlates are much better described in developed than in developing countries, and studied a large sample of South African adolescents to address this imbalance. This first large-scale study addressing bullying in South African captured the responses of 5 074 adolescents in Grades 8 and 11, in public schools in Cape Town and Durban on a self-administered adolescent risk behaviour questionnaire. Their results confirmed that bullying was widespread in South African high schools, with over 36% of learners involved in bullying behaviour. This result is in keeping with findings from developed Western countries (Rigby 2005, Smith and Brain 2000).
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Greeff and Grobler (2008) investigated bullying behaviour in Grade 4 to Grade 6 learners in Bloemfontein using the Revised Olweus Bully/Victim Questionnaire. The sample comprised 360 Grade 4 to Grade 6 pupils from English-medium, single-sex schools in Bloemfontein. Their results showed an even higher rate of bullying amongst learners (56%). South African school children therefore are exposed to worryingly high levels of bullying. Unfortunately, in many ways bullying is not the most threatening aspect of school life for many learners. Dawes et al. (2006) reported from the National Youth Victimisation Survey that 23% of children aged 12 to 17 in the Western Cape have been threatened with harm, been fearful of being harmed, or been hurt in a violent incident while they were at school. Furthermore, although a law preventing physical punishment of learners in schools is in place, 56% of children aged 12–17 reported that teachers or principals punish them physically when they have done something wrong. Twenty-four per cent of children in this same age group reported being sexually assaulted at school. In addition, it has been found that girls have to contend with a constant threat of sexual violence and persistent sexual harassment. This research makes it clear that learners are exposed to a range of aggressive and violent behaviours at school, with learners themselves being the most likely perpetrators of the violence. The National Schools Violence Study (NSVS) undertaken by the Centre for Justice and Crime Prevention (CJCP) reported similar disturbing trends (Burton 2008). In their national survey, 15.3% of primary or secondary school learners reported having experienced some form of violence while at school. Thus bullying in South African schools occurs within a particular context, in Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) use of the term. Schools are part of a microsystem in which the adolescent interacts face-toface with another person and in which behaviour unfolds. Schools however also function in a larger social context, one that we argued is characterised in South Africa by unusual levels of violent behaviour. A student’s experience of bullying in the school therefore is one type of experience among many others that may determine perceptions of life at school. In the Dawes et al. (2006) study, and in the Burton (2008) survey, a seemingly paradoxical finding emerged, namely that a relatively low proportion (10% in both studies) of learners reported feeling unsafe at school. This suggests that, although high levels of violence are experienced at schools, learners do not consider them particularly problematic. It is this finding that acted as partial motivation for the present study: to explore the extent of bullying in a subset of schools, but within the context of the learners’ perception of troublesome behaviour. Studies elsewhere also suggest that school children think that there are times when bullying is acceptable (Hara 2002). If this finding is taken at face value, it would at least imply that for school children bullying is not the main worrying factor at school. In an exploratory study of the normalisation of aggression and violence amongst adolescent learners in London, Phillips (2003) ascertained that fighting amongst girls and boys was a regular occurrence at school and, as such, constituted normal behaviour. The use of aggression was not considered deviant by the majority of learners. More recent research supports this finding: for example, Bukowski, Sippola and Newcomb (2000) concluded that aggressive boys and girls are attractive to their peers. Farmer and Xie (2007) found that a subset of aggressive youths – those in high-profile social roles such as athletes and cheerleaders – are perceived as popular, ‘cool’, attractive and leaders by teachers and peers alike. These aggressive youths are socially skilled and adept at understanding and influencing interpersonal dynamics. Even if the aggressive individuals are not well liked by their peers, they are of a generally high social status in terms of peer-perceived popularity which makes them highly influential in social school settings (Pellegrini, Bartini and Brooks 1999, Garandeau and Cillessen 2006). In the light of the sparse literature on bullying in South African schools, the high incidence reported in the studies that do exist, and the possibility that learners may regard bullying as less worrisome than other forms of behaviour, we set ourselves two objectives in the present study: (a) to measure the reported frequency of exposure to bullying behaviour at school; and (b) to determine how it ranks in comparison to other aspects of life at high school.
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Method Procedure The study sampled learners from three coeducational schools in the southern suburbs of Cape Town. All three schools were reserved for white children prior to 1994, but now have a different demographic profile (see Table 1). They are situated in a stretch of middle-class neighbourhoods, previously demarcated as ‘white’ under apartheid. These schools obviously were not randomly selected, but because they belonged to a class of schools that are neither private and expensive, nor poor and under-resourced. Approval was obtained to conduct the study from the Western Cape Education Department and the school management of each school. Each learner received an assent form informing them of the study, and asking him/her to participate, and parents/guardians received consent forms. No learner refused to participate, and no parent refused permission. Two grades, Grade 8 and Grade 9, were selected to study, since they fall into the age bracket (11–15) where the highest levels of bullying occur (Greeff and Grobler 2008). In all three schools all learners in these two grades took part, unless they were not present on the day that data collection took place. For two of the schools, data collection took place in a regular class period in a classroom, while one school requested that all potential participants be surveyed together in the assembly hall. Data collection required approximately 35 minutes of class time and the first author was present to supervise all data collection sessions. No incentive to participate save the opportunity to miss one school period was given. The project was approved by a Research Ethics Committee of the University of Cape Town. Instrument The main body of the paper-and-pencil questionnaire consisted of a list of 24 potential problems that learners could experience at school. A ‘problem’ was described as something that made them afraid of going to school or when they were at school, or made it very difficult to learn new work. Table 2 contains the list of 24 items. Frequency was rated on a four-point scale: ‘never’; ‘once a term’; ‘two or three times a term’; and ‘four or more times a term’, based on what each learner had experienced. This was followed by open-ended questions, which invited them to mention additional problem areas not covered in the list. Since bullying was the main concern of this study, a separate item specifically about frequency of bullying was included. We asked: ‘How many times this school year have you been involved in bullying (as a victim or a bully) or seen bullying take place at school?’ The all-inclusive wording of this item aimed at counteracting any cognitive censoring that might occur if learners were asked to define their role as bullies or victims or rate their direct involvement in bullying behaviours. They had to rate frequency on a five-point scale, ranging from ‘never’ to ‘9 or more times’. This item was placed after the initial 24 items in order not to draw participants’ attention too strongly to the focus on bullying while they were considering it among other experiences. In addition, they were asked fairly direct questions about what they believe about bullying at school, to which they answered simply ‘yes’ or ‘no’: • ‘Do you think bullying is a normal part of going to school?’ Table 1: Demographic breakdown of sample by school School 1 2 3 Total %
N 348 260 280 888
M 166 118 152 436 49
F 182 142 128 452 51
Black 20 47 24 91 10
White 190 61 27 278 31
Indian 24 8 2 34 4
Coloured 113 138 227 478 54
Other 13 yrs 14 yrs 15 yrs 1 48 190 106 6 29 128 91 0 49 148 67 7 126 466 264 1 14 52 30
16+ yrs 4 12 16 32 4
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Table 2: Ranking of experiences learners perceived as problematic Rank 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17
Behaviour Classmates not listening in class Feeling overwhelmed by schoolwork Teacher absenteeism Verbal fighting Feeling unattractive Relational bullying Verbal bullying Physical fighting Transport Lacking material things other learners have Problems with a girlfriend/boyfriend Feeling education won’t help in the future Discrimination on racial/religious grounds Pressure to do sexual things Physical bullying Pressure to use substances Threatened by weapon at or on way to school
% 85 56 41 38 25 21 19 18 16 15 15 15 10 8 7 6 3
Note: ‘Substance use’, ‘teacher absenteeism’, ‘being threatened by a weapon’ and ‘discrimination on racial or religious grounds’ are composite items
• ‘Do you think schools can do anything about bullying that would really work?’ • ‘Do you think teachers and other staff think bullying is a problem?’ The questionnaire was administered in English, as this was the language medium of all the schools surveyed. Ninety-one percent (n = 807) of learners indicated that English was one of their home languages, which suggests that translation of the survey into other languages was not necessary. Sample A total of 888 Grade 8 (n = 414) and Grade 9 (n = 474) learners from three schools took part in the survey (see Table 1 for demographic details). Results Problematic behaviours experienced at school were ranked in terms of how many learners experienced them twice or more per term (Table 2). Classmates not listening in class (85%), feeling overwhelmed by schoolwork (56%), teacher absenteeism (41%), and verbal fighting (38%) appeared most frequently as problematic to learners. Bullying, in the form of relational bullying, was rated as problematic by 21% (n = 186) of the respondents. Verbal fighting was more frequently problematic for learners than verbal bullying. Fighting differs from bullying in that it is a provoked, isolated behaviour in which there is no imbalance of power and which is not necessarily intended to be hurtful (Rigby 2005). Verbal fighting, here regarded as an aggressive verbal interchange, ranked at number four on the list with 38% (n = 335) of learners indicating that they found this behaviour problematic two or more times per term. Similarly, physical fighting was found to be more problematic for learners than physical bullying. Only 7% (n = 65) of learners indicating that physical bullying was problematic for them two or more times per term. Some difference between the schools’ perceptions of certain worrying behaviours was apparent. This is to be expected, as the data indicate learners’ sensitivity to problems; a subjective interpretation, rather than an objective measurement of the frequency or severity of the problems. As
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each school will have an individual culture which will highlight or downplay different behaviours in the school, learners from different schools are likely to differ in their awareness and sensitivity to various behaviours. There was no significant difference between the schools’ overall perception of bullying behaviour: χ2(6, 888) = 6.69, p = 0.35. It was decided not to examine the results for possible statistically significant population group differences, as the distribution in the three schools was so skewed. To make any meaningful statements about ‘race’ in this regard, one will have to sample much more systematically and carefully. We carried out tests for statistical differences in gender responses, as the representation of boys and girls was much more even and realistic in the data set. Briefly summarised, the results showed that: • Girls (14%, n = 120) experienced relational bullying more frequently than boys (8%, n = 66): χ2(1, 888) = 24.39, p < 0.01. • For physical bullying, 35 boys (4%) and 30 girls (3%) reported it as problematic more than twice a term: χ2(1, 888) = 0.33, p = 0.56. When asked directly how many times this school year (it covered a period of six months) they have been involved in bullying, 26% (n = 231) answered that they have not been exposed to bullying at school at all. This is the positive element of the information emerging from this question. On the other hand, 40% (n = 356) reported being aware of bullying taking place three or more times during the previous six months. Of this group, 19% (n = 172) reported witnessing or being involved in bullying behaviour six or more times. There were no significant differences in gender response pattern: χ2(4, 888) = 3.74, p = 0.44 (see Table 3). When asked whether bullying is a normal part of going to school, 59% (n = 525) answered in the affirmative (see Table 4). No significant difference in gender response pattern was discernable: χ2(1, 888) = 2.79, p = 0.09. Sixty-three percent (n = 555) of pupils did not believe that schools could do anything about bullying that would make a significant difference, with fewer girls being confident in the schools’ ability to intervene than boys,χ2(1, 888) = 4.62, p = 0.03 (see Table 4). However, although learners perceived schools as lacking the agency to address bullying effectively, 69% (n = 617) of learners indicated that they believed school staff consider bullying a problem (Table 4). No significant gender difference emerged on this item: χ2(1, 888) = 0.75, p = 0.39.
Table 3: Frequency of exposure to bullying behaviour over a six-month period
Male Female Total %
Never 115 116 231 26
1–2 times 141 160 301 34
3–5 times 92 92 184 21
6–8 times 33 42 75 8
9+ times 55 97 97 11
Table 4: Learners’ subjective perceptions of factors related to bullying
Male Female Total %
Is bullying a normal part of going to school? Yes No 270 166 255 197 525 363 59 41
Can schools intervene effectively in bullying? Yes No 179 257 154 298 333 555 37 63
Do school staff consider bullying a problem? Yes No 297 139 320 132 617 271 69 31
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Discussion The first noteworthy finding was the three aspects of school life that the highest percentage of learners found troublesome enough to interfere significantly with their schoolwork: classmates not listening in class; feeling overwhelmed by schoolwork; and teacher absenteeism. Two of these refer to different aspects of classroom management. The interest that originally motivated the study, bullying, in its various aspects, featured much lower down the ranking. Even so, two of the ten aspects most frequently identified as serious impediments to their work refer to bullying. When asked directly about awareness of bullying in their school, 40% of the learners indicated that they were aware of bullying taking place three or more times in the previous six months. This is very similar to Liang et al.’s (2007) finding of 41% of learners experiencing bullying. To this one has to add that 19%, nearly one fifth of all participants in this survey, report experiencing bullying six or more times during the previous six months. On the positive side, 26% reported not encountering bullying at all. Thus it would seem that the present findings echo studies referred to earlier: that learners recognise the extent that bullying takes place in their school, but that these are not the major factors that interfere with their schoolwork. Furthermore, 63% of learners did not believe that schools could do anything about bullying that would make a significant difference. This in keeping with some international studies that have found approximately 50% of children who experience bullying do not report it to teachers, as they do not believe that educator assistance will be effective or they believe educator assistance will make the situation worse (Stassen Berger 2007). In the present study, girls were found to have significantly less confidence in the schools’ ability to intervene effectively in bullying than boys. This may have to do with girls’ higher rates of relational bullying, which is more elusive and harder to address than direct, physical bullying, more common among boys. Although learners perceive schools as lacking the agency to address bullying effectively, 69% of learners indicate that they believe that school staff consider bullying a problem. This contrasts with some international studies that have found that, in certain school contexts, a high number of teachers, administrators and parents believe that bullying is a normal part of school life and something the learners must deal with amongst themselves (Pellegrini et al. 1999). Paradoxically, our study found that although learners believe staff consider bullying a problem, 59% of learners themselves consider it to be a normal part of school experience. Research by Besag (2006) found that school staff are aware of the harmful nature of bullying and sensitive to its effects on learners. However, as they do not adequately understand the dynamics involved in bullying, or are feeling overwhelmed by the frequency with which it occurs in the school, their attempts to intervene and assist are rendered ineffective. Findings from our study could reflect a similar dynamic. Teachers may well be aware of the negative nature of bullying and communicate this effectively to learners but, if they do not have a complex enough understanding of this multi-faceted social behaviour, they may be unable to be implement effective intervention and management strategies of preventing a hostile learning environment. A growing body of literature contends that children’s normative beliefs about the appropriateness of aggression are significant predictors of aggressive behaviours. Research suggests that children who condone the use of aggression are more likely to engage in bullying behaviours, as they consider them an acceptable form of social interaction (Hunt 2007). It is possible that, as a result of the high level of violence and crime present in a number of Western Cape schools and Cape Town’s elevated rates of community violence (Dawes et al. 2006, Kynoch 2005, Liang et al. 2007), violence is seen as an ordinary part of life. It becomes routinely managed by individuals and is no longer considered unusual or problematic (Phillips 2003). Burton (2008) suggested that children indeed experienced less fear at school when compared to the level of fear they feel at home – 10% of the national (South African) sample were assaulted at home. Seen in this broader context, bullying in schools may be perceived as less serious, even unproblematic, as it is embedded in an even more violent background. Thus, when living in a general ethos of aggression, all aggressive behaviours, including bullying, may come to be perceived as an unpleasant but unavoidable aspect
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of school life. Challenging the apparent legitimacy and routinised nature of aggression amongst learners should be the central focus of any intervention.
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Conclusion The results of the present study have to be interpreted with caution. Although we managed to recruit a reasonably large sample of learners to participate in the study, the sampling method essentially relied on convenience. In addition, the schools selected were drawn (on purpose) from a particular sub-set of schools in the Western Cape, and the results can be generalised at best only to similar schools. Our study nevertheless produced findings that we believe are trustworthy within the abovementioned confines. The study received widespread support from the schools and learners, and questionnaires were administered under nearly optimal conditions in the schools. The kind of school studied here is not often selected for closer scrutiny, as research attention focuses more on schools and learners that are more at risk. Thus we believe the data produced here add to our understanding of problems faced by schools that are regarded as well functioning and well managed. Future research into the way in which learners learn to normalise bullying behaviours within the South African context is required. Adolescents may be normalising other aggressive behaviours with detrimental short- and long-term consequences. Investigating and challenging the seeming legitimacy of aggressive behaviour amongst young people must remain an overarching objective of future research and interventions. References Besag V (2006) Bullying among girls: Friends or foes? School Psychology International 27: 535–551 Bronfenbrenner U (1979) The Ecology of Human Development: Experiments By Nature and Design. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press Bukowski WM, Sippola LK and Newcomb AF (2000) Variations in patterns of attraction to same- and other-sex peers during early adolescence. Developmental Psychology 36: 147–154 Burton P (2008) Merchants, Skollies and Stones. Experiences of School Violence in South Africa. Cape Town: Centre for Justice and Crime Prevention. Available at http://www.cjcp.org.za/admin/uploads/NSVS-finalinternet-ready.pdf Craig WM and Pepler DJ (2007) Understanding bullying: From research to practice. Journal of Canadian Psychology 48: 86–93 Dawes A, Long W, Alexander L and Ward CL (2006) A situation analysis of children affected by maltreatment and violence in the Western Cape. A Report for the Research Directorate, Department of Social Services & Poverty Alleviation: Provincial Government of the Western Cape. Cape Town: Human Sciences Research Council Farmer TW and Xie H (2007) Aggression and school social dynamics: The good, the bad, and the ordinary. Journal of School Psychology 45: 461–478 Garandeau CF and Cillessen AHN (2006) From indirect aggression to invisible aggression: A conceptual view on bullying and peer group manipulation. Journal of Aggression and Violent Behaviour 11: 612–625 Greeff P and Grobler AA (2008) Bullying during the intermediate school phase: A South African study. Journal of Childhood 15: 127–144 Hara H (2002) Justification for bullying among Japanese schoolchildren. Asian Journal of Social Psychology 5: 197–204 Hunt C (2007) The effect of an education program on attitudes and beliefs about bullying and bullying behaviour in junior secondary school students. Journal of Child and Adolescent Mental Health 1: 21–26 Kynoch G (2005) Crime, conflict and politics in transition-era South Africa. Journal of African Affairs 104/416: 493–514 Liang H, Flisher AF and Lombard C (2007) Bullying, violence, and risk behavior in South African school students. Journal of Child Abuse & Neglect 31: 161–171 Nansel TR, Craig W, Overpeck MD, Saluja G and Ruan J (2004) Cross-national consistency in the relationship between bullying behaviours and psychosocial adjustment. Archive of Pediatric and Adolescent Medicine 158: 730–736
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Olweus D (1980) Familial and temperamental determinants of aggressive behaviour in adolescent boys: A causal analysis. Journal of Developmental Psychology 16: 644–660 Pellegrini AD, Bartini M and Brooks F (1999) School bullies, victims, and aggressive victims: Factors relating to group affiliation and victimization in early adolescence. Journal of Educational Psychology 91: 216–224 Phillips C (2003) Who’s who in the pecking order? Aggression and ‘normal violence’ in the lives of girls and boys. British Journal of Criminology 43: 710–728 Rigby K (2005) Why do some children bully at school? The contributions of negative attitudes towards victims and the perceived expectations of friends, parents and teachers. School Psychology International 26: 147–161 Smith PK and Brain P (2000) Bullying in schools: Lessons from two decades of research. Aggressive Behavior 26: 1–9. Stassen Berger K (2007) Update on bullying at school: Science forgotten? Developmental Review 27: 90–126 Wang J, Iannotti RJ and Nansel TR (2009) Bullying among adolescents in the United States: Physical, verbal, relational, and cyber. Journal of Adolescent Health 45: 368–375
Journal of Child & Adolescent Mental Health Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rcmh20
Exploring high school learners’ perceptions of bullying a
Patricia Blake & Johann Louw
a
a
Department of Psychology , University of Cape Town , Rondebosch, 7701, South Africa Published online: 15 Nov 2010.
To cite this article: Patricia Blake & Johann Louw (2010) Exploring high school learners’ perceptions of bullying, Journal of Child & Adolescent Mental Health, 22:2, 111-118, DOI: 10.2989/17280583.2010.536657 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.2989/17280583.2010.536657
PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content. This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/page/ terms-and-conditions
Journal of Child and Adolescent Mental Health 2010, 22(2): 111–118 Printed in South Africa — All rights reserved
Copyright © NISC Pty Ltd
JOURNAL OF CHILD AND ADOLESCENT MENTAL HEALTH ISSN 1728–0583 EISSN 1728–0591 DOI: 10.2989/17280583.2010.536657
Research Paper Exploring high school learners’ perceptions of bullying
Downloaded by [University of Ulster Library] at 03:40 12 December 2014
Patricia Blake and Johann Louw* Department of Psychology, University of Cape Town, Rondebosch 7701 South Africa * Corresponding author, e-mail: [email protected] Objective: Learners’ perceptions of aspects of school life that are sufficiently serious to interfere with their schoolwork were investigated. Bullying was a form of behaviour that was singled out for inclusion and further exploration in the study. Method: Learners from three coeducational Western Cape Education Department schools were surveyed: 414 Grade 8 and 474 Grade 9 learners completed an anonymous, voluntary self-report questionnaire. Results: Factors identified as most frequently interfering with their schoolwork included classmates not listening in class, feeling overwhelmed by schoolwork, teacher absenteeism, and verbal fighting. When asked specifically about bullying, 40% of learners indicated that they frequently experienced bullying at school – although they ranked it as much lower when compared to other potentially problematic school experiences. Furthermore, although the majority of learners indicated they thought teachers considered bullying a problem, few felt there was anything that school staff could do to counteract bullying effectively. Conclusions: These findings suggest that learners perceive bullying as an unavoidable part of school experience and have normalised this aggressive behaviour.
Introduction Bullying in school is recognised internationally as a relatively common childhood experience (Nansel et al. 2004), and its harmful effects are well documented (Craig and Pepler 2007, Olweus 1980). Rigby (2005) described bullying as a sub-set of aggressive behaviours, intended to be harmful, which are characterised by repeated aggressive acts in which there is an imbalance of power between the perpetrator(s) and the victim(s). Bullying can take a number of different forms, usually referred to (see Stassen Berger 2007) as verbal (including name calling, public insults and derogatory remarks), physical (such as hitting, kicking, pushing and vandalism), and relational bullying (an indirect form, such as spreading rumours and social exclusion). Studies on bullying have consistently shown that boys are more involved in the direct forms of bullying, while girls are more involved in indirect bullying (Wang, Iannotti and Nansel 2009). Liang, Flisher and Lombard (2007) have claimed that bullying and its correlates are much better described in developed than in developing countries, and studied a large sample of South African adolescents to address this imbalance. This first large-scale study addressing bullying in South African captured the responses of 5 074 adolescents in Grades 8 and 11, in public schools in Cape Town and Durban on a self-administered adolescent risk behaviour questionnaire. Their results confirmed that bullying was widespread in South African high schools, with over 36% of learners involved in bullying behaviour. This result is in keeping with findings from developed Western countries (Rigby 2005, Smith and Brain 2000).
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Greeff and Grobler (2008) investigated bullying behaviour in Grade 4 to Grade 6 learners in Bloemfontein using the Revised Olweus Bully/Victim Questionnaire. The sample comprised 360 Grade 4 to Grade 6 pupils from English-medium, single-sex schools in Bloemfontein. Their results showed an even higher rate of bullying amongst learners (56%). South African school children therefore are exposed to worryingly high levels of bullying. Unfortunately, in many ways bullying is not the most threatening aspect of school life for many learners. Dawes et al. (2006) reported from the National Youth Victimisation Survey that 23% of children aged 12 to 17 in the Western Cape have been threatened with harm, been fearful of being harmed, or been hurt in a violent incident while they were at school. Furthermore, although a law preventing physical punishment of learners in schools is in place, 56% of children aged 12–17 reported that teachers or principals punish them physically when they have done something wrong. Twenty-four per cent of children in this same age group reported being sexually assaulted at school. In addition, it has been found that girls have to contend with a constant threat of sexual violence and persistent sexual harassment. This research makes it clear that learners are exposed to a range of aggressive and violent behaviours at school, with learners themselves being the most likely perpetrators of the violence. The National Schools Violence Study (NSVS) undertaken by the Centre for Justice and Crime Prevention (CJCP) reported similar disturbing trends (Burton 2008). In their national survey, 15.3% of primary or secondary school learners reported having experienced some form of violence while at school. Thus bullying in South African schools occurs within a particular context, in Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) use of the term. Schools are part of a microsystem in which the adolescent interacts face-toface with another person and in which behaviour unfolds. Schools however also function in a larger social context, one that we argued is characterised in South Africa by unusual levels of violent behaviour. A student’s experience of bullying in the school therefore is one type of experience among many others that may determine perceptions of life at school. In the Dawes et al. (2006) study, and in the Burton (2008) survey, a seemingly paradoxical finding emerged, namely that a relatively low proportion (10% in both studies) of learners reported feeling unsafe at school. This suggests that, although high levels of violence are experienced at schools, learners do not consider them particularly problematic. It is this finding that acted as partial motivation for the present study: to explore the extent of bullying in a subset of schools, but within the context of the learners’ perception of troublesome behaviour. Studies elsewhere also suggest that school children think that there are times when bullying is acceptable (Hara 2002). If this finding is taken at face value, it would at least imply that for school children bullying is not the main worrying factor at school. In an exploratory study of the normalisation of aggression and violence amongst adolescent learners in London, Phillips (2003) ascertained that fighting amongst girls and boys was a regular occurrence at school and, as such, constituted normal behaviour. The use of aggression was not considered deviant by the majority of learners. More recent research supports this finding: for example, Bukowski, Sippola and Newcomb (2000) concluded that aggressive boys and girls are attractive to their peers. Farmer and Xie (2007) found that a subset of aggressive youths – those in high-profile social roles such as athletes and cheerleaders – are perceived as popular, ‘cool’, attractive and leaders by teachers and peers alike. These aggressive youths are socially skilled and adept at understanding and influencing interpersonal dynamics. Even if the aggressive individuals are not well liked by their peers, they are of a generally high social status in terms of peer-perceived popularity which makes them highly influential in social school settings (Pellegrini, Bartini and Brooks 1999, Garandeau and Cillessen 2006). In the light of the sparse literature on bullying in South African schools, the high incidence reported in the studies that do exist, and the possibility that learners may regard bullying as less worrisome than other forms of behaviour, we set ourselves two objectives in the present study: (a) to measure the reported frequency of exposure to bullying behaviour at school; and (b) to determine how it ranks in comparison to other aspects of life at high school.
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Method Procedure The study sampled learners from three coeducational schools in the southern suburbs of Cape Town. All three schools were reserved for white children prior to 1994, but now have a different demographic profile (see Table 1). They are situated in a stretch of middle-class neighbourhoods, previously demarcated as ‘white’ under apartheid. These schools obviously were not randomly selected, but because they belonged to a class of schools that are neither private and expensive, nor poor and under-resourced. Approval was obtained to conduct the study from the Western Cape Education Department and the school management of each school. Each learner received an assent form informing them of the study, and asking him/her to participate, and parents/guardians received consent forms. No learner refused to participate, and no parent refused permission. Two grades, Grade 8 and Grade 9, were selected to study, since they fall into the age bracket (11–15) where the highest levels of bullying occur (Greeff and Grobler 2008). In all three schools all learners in these two grades took part, unless they were not present on the day that data collection took place. For two of the schools, data collection took place in a regular class period in a classroom, while one school requested that all potential participants be surveyed together in the assembly hall. Data collection required approximately 35 minutes of class time and the first author was present to supervise all data collection sessions. No incentive to participate save the opportunity to miss one school period was given. The project was approved by a Research Ethics Committee of the University of Cape Town. Instrument The main body of the paper-and-pencil questionnaire consisted of a list of 24 potential problems that learners could experience at school. A ‘problem’ was described as something that made them afraid of going to school or when they were at school, or made it very difficult to learn new work. Table 2 contains the list of 24 items. Frequency was rated on a four-point scale: ‘never’; ‘once a term’; ‘two or three times a term’; and ‘four or more times a term’, based on what each learner had experienced. This was followed by open-ended questions, which invited them to mention additional problem areas not covered in the list. Since bullying was the main concern of this study, a separate item specifically about frequency of bullying was included. We asked: ‘How many times this school year have you been involved in bullying (as a victim or a bully) or seen bullying take place at school?’ The all-inclusive wording of this item aimed at counteracting any cognitive censoring that might occur if learners were asked to define their role as bullies or victims or rate their direct involvement in bullying behaviours. They had to rate frequency on a five-point scale, ranging from ‘never’ to ‘9 or more times’. This item was placed after the initial 24 items in order not to draw participants’ attention too strongly to the focus on bullying while they were considering it among other experiences. In addition, they were asked fairly direct questions about what they believe about bullying at school, to which they answered simply ‘yes’ or ‘no’: • ‘Do you think bullying is a normal part of going to school?’ Table 1: Demographic breakdown of sample by school School 1 2 3 Total %
N 348 260 280 888
M 166 118 152 436 49
F 182 142 128 452 51
Black 20 47 24 91 10
White 190 61 27 278 31
Indian 24 8 2 34 4
Coloured 113 138 227 478 54
Other 13 yrs 14 yrs 15 yrs 1 48 190 106 6 29 128 91 0 49 148 67 7 126 466 264 1 14 52 30
16+ yrs 4 12 16 32 4
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Table 2: Ranking of experiences learners perceived as problematic Rank 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17
Behaviour Classmates not listening in class Feeling overwhelmed by schoolwork Teacher absenteeism Verbal fighting Feeling unattractive Relational bullying Verbal bullying Physical fighting Transport Lacking material things other learners have Problems with a girlfriend/boyfriend Feeling education won’t help in the future Discrimination on racial/religious grounds Pressure to do sexual things Physical bullying Pressure to use substances Threatened by weapon at or on way to school
% 85 56 41 38 25 21 19 18 16 15 15 15 10 8 7 6 3
Note: ‘Substance use’, ‘teacher absenteeism’, ‘being threatened by a weapon’ and ‘discrimination on racial or religious grounds’ are composite items
• ‘Do you think schools can do anything about bullying that would really work?’ • ‘Do you think teachers and other staff think bullying is a problem?’ The questionnaire was administered in English, as this was the language medium of all the schools surveyed. Ninety-one percent (n = 807) of learners indicated that English was one of their home languages, which suggests that translation of the survey into other languages was not necessary. Sample A total of 888 Grade 8 (n = 414) and Grade 9 (n = 474) learners from three schools took part in the survey (see Table 1 for demographic details). Results Problematic behaviours experienced at school were ranked in terms of how many learners experienced them twice or more per term (Table 2). Classmates not listening in class (85%), feeling overwhelmed by schoolwork (56%), teacher absenteeism (41%), and verbal fighting (38%) appeared most frequently as problematic to learners. Bullying, in the form of relational bullying, was rated as problematic by 21% (n = 186) of the respondents. Verbal fighting was more frequently problematic for learners than verbal bullying. Fighting differs from bullying in that it is a provoked, isolated behaviour in which there is no imbalance of power and which is not necessarily intended to be hurtful (Rigby 2005). Verbal fighting, here regarded as an aggressive verbal interchange, ranked at number four on the list with 38% (n = 335) of learners indicating that they found this behaviour problematic two or more times per term. Similarly, physical fighting was found to be more problematic for learners than physical bullying. Only 7% (n = 65) of learners indicating that physical bullying was problematic for them two or more times per term. Some difference between the schools’ perceptions of certain worrying behaviours was apparent. This is to be expected, as the data indicate learners’ sensitivity to problems; a subjective interpretation, rather than an objective measurement of the frequency or severity of the problems. As
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each school will have an individual culture which will highlight or downplay different behaviours in the school, learners from different schools are likely to differ in their awareness and sensitivity to various behaviours. There was no significant difference between the schools’ overall perception of bullying behaviour: χ2(6, 888) = 6.69, p = 0.35. It was decided not to examine the results for possible statistically significant population group differences, as the distribution in the three schools was so skewed. To make any meaningful statements about ‘race’ in this regard, one will have to sample much more systematically and carefully. We carried out tests for statistical differences in gender responses, as the representation of boys and girls was much more even and realistic in the data set. Briefly summarised, the results showed that: • Girls (14%, n = 120) experienced relational bullying more frequently than boys (8%, n = 66): χ2(1, 888) = 24.39, p < 0.01. • For physical bullying, 35 boys (4%) and 30 girls (3%) reported it as problematic more than twice a term: χ2(1, 888) = 0.33, p = 0.56. When asked directly how many times this school year (it covered a period of six months) they have been involved in bullying, 26% (n = 231) answered that they have not been exposed to bullying at school at all. This is the positive element of the information emerging from this question. On the other hand, 40% (n = 356) reported being aware of bullying taking place three or more times during the previous six months. Of this group, 19% (n = 172) reported witnessing or being involved in bullying behaviour six or more times. There were no significant differences in gender response pattern: χ2(4, 888) = 3.74, p = 0.44 (see Table 3). When asked whether bullying is a normal part of going to school, 59% (n = 525) answered in the affirmative (see Table 4). No significant difference in gender response pattern was discernable: χ2(1, 888) = 2.79, p = 0.09. Sixty-three percent (n = 555) of pupils did not believe that schools could do anything about bullying that would make a significant difference, with fewer girls being confident in the schools’ ability to intervene than boys,χ2(1, 888) = 4.62, p = 0.03 (see Table 4). However, although learners perceived schools as lacking the agency to address bullying effectively, 69% (n = 617) of learners indicated that they believed school staff consider bullying a problem (Table 4). No significant gender difference emerged on this item: χ2(1, 888) = 0.75, p = 0.39.
Table 3: Frequency of exposure to bullying behaviour over a six-month period
Male Female Total %
Never 115 116 231 26
1–2 times 141 160 301 34
3–5 times 92 92 184 21
6–8 times 33 42 75 8
9+ times 55 97 97 11
Table 4: Learners’ subjective perceptions of factors related to bullying
Male Female Total %
Is bullying a normal part of going to school? Yes No 270 166 255 197 525 363 59 41
Can schools intervene effectively in bullying? Yes No 179 257 154 298 333 555 37 63
Do school staff consider bullying a problem? Yes No 297 139 320 132 617 271 69 31
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Discussion The first noteworthy finding was the three aspects of school life that the highest percentage of learners found troublesome enough to interfere significantly with their schoolwork: classmates not listening in class; feeling overwhelmed by schoolwork; and teacher absenteeism. Two of these refer to different aspects of classroom management. The interest that originally motivated the study, bullying, in its various aspects, featured much lower down the ranking. Even so, two of the ten aspects most frequently identified as serious impediments to their work refer to bullying. When asked directly about awareness of bullying in their school, 40% of the learners indicated that they were aware of bullying taking place three or more times in the previous six months. This is very similar to Liang et al.’s (2007) finding of 41% of learners experiencing bullying. To this one has to add that 19%, nearly one fifth of all participants in this survey, report experiencing bullying six or more times during the previous six months. On the positive side, 26% reported not encountering bullying at all. Thus it would seem that the present findings echo studies referred to earlier: that learners recognise the extent that bullying takes place in their school, but that these are not the major factors that interfere with their schoolwork. Furthermore, 63% of learners did not believe that schools could do anything about bullying that would make a significant difference. This in keeping with some international studies that have found approximately 50% of children who experience bullying do not report it to teachers, as they do not believe that educator assistance will be effective or they believe educator assistance will make the situation worse (Stassen Berger 2007). In the present study, girls were found to have significantly less confidence in the schools’ ability to intervene effectively in bullying than boys. This may have to do with girls’ higher rates of relational bullying, which is more elusive and harder to address than direct, physical bullying, more common among boys. Although learners perceive schools as lacking the agency to address bullying effectively, 69% of learners indicate that they believe that school staff consider bullying a problem. This contrasts with some international studies that have found that, in certain school contexts, a high number of teachers, administrators and parents believe that bullying is a normal part of school life and something the learners must deal with amongst themselves (Pellegrini et al. 1999). Paradoxically, our study found that although learners believe staff consider bullying a problem, 59% of learners themselves consider it to be a normal part of school experience. Research by Besag (2006) found that school staff are aware of the harmful nature of bullying and sensitive to its effects on learners. However, as they do not adequately understand the dynamics involved in bullying, or are feeling overwhelmed by the frequency with which it occurs in the school, their attempts to intervene and assist are rendered ineffective. Findings from our study could reflect a similar dynamic. Teachers may well be aware of the negative nature of bullying and communicate this effectively to learners but, if they do not have a complex enough understanding of this multi-faceted social behaviour, they may be unable to be implement effective intervention and management strategies of preventing a hostile learning environment. A growing body of literature contends that children’s normative beliefs about the appropriateness of aggression are significant predictors of aggressive behaviours. Research suggests that children who condone the use of aggression are more likely to engage in bullying behaviours, as they consider them an acceptable form of social interaction (Hunt 2007). It is possible that, as a result of the high level of violence and crime present in a number of Western Cape schools and Cape Town’s elevated rates of community violence (Dawes et al. 2006, Kynoch 2005, Liang et al. 2007), violence is seen as an ordinary part of life. It becomes routinely managed by individuals and is no longer considered unusual or problematic (Phillips 2003). Burton (2008) suggested that children indeed experienced less fear at school when compared to the level of fear they feel at home – 10% of the national (South African) sample were assaulted at home. Seen in this broader context, bullying in schools may be perceived as less serious, even unproblematic, as it is embedded in an even more violent background. Thus, when living in a general ethos of aggression, all aggressive behaviours, including bullying, may come to be perceived as an unpleasant but unavoidable aspect
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of school life. Challenging the apparent legitimacy and routinised nature of aggression amongst learners should be the central focus of any intervention.
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Conclusion The results of the present study have to be interpreted with caution. Although we managed to recruit a reasonably large sample of learners to participate in the study, the sampling method essentially relied on convenience. In addition, the schools selected were drawn (on purpose) from a particular sub-set of schools in the Western Cape, and the results can be generalised at best only to similar schools. Our study nevertheless produced findings that we believe are trustworthy within the abovementioned confines. The study received widespread support from the schools and learners, and questionnaires were administered under nearly optimal conditions in the schools. The kind of school studied here is not often selected for closer scrutiny, as research attention focuses more on schools and learners that are more at risk. Thus we believe the data produced here add to our understanding of problems faced by schools that are regarded as well functioning and well managed. Future research into the way in which learners learn to normalise bullying behaviours within the South African context is required. Adolescents may be normalising other aggressive behaviours with detrimental short- and long-term consequences. Investigating and challenging the seeming legitimacy of aggressive behaviour amongst young people must remain an overarching objective of future research and interventions. References Besag V (2006) Bullying among girls: Friends or foes? School Psychology International 27: 535–551 Bronfenbrenner U (1979) The Ecology of Human Development: Experiments By Nature and Design. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press Bukowski WM, Sippola LK and Newcomb AF (2000) Variations in patterns of attraction to same- and other-sex peers during early adolescence. Developmental Psychology 36: 147–154 Burton P (2008) Merchants, Skollies and Stones. Experiences of School Violence in South Africa. Cape Town: Centre for Justice and Crime Prevention. Available at http://www.cjcp.org.za/admin/uploads/NSVS-finalinternet-ready.pdf Craig WM and Pepler DJ (2007) Understanding bullying: From research to practice. Journal of Canadian Psychology 48: 86–93 Dawes A, Long W, Alexander L and Ward CL (2006) A situation analysis of children affected by maltreatment and violence in the Western Cape. A Report for the Research Directorate, Department of Social Services & Poverty Alleviation: Provincial Government of the Western Cape. Cape Town: Human Sciences Research Council Farmer TW and Xie H (2007) Aggression and school social dynamics: The good, the bad, and the ordinary. Journal of School Psychology 45: 461–478 Garandeau CF and Cillessen AHN (2006) From indirect aggression to invisible aggression: A conceptual view on bullying and peer group manipulation. Journal of Aggression and Violent Behaviour 11: 612–625 Greeff P and Grobler AA (2008) Bullying during the intermediate school phase: A South African study. Journal of Childhood 15: 127–144 Hara H (2002) Justification for bullying among Japanese schoolchildren. Asian Journal of Social Psychology 5: 197–204 Hunt C (2007) The effect of an education program on attitudes and beliefs about bullying and bullying behaviour in junior secondary school students. Journal of Child and Adolescent Mental Health 1: 21–26 Kynoch G (2005) Crime, conflict and politics in transition-era South Africa. Journal of African Affairs 104/416: 493–514 Liang H, Flisher AF and Lombard C (2007) Bullying, violence, and risk behavior in South African school students. Journal of Child Abuse & Neglect 31: 161–171 Nansel TR, Craig W, Overpeck MD, Saluja G and Ruan J (2004) Cross-national consistency in the relationship between bullying behaviours and psychosocial adjustment. Archive of Pediatric and Adolescent Medicine 158: 730–736
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Olweus D (1980) Familial and temperamental determinants of aggressive behaviour in adolescent boys: A causal analysis. Journal of Developmental Psychology 16: 644–660 Pellegrini AD, Bartini M and Brooks F (1999) School bullies, victims, and aggressive victims: Factors relating to group affiliation and victimization in early adolescence. Journal of Educational Psychology 91: 216–224 Phillips C (2003) Who’s who in the pecking order? Aggression and ‘normal violence’ in the lives of girls and boys. British Journal of Criminology 43: 710–728 Rigby K (2005) Why do some children bully at school? The contributions of negative attitudes towards victims and the perceived expectations of friends, parents and teachers. School Psychology International 26: 147–161 Smith PK and Brain P (2000) Bullying in schools: Lessons from two decades of research. Aggressive Behavior 26: 1–9. Stassen Berger K (2007) Update on bullying at school: Science forgotten? Developmental Review 27: 90–126 Wang J, Iannotti RJ and Nansel TR (2009) Bullying among adolescents in the United States: Physical, verbal, relational, and cyber. Journal of Adolescent Health 45: 368–375
