Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology 2015, Vol. 21, No. 1, 156 –161
© 2014 American Psychological Association 1099-9809/15/$12.00 http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0037930
BRIEF REPORT
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How Racial/Ethnic Bullying Affects Rejection Sensitivity: The Role of Social Dominance Orientation Ivan H. C. Wu
Brent Lyons
Michigan State University
Simon Fraser University
Frederick T. L. Leong Michigan State University The authors built upon models of workplace bullying to examine how racial/ethnic bullying can lead to racial/ethnic minorities’ sensitivity to future discrimination via its effects on race/ethnic-related stress. With a sample of racial/ethnic minorities, they found support for this process. Individual differences in social dominance orientation (SDO) also attenuated the mediation: The indirect effect of race/ethnicrelated stress was weaker for minorities who endorse hierarchy legitimizing ideologies (high in SDO) compared to minorities low in SDO. Practical implications for the management of minority employees’ experiences of discrimination are discussed. Keywords: discrimination, race-related stress, rejection sensitivity, social dominance, workplace bullying
ethnic-based rejection sensitivity, which is defined as the heightened propensity to perceive ambiguous events in the environment as threatening to one’s race/ethnicity (Downey & Feldman, 1996; Mendoza-Denton et al., 2002). An examination of such a mechanism is the focus of the current study. Extant research examining how exposure to discrimination affects sensitivity to future discrimination has tended to examine single incidents of discrimination in lab studies and/or general experiences of discrimination (e.g., Major et al., 2002) without considering the pernicious effects of racial/ethnic bullying. Racial/ ethnic bullying is a form of discrimination, but it specifically involves repeated instances of negative racial/ethnic-based acts (Einarsen, 1999; Fox & Stallworth, 2005) that lead to a widening power differential between the perpetrator and victim as the bullying continues over time (Hershcovis, 2011). The severe and overbearing effects of bullying can leave victims feeling anxious and helpless, leading them to constantly worry about further victimization (Einarsen, 1999). In the current study we build on models of workplace bullying (Einarsen, 2011) and work stress (Pratt & Barling, 1988) to examine a process of how stress uniquely experienced by REM (i.e., racial/ethnic-based stress; Harrell, 2000) can explain how racial/ethnic bullying affects race/ ethnic-related rejection sensitivity In addition, we also examine how individual differences in beliefs that legitimize the prevailing status hierarchy—social dominance orientation (SDO; Pratto, Sidanius, Stallworth, & Malle., 1994)—affect minorities’ stress and rejection-sensitivity responses to racial/ethnic bullying. Previous research has indicated that members of low status groups (e.g., women, REM) who endorse status-legitimizing beliefs are less likely to make attributions of discrimination compared to those who do not endorse status-
The pervasive and negative effects of workplace bullying have been well-documented (e.g., Hoel, Einarsen, & Cooper, 2003; Leymann, 1996). However, relatively little research has examined the effects of workplace bullying directed toward racial/ethnic minorities (REM). This is surprising in light of evidence suggesting that REM are disproportionately targeted by racial/ethnic bullying in the U.S. workplace and that experiencing racial/ethnic bullying is associated with detriments to minorities’ health, wellbeing, and work performance (Buchanan, Bergman, Bruce, Woods, & Lichty, 2009; Fox & Stallworth, 2005; Lewis & Gunn, 2007). Experiencing racial/ethnic bullying may also further sensitize minorities’ to perceiving future discrimination. Indeed, research has alluded to how past exposure to discrimination can sensitize minorities to future racial/ethnic victimization (Barrett & Swim, 1998; Ilgen & Youtz, 1986; Major et al., 2002). Research has also demonstrated that exposure to discrimination is related to heightened anxiety in response to ambiguous interpersonal events (Bennett, Merrit, Edwards, & Sollers, 2004; Greer, Vendemia, & Stancil, 2012), which is subsequently related to negative mental and health outcomes (Ashburn-Nardo, Monteith, Arthur, & Bain, 2007; Henson, Derlega, Pearson, Ferrer, & Holmes, 2013). However, to date, researchers have not empirically examined mechanisms that can explain the development of race/
This article was published Online First October 13, 2014. Ivan H. C. Wu, Department of Psychology, Michigan State University; Brent Lyons, Beedie School of Business, Simon Fraser University; Frederick T. L. Leong, Department of Psychology, Michigan State University. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Ivan H. C. Wu, Department of Psychology, Michigan State University, 316 Physics Rd-Rm 26, East Lansing, MI 48824. E-mail: [email protected] 156
RACIAL BULLYING AND SOCIAL DOMINANCE
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legitimizing beliefs (Major et al., 2002; McCoy & Major, 2003). Our study extends upon this research by specifying how SDO can affect minorities’ development of race/ethnic-based rejection sensitivity via its effect on stress responses to racial/ethnic bullying. Refer to Figure 1 for a pictorial representation of our study’s model.
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egy to combat such stress. Prior research has demonstrated that frequent experiences of racial discrimination are related to heightened arousal when recalling interpersonally difficult events (Richman, Bennett, Pek, Siegler, & Williams, 2007). Thus, REM may become hyperaware of future racial/ethnic victimization in response to race/ethnic-related stress.
Racial/Ethnic Bullying and Race/ Ethnic-Related Stress
Hypothesis 2: Race/ethnic-related stress will be positively related to race/ethnic-based rejection sensitivity.
The process model of work stress (Pratt & Barling, 1988) and Einarsen’s (2011) model of workplace bullying conceptualize bullying as a stressor that leads to an immediate psychological stress response, which then affects strain outcomes, such as health and work functioning. However, current models of workplace bullying may not account for experiences unique to REM. It is known that REM experience unique stressors and stress as a result of their minority and stigmatized social status; negative race-based events are inherent in unique transactions that involve race and have wide mental and physical health implications for REM (Harrell, 2000). Harrell termed these experiences as racerelated stress, defined as “race-related transactions between individuals or groups and their environment that emerge from the dynamics of racism, and that are perceived to tax or exceed existing individual and collective resources or threaten well-being” (Harrell, 2000, p. 44). Racial/ethnic bullying may thus lead to a unique form of racial/ ethnic-based stress that is distinct from generalized stress experienced by REM. Supporting these claims, research has demonstrated that stress associated with racial discrimination is associated with physiological stress responses and depressive symptoms over and above reports of general stress (Guyll, Matthews, & Bromberger, 2001; Wei, Heppner, Ku, & Liao, 2010). Therefore, generalizing majority group members’ experiences of workplace bullying to REM is likely to overlook the unique race/ethnic-related stress experienced by REM.
Hypothesis 3: Race/ethnic-related stress will mediate the relationship between racial/ethnic bullying and rejection sensitivity.
Hypothesis 1: Racial/ethnic bullying will be positively related to race/ethnic-related stress.
Racial/Ethnic-Related Stress and Race/Ethnic-Based Rejection-Sensitivity Completing the pathway from stressor to strain, race-based traumatic stress models describe how the subsequent stress experienced from racial/ethnic bullying may lead to increased race/ ethnic-based rejection sensitivity. According to Carter (2007), negative race/ethnic-based events are stressful— experienced as unexpected, uncontrollable, negative, and memorable—and increased vigilance is adopted as a protective and preemptive strat-
Social Dominance Orientation Legitimizing ideologies that justify the hierarchical and unequal relationships among groups in society (e.g., SDO, meritocracy beliefs, beliefs in a just world) affect how people explain differential outcomes between social groups (Major et al., 2002). SDO is defined as the extent to which an individual endorses beliefs that preserve the differential power structure between groups of different social statuses (Pratto et al., 1994). Ideologies that legitimize the status quo hold people and groups responsible for their outcomes, not the social hierarchy. In line with previous research indicating that SDO does not directly affect minorities’ perceptions of victimization (Thomsen et al., 2010) but the resulting stress experienced by anticipated discrimination (Sawyer, Major, Casad, Townsend, & Mendes, 2012; Townsend, Major, Sawyer, & Mendes, 2010), we argue that SDO affects appraisals of racial/ ethnic victimization. Minorities who endorse status-legitimizing ideologies (high SDO) are less likely to make attributions of discrimination, interpret racist events as threatening, and are more likely to maintain positive views of Whites compared to minorities low in SDO (Henry, Sidanius, Levin, & Pratto, 2005; Major et al., 2002; McCoy & Major, 2003; Simmons & Parks-Yancy, 2012). In line with worldview verification theory, minorities low in SDO are expected to experience more distress in response to discrimination because the events are inconsistent with their worldview compared to minorities high in SDO (Major, Kaiser, O’Brien, & McCoy, 2007). That is, REM who endorse SDO may believe that they will be treated in such a way that is consistent with their social status, which may decrease their subsequent stress experienced compared to REM who do not endorse SDO. Hypothesis 4: The indirect effect of racial bullying on racebased rejection sensitivity due to race-related stress will be stronger for individuals with lower levels of SDO than for individuals with higher levels of SDO.
Methods Participants
Figure 1.
Model of study hypotheses.
Participants were 174 employed REM students at a large midwestern public university who completed the questionnaire through an online survey. Of the respondents, 71% were female (29% male); 52% were Black/African American, 35% Asian/Asian American, and 13% Hispanic. All participants (M age ⫽ 20.4,
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SD ⫽ 1.80) included in analyses had at least 1 mo of work experience (median ⫽ 2.5 years).
Procedure
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Participants completed measures of racial/ethnic bullying, race/ ethnic-related stress, race/ethnic-based rejection sensitivity, and SDO. At the end of the survey, participants completed a demographics inventory. Unless otherwise noted, higher scores indicated greater frequency or endorsement of the measured construct. Intercorrelations, reliabilities, and descriptive statistics of study variables are listed in Table 1.
Measures Frequency of racial/ethnic bullying experiences was measured using seven items adapted from Fox and Stallworth’s (2005) scale. Participants indicated how often they experienced acts of bullying focused on their race/ethnicity while at work (e.g., “Others used racial slurs to describe you”) rated on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (never) to 5 (daily). Race/ethnic-related stress was assessed using 10 items adapted from the Index of Race-Related Stress—Brief Version (IRRS; Utsey, 1999). Participants indicated the extent to which exposure to racist events bothered them (e.g., “You were passed over for an important project although you were more qualified and competent than the White person given the task”) on a 7-point scale ranging from 1 (did not bother me) to 7 (I was extremely upset). Race/ethnic-based rejection sensitivity was assessed using the 12-item Rejection Sensitivity Questionnaire–Race (MendozaDenton et al., 2002). The measure taps into expectations and concerns about negative race/ethnic-related events. After a situation is presented (e.g., “Imagine that you are in a restaurant, trying to get the attention of your waitress. A lot of other people are trying to get her attention as well”), the participant rates their anxiety/concern (e.g., “How concerned/anxious would you be that she might not attend you right away because of your race/ethnicity?”) and expectation for rejection in each item (e.g., “I would expect that she might not attend to me right away because of my race/ethnicity.”) on a 6-point scale ranging from 1 (very uncon-
1. RSQ-R 2. RB 3. SDO 4. IRRS 5. Age 6. Gender M SD
Results We tested the hypotheses with regression path models (see Figure 1) using Mplus 7.0 (Muthén & Muthén, 1998 –2012). All variables in analyses were mean-centered. A summary of results of the full moderated mediation model are presented in Table 2. Based on the significant bivariate correlations, we added gender as a control for race/ethnic-based related stress. No other variables were added as controls. A mediation model was used to test Hypotheses 1–3. Supporting Hypothesis 1, higher levels of racial/ethnic bullying significantly and positively related to race/ethnic-related stress ( ⫽ .82, p ⬍ .001). Supporting Hypothesis 2, race/ethnic-related stress significantly and positively related to race/ethnic-based rejection sensitivity ( ⫽ .68, p ⬍ .001). Furthermore, based on a bootstrap of 5,000 samples, the upper and lower 95% confidence intervals (CIs) of the estimate of the indirect effects ( ⫽ .31, CI: .09, .45) indicated that race/ethnic-related stress significantly mediated the association between racial/ethnic bullying and race/ethnic-based rejection sensitivity. Hypothesis 3 was therefore supported. A moderated-mediation model (James & Brett, 1984) was used to test Hypothesis 4 (see Table 2). The overall model fit the data adequately (chi-square ⫽ 7.76, df ⫽ 5, p ⫽ ⫺0.17; root mean square error of approximation ⫽ 0.06, p ⫽ .37, confirmatory factor index ⫽ 0.99). A chi-squared test comparing a constrained and unconstrained interaction path suggested the unconstrained path best fit the data, ⌬ chi-square (1) ⫽ 6.57, p ⫽ .01. Notably, the mediating effect of race/ethnic-related stress on the association between racial/ethnic bullying and race/ethnic-based rejection sensitivity was stronger for those low in SDO (⫺1 SD;  ⫽ 1.16) compared to those high in SDO (⫹1 SD;  ⫽ .86).1 Therefore, Hypothesis 4 was supported.
Discussion
Table 1 Bivariate Correlations, Reliability Coefficients, Means, and Standard Deviations for Study Variables Variable
cerned/unlikely) to 6 (very concerned/likely). Total scores are calculated by multiplying concern/anxiety and expectation ratings. Social dominance orientation was assessed using the 14-item SDO scale (Pratto et al., 1994) in which participants indicated their feelings toward statements about hierarchical systems in which one group dominates another (e.g., “Sometimes other groups must be kept in their place”) on a 7-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (very negative feeling) to 7 (very positive feeling).
1
2
3
4
5
(.93) .19ⴱ .02 .53ⴱ ⫺.01 ⫺.09 8.66 6.70
(.87) .26ⴱ .29ⴱ ⫺.06 .00 1.40 .57
(.88) ⫺.14 .07 .15 2.56 .93
(.82) ⫺.03 ⫺.19ⴱ 2.17 .81
— .21ⴱ 20.38 1.80
Note. Cronbach alpha’s are presented in parentheses. RSQ-R ⫽ race/ ethnicity-related rejection sensitivity; RB ⫽ racial/ethnic bullying; SDO ⫽ social dominance orientation; IRRS ⫽ Index of Race/Ethnic-Related Stress. ⴱ p ⬍ .05.
The current study extended upon stressor–stress–strain models of workplace bullying (Einarsen, 2011; Pratt & Barling, 1988) that have historically not considered how the stressor–stress–strain process can be unique for REM victims of racial/ethnic bullying. We proposed a process whereby minorities’ experiences of racial/ ethnic bullying can ultimately heighten vigilance and anxiety regarding future discrimination (Carter, 2007) via its effects on race/ethnicrelated stress. We also examined how this process differed depending on minorities’ endorsement of status-legitimizing ideologies, SDO. Results were supportive of hypotheses. First, racial/ethnic bullying was positively related to racial/ ethnic-related stress and racial/ethnic-related stress positively was 1 SDO was treated as a continuous variable in the model but discussed in terms of high and low to facilitate interpretation of the results.
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Table 2 Standardized Regression Results for the Direct and Conditional Indirect Effects of Racial Bullying On Race/Ethnicity-Based Rejection Sensitivity Across Levels of Social Dominance Orientation B
SE
T
p
95% lower CI
95% upper CI
⫺0.09 0.82 ⫺0.11
0.06 0.19 0.04
⫺1.65 4.37 ⫺2.59
0.10 0.00 0.01
⫺0.18 0.51 ⫺0.18
0.00 1.13 ⫺0.04
0.68 0.09 0.04 0.04
0.11 0.13 0.03 0.03
6.15 0.70 1.12 1.20
0.00 0.48 0.23 0.23
0.49 ⫺0.13 ⫺0.02 ⫺0.02
0.86 0.32 0.10 0.10
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Predictor and model Mediator variable model (outcome: IRRS) Gender RB RB ⴱ SDO Dependent variable model (outcome: RSQ-R) IRRS RB SDO IRRS ⴱ SDO
Note. RSQ-R ⫽ race/ethnicity-related rejection sensitivity; RB ⫽ racial/ethnic bullying; SDO ⫽ social dominance orientation; IRRS ⫽ Index of Race/Ethnic-Related Stress.
related to race/ethnic-based rejection sensitivity; however, racial/ ethnic bullying did not directly affect sensitivity to further discrimination. These results suggest that racial/ethnic bullying can lead to race/ethnic-specific stress that is uniquely experienced by REM (Wei et al., 2010). Further, in line with Carter’s (2007) reasoning, stress associated with racial/ethnic bullying— experienced as unexpected, uncontrollable, negative, and memorable— can in turn heighten REM vigilance regarding future discrimination. Race/ethnic-based rejection sensitivity may therefore serve as an adaptive response that allows REM to detect and protect themselves against future sources of racial/ethnic stress. Therefore, our results suggest that REM may be vigilant to discrimination (Barrett & Swim, 1998; Ilgen & Youtz, 1986) not only because they simply experience racial/ethnic mistreatment but also because of stress responses to discrimination. Second, individual difference in beliefs about social hierarchies (SDO) affected the stressor–stress–strain process. SDO attenuated the extent to which race/ethnic-related stress explained the association between racial/ethnic bullying and race/ethnic rejectionsensitivity. In line with worldview verification theory (Major et al., 2007), minorities who do not endorse SDO may experience greater stress and develop greater sensitivity in the face of racial/ethnic bullying because the experience opposes their view that minorities should not be oppressed. Such experiences are less threatening to individuals high in SDO who are more likely endorse social systems that oppress minorities. Overall, in the current study we build upon models of workplace bullying and stressor–stress–strain (Pratt & Barling, 1988) by identifying SDO as an influential individual difference factor affecting a racial/ethnic-specific stress process associated with racial/ethnic victimization in the workplace.
Practical Implications Organizations stand to suffer considerable losses when REM are victimized by racial/ethnic bullying. Although organizations are unlikely to completely curb the presence of bullying in the workplace (Chiaburu & Harrison, 2008), it is in their best interest to understand the factors that can mitigate outcomes that are uniquely experienced by REM. First, we encourage organizations to strive toward prosocial and inclusive work climates (Brief & Motowidlo,
1986; Tsui & Gutek, 1999). Organizations may increase their support to their employees by having policies that encourage all employees to report general and racial/ethnic-based aggressive incidents, adopting practices that address these incidents promptly and effectively, and putting emphasis on establishing a cordial and inclusive work environment (e.g., Dupré & Barling, 2006). Not only will fostering a climate that deters racial/ethnic aggression and fosters inclusiveness reduce the occurrence of racial/ethnic bullying, it may also be helpful for individuals particularly sensitive to racial/ethnic mistreatment (i.e., individuals high in race/ ethnic-based rejection sensitivity). Further, to mitigate the exacerbating effects of racial/ethnic-related stress, offering training and coaching about strategies to effectively manage stress and confidential counseling and support services for REM employees could be helpful in fostering less negative relationships.
Limitations and Future Research The current study also has some limitations. First, all the focal variables were measured based on cross-sectional self-report responses. Considering that the variables of interest are primarily intrapsychological, self-report methodology is consistent with our intended inferences, but common method bias may have also artificially inflated the observed relationships among the variables (Podsakoff, MacKenzie, Lee, & Podsakoff, 2003). However, provided that the results of the moderated-mediation analyses were consistent with our theorizing, it is unlikely that common method bias could explain the observed effects (Podsakoff et al., 2003). Further, the cross-sectional nature of the data made inferring causality difficult. Future research should use longitudinal or experimental designs to better address issues of common method bias and causality. Second, our sample of REM combined Asian/Asian Americans, African Americans, and Hispanics. Future studies should seek to examine within group differences among these racial/ethnic subgroups. Finally, our sample consisted of college students with part-time work experience that may not be representative of the broader working population. Although research has demonstrated that student experiences of discrimination do generalize to the working adult population (see Leslie, King, Bradley, & Hebl,
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2008), future research will benefit from testing our propositions with adult working samples with full-time employment.
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Received October 30, 2013 Revision received June 12, 2014 Accepted June 25, 2014 䡲
Correction to Toporek (2014) In the article “Pedagogy of the Privileged: Review of Deconstructing Privilege: Teaching and Learning as Allies in the Classroom” by Rebecca L. Toporek (Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, Advance online publication. August 11, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/ cdp0000011), was originally published online incorrectly as a Brief Report. The article authored by Rebecca L. Toporek has been published correctly as a Book Review in the October 2014 print publication (Vol. 20, No. 4, pp. 621– 622. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0036529). http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/cdp0000035
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BRIEF REPORT
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How Racial/Ethnic Bullying Affects Rejection Sensitivity: The Role of Social Dominance Orientation Ivan H. C. Wu
Brent Lyons
Michigan State University
Simon Fraser University
Frederick T. L. Leong Michigan State University The authors built upon models of workplace bullying to examine how racial/ethnic bullying can lead to racial/ethnic minorities’ sensitivity to future discrimination via its effects on race/ethnic-related stress. With a sample of racial/ethnic minorities, they found support for this process. Individual differences in social dominance orientation (SDO) also attenuated the mediation: The indirect effect of race/ethnicrelated stress was weaker for minorities who endorse hierarchy legitimizing ideologies (high in SDO) compared to minorities low in SDO. Practical implications for the management of minority employees’ experiences of discrimination are discussed. Keywords: discrimination, race-related stress, rejection sensitivity, social dominance, workplace bullying
ethnic-based rejection sensitivity, which is defined as the heightened propensity to perceive ambiguous events in the environment as threatening to one’s race/ethnicity (Downey & Feldman, 1996; Mendoza-Denton et al., 2002). An examination of such a mechanism is the focus of the current study. Extant research examining how exposure to discrimination affects sensitivity to future discrimination has tended to examine single incidents of discrimination in lab studies and/or general experiences of discrimination (e.g., Major et al., 2002) without considering the pernicious effects of racial/ethnic bullying. Racial/ ethnic bullying is a form of discrimination, but it specifically involves repeated instances of negative racial/ethnic-based acts (Einarsen, 1999; Fox & Stallworth, 2005) that lead to a widening power differential between the perpetrator and victim as the bullying continues over time (Hershcovis, 2011). The severe and overbearing effects of bullying can leave victims feeling anxious and helpless, leading them to constantly worry about further victimization (Einarsen, 1999). In the current study we build on models of workplace bullying (Einarsen, 2011) and work stress (Pratt & Barling, 1988) to examine a process of how stress uniquely experienced by REM (i.e., racial/ethnic-based stress; Harrell, 2000) can explain how racial/ethnic bullying affects race/ ethnic-related rejection sensitivity In addition, we also examine how individual differences in beliefs that legitimize the prevailing status hierarchy—social dominance orientation (SDO; Pratto, Sidanius, Stallworth, & Malle., 1994)—affect minorities’ stress and rejection-sensitivity responses to racial/ethnic bullying. Previous research has indicated that members of low status groups (e.g., women, REM) who endorse status-legitimizing beliefs are less likely to make attributions of discrimination compared to those who do not endorse status-
The pervasive and negative effects of workplace bullying have been well-documented (e.g., Hoel, Einarsen, & Cooper, 2003; Leymann, 1996). However, relatively little research has examined the effects of workplace bullying directed toward racial/ethnic minorities (REM). This is surprising in light of evidence suggesting that REM are disproportionately targeted by racial/ethnic bullying in the U.S. workplace and that experiencing racial/ethnic bullying is associated with detriments to minorities’ health, wellbeing, and work performance (Buchanan, Bergman, Bruce, Woods, & Lichty, 2009; Fox & Stallworth, 2005; Lewis & Gunn, 2007). Experiencing racial/ethnic bullying may also further sensitize minorities’ to perceiving future discrimination. Indeed, research has alluded to how past exposure to discrimination can sensitize minorities to future racial/ethnic victimization (Barrett & Swim, 1998; Ilgen & Youtz, 1986; Major et al., 2002). Research has also demonstrated that exposure to discrimination is related to heightened anxiety in response to ambiguous interpersonal events (Bennett, Merrit, Edwards, & Sollers, 2004; Greer, Vendemia, & Stancil, 2012), which is subsequently related to negative mental and health outcomes (Ashburn-Nardo, Monteith, Arthur, & Bain, 2007; Henson, Derlega, Pearson, Ferrer, & Holmes, 2013). However, to date, researchers have not empirically examined mechanisms that can explain the development of race/
This article was published Online First October 13, 2014. Ivan H. C. Wu, Department of Psychology, Michigan State University; Brent Lyons, Beedie School of Business, Simon Fraser University; Frederick T. L. Leong, Department of Psychology, Michigan State University. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Ivan H. C. Wu, Department of Psychology, Michigan State University, 316 Physics Rd-Rm 26, East Lansing, MI 48824. E-mail: [email protected] 156
RACIAL BULLYING AND SOCIAL DOMINANCE
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legitimizing beliefs (Major et al., 2002; McCoy & Major, 2003). Our study extends upon this research by specifying how SDO can affect minorities’ development of race/ethnic-based rejection sensitivity via its effect on stress responses to racial/ethnic bullying. Refer to Figure 1 for a pictorial representation of our study’s model.
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egy to combat such stress. Prior research has demonstrated that frequent experiences of racial discrimination are related to heightened arousal when recalling interpersonally difficult events (Richman, Bennett, Pek, Siegler, & Williams, 2007). Thus, REM may become hyperaware of future racial/ethnic victimization in response to race/ethnic-related stress.
Racial/Ethnic Bullying and Race/ Ethnic-Related Stress
Hypothesis 2: Race/ethnic-related stress will be positively related to race/ethnic-based rejection sensitivity.
The process model of work stress (Pratt & Barling, 1988) and Einarsen’s (2011) model of workplace bullying conceptualize bullying as a stressor that leads to an immediate psychological stress response, which then affects strain outcomes, such as health and work functioning. However, current models of workplace bullying may not account for experiences unique to REM. It is known that REM experience unique stressors and stress as a result of their minority and stigmatized social status; negative race-based events are inherent in unique transactions that involve race and have wide mental and physical health implications for REM (Harrell, 2000). Harrell termed these experiences as racerelated stress, defined as “race-related transactions between individuals or groups and their environment that emerge from the dynamics of racism, and that are perceived to tax or exceed existing individual and collective resources or threaten well-being” (Harrell, 2000, p. 44). Racial/ethnic bullying may thus lead to a unique form of racial/ ethnic-based stress that is distinct from generalized stress experienced by REM. Supporting these claims, research has demonstrated that stress associated with racial discrimination is associated with physiological stress responses and depressive symptoms over and above reports of general stress (Guyll, Matthews, & Bromberger, 2001; Wei, Heppner, Ku, & Liao, 2010). Therefore, generalizing majority group members’ experiences of workplace bullying to REM is likely to overlook the unique race/ethnic-related stress experienced by REM.
Hypothesis 3: Race/ethnic-related stress will mediate the relationship between racial/ethnic bullying and rejection sensitivity.
Hypothesis 1: Racial/ethnic bullying will be positively related to race/ethnic-related stress.
Racial/Ethnic-Related Stress and Race/Ethnic-Based Rejection-Sensitivity Completing the pathway from stressor to strain, race-based traumatic stress models describe how the subsequent stress experienced from racial/ethnic bullying may lead to increased race/ ethnic-based rejection sensitivity. According to Carter (2007), negative race/ethnic-based events are stressful— experienced as unexpected, uncontrollable, negative, and memorable—and increased vigilance is adopted as a protective and preemptive strat-
Social Dominance Orientation Legitimizing ideologies that justify the hierarchical and unequal relationships among groups in society (e.g., SDO, meritocracy beliefs, beliefs in a just world) affect how people explain differential outcomes between social groups (Major et al., 2002). SDO is defined as the extent to which an individual endorses beliefs that preserve the differential power structure between groups of different social statuses (Pratto et al., 1994). Ideologies that legitimize the status quo hold people and groups responsible for their outcomes, not the social hierarchy. In line with previous research indicating that SDO does not directly affect minorities’ perceptions of victimization (Thomsen et al., 2010) but the resulting stress experienced by anticipated discrimination (Sawyer, Major, Casad, Townsend, & Mendes, 2012; Townsend, Major, Sawyer, & Mendes, 2010), we argue that SDO affects appraisals of racial/ ethnic victimization. Minorities who endorse status-legitimizing ideologies (high SDO) are less likely to make attributions of discrimination, interpret racist events as threatening, and are more likely to maintain positive views of Whites compared to minorities low in SDO (Henry, Sidanius, Levin, & Pratto, 2005; Major et al., 2002; McCoy & Major, 2003; Simmons & Parks-Yancy, 2012). In line with worldview verification theory, minorities low in SDO are expected to experience more distress in response to discrimination because the events are inconsistent with their worldview compared to minorities high in SDO (Major, Kaiser, O’Brien, & McCoy, 2007). That is, REM who endorse SDO may believe that they will be treated in such a way that is consistent with their social status, which may decrease their subsequent stress experienced compared to REM who do not endorse SDO. Hypothesis 4: The indirect effect of racial bullying on racebased rejection sensitivity due to race-related stress will be stronger for individuals with lower levels of SDO than for individuals with higher levels of SDO.
Methods Participants
Figure 1.
Model of study hypotheses.
Participants were 174 employed REM students at a large midwestern public university who completed the questionnaire through an online survey. Of the respondents, 71% were female (29% male); 52% were Black/African American, 35% Asian/Asian American, and 13% Hispanic. All participants (M age ⫽ 20.4,
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SD ⫽ 1.80) included in analyses had at least 1 mo of work experience (median ⫽ 2.5 years).
Procedure
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Participants completed measures of racial/ethnic bullying, race/ ethnic-related stress, race/ethnic-based rejection sensitivity, and SDO. At the end of the survey, participants completed a demographics inventory. Unless otherwise noted, higher scores indicated greater frequency or endorsement of the measured construct. Intercorrelations, reliabilities, and descriptive statistics of study variables are listed in Table 1.
Measures Frequency of racial/ethnic bullying experiences was measured using seven items adapted from Fox and Stallworth’s (2005) scale. Participants indicated how often they experienced acts of bullying focused on their race/ethnicity while at work (e.g., “Others used racial slurs to describe you”) rated on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (never) to 5 (daily). Race/ethnic-related stress was assessed using 10 items adapted from the Index of Race-Related Stress—Brief Version (IRRS; Utsey, 1999). Participants indicated the extent to which exposure to racist events bothered them (e.g., “You were passed over for an important project although you were more qualified and competent than the White person given the task”) on a 7-point scale ranging from 1 (did not bother me) to 7 (I was extremely upset). Race/ethnic-based rejection sensitivity was assessed using the 12-item Rejection Sensitivity Questionnaire–Race (MendozaDenton et al., 2002). The measure taps into expectations and concerns about negative race/ethnic-related events. After a situation is presented (e.g., “Imagine that you are in a restaurant, trying to get the attention of your waitress. A lot of other people are trying to get her attention as well”), the participant rates their anxiety/concern (e.g., “How concerned/anxious would you be that she might not attend you right away because of your race/ethnicity?”) and expectation for rejection in each item (e.g., “I would expect that she might not attend to me right away because of my race/ethnicity.”) on a 6-point scale ranging from 1 (very uncon-
1. RSQ-R 2. RB 3. SDO 4. IRRS 5. Age 6. Gender M SD
Results We tested the hypotheses with regression path models (see Figure 1) using Mplus 7.0 (Muthén & Muthén, 1998 –2012). All variables in analyses were mean-centered. A summary of results of the full moderated mediation model are presented in Table 2. Based on the significant bivariate correlations, we added gender as a control for race/ethnic-based related stress. No other variables were added as controls. A mediation model was used to test Hypotheses 1–3. Supporting Hypothesis 1, higher levels of racial/ethnic bullying significantly and positively related to race/ethnic-related stress ( ⫽ .82, p ⬍ .001). Supporting Hypothesis 2, race/ethnic-related stress significantly and positively related to race/ethnic-based rejection sensitivity ( ⫽ .68, p ⬍ .001). Furthermore, based on a bootstrap of 5,000 samples, the upper and lower 95% confidence intervals (CIs) of the estimate of the indirect effects ( ⫽ .31, CI: .09, .45) indicated that race/ethnic-related stress significantly mediated the association between racial/ethnic bullying and race/ethnic-based rejection sensitivity. Hypothesis 3 was therefore supported. A moderated-mediation model (James & Brett, 1984) was used to test Hypothesis 4 (see Table 2). The overall model fit the data adequately (chi-square ⫽ 7.76, df ⫽ 5, p ⫽ ⫺0.17; root mean square error of approximation ⫽ 0.06, p ⫽ .37, confirmatory factor index ⫽ 0.99). A chi-squared test comparing a constrained and unconstrained interaction path suggested the unconstrained path best fit the data, ⌬ chi-square (1) ⫽ 6.57, p ⫽ .01. Notably, the mediating effect of race/ethnic-related stress on the association between racial/ethnic bullying and race/ethnic-based rejection sensitivity was stronger for those low in SDO (⫺1 SD;  ⫽ 1.16) compared to those high in SDO (⫹1 SD;  ⫽ .86).1 Therefore, Hypothesis 4 was supported.
Discussion
Table 1 Bivariate Correlations, Reliability Coefficients, Means, and Standard Deviations for Study Variables Variable
cerned/unlikely) to 6 (very concerned/likely). Total scores are calculated by multiplying concern/anxiety and expectation ratings. Social dominance orientation was assessed using the 14-item SDO scale (Pratto et al., 1994) in which participants indicated their feelings toward statements about hierarchical systems in which one group dominates another (e.g., “Sometimes other groups must be kept in their place”) on a 7-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (very negative feeling) to 7 (very positive feeling).
1
2
3
4
5
(.93) .19ⴱ .02 .53ⴱ ⫺.01 ⫺.09 8.66 6.70
(.87) .26ⴱ .29ⴱ ⫺.06 .00 1.40 .57
(.88) ⫺.14 .07 .15 2.56 .93
(.82) ⫺.03 ⫺.19ⴱ 2.17 .81
— .21ⴱ 20.38 1.80
Note. Cronbach alpha’s are presented in parentheses. RSQ-R ⫽ race/ ethnicity-related rejection sensitivity; RB ⫽ racial/ethnic bullying; SDO ⫽ social dominance orientation; IRRS ⫽ Index of Race/Ethnic-Related Stress. ⴱ p ⬍ .05.
The current study extended upon stressor–stress–strain models of workplace bullying (Einarsen, 2011; Pratt & Barling, 1988) that have historically not considered how the stressor–stress–strain process can be unique for REM victims of racial/ethnic bullying. We proposed a process whereby minorities’ experiences of racial/ ethnic bullying can ultimately heighten vigilance and anxiety regarding future discrimination (Carter, 2007) via its effects on race/ethnicrelated stress. We also examined how this process differed depending on minorities’ endorsement of status-legitimizing ideologies, SDO. Results were supportive of hypotheses. First, racial/ethnic bullying was positively related to racial/ ethnic-related stress and racial/ethnic-related stress positively was 1 SDO was treated as a continuous variable in the model but discussed in terms of high and low to facilitate interpretation of the results.
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Table 2 Standardized Regression Results for the Direct and Conditional Indirect Effects of Racial Bullying On Race/Ethnicity-Based Rejection Sensitivity Across Levels of Social Dominance Orientation B
SE
T
p
95% lower CI
95% upper CI
⫺0.09 0.82 ⫺0.11
0.06 0.19 0.04
⫺1.65 4.37 ⫺2.59
0.10 0.00 0.01
⫺0.18 0.51 ⫺0.18
0.00 1.13 ⫺0.04
0.68 0.09 0.04 0.04
0.11 0.13 0.03 0.03
6.15 0.70 1.12 1.20
0.00 0.48 0.23 0.23
0.49 ⫺0.13 ⫺0.02 ⫺0.02
0.86 0.32 0.10 0.10
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Predictor and model Mediator variable model (outcome: IRRS) Gender RB RB ⴱ SDO Dependent variable model (outcome: RSQ-R) IRRS RB SDO IRRS ⴱ SDO
Note. RSQ-R ⫽ race/ethnicity-related rejection sensitivity; RB ⫽ racial/ethnic bullying; SDO ⫽ social dominance orientation; IRRS ⫽ Index of Race/Ethnic-Related Stress.
related to race/ethnic-based rejection sensitivity; however, racial/ ethnic bullying did not directly affect sensitivity to further discrimination. These results suggest that racial/ethnic bullying can lead to race/ethnic-specific stress that is uniquely experienced by REM (Wei et al., 2010). Further, in line with Carter’s (2007) reasoning, stress associated with racial/ethnic bullying— experienced as unexpected, uncontrollable, negative, and memorable— can in turn heighten REM vigilance regarding future discrimination. Race/ethnic-based rejection sensitivity may therefore serve as an adaptive response that allows REM to detect and protect themselves against future sources of racial/ethnic stress. Therefore, our results suggest that REM may be vigilant to discrimination (Barrett & Swim, 1998; Ilgen & Youtz, 1986) not only because they simply experience racial/ethnic mistreatment but also because of stress responses to discrimination. Second, individual difference in beliefs about social hierarchies (SDO) affected the stressor–stress–strain process. SDO attenuated the extent to which race/ethnic-related stress explained the association between racial/ethnic bullying and race/ethnic rejectionsensitivity. In line with worldview verification theory (Major et al., 2007), minorities who do not endorse SDO may experience greater stress and develop greater sensitivity in the face of racial/ethnic bullying because the experience opposes their view that minorities should not be oppressed. Such experiences are less threatening to individuals high in SDO who are more likely endorse social systems that oppress minorities. Overall, in the current study we build upon models of workplace bullying and stressor–stress–strain (Pratt & Barling, 1988) by identifying SDO as an influential individual difference factor affecting a racial/ethnic-specific stress process associated with racial/ethnic victimization in the workplace.
Practical Implications Organizations stand to suffer considerable losses when REM are victimized by racial/ethnic bullying. Although organizations are unlikely to completely curb the presence of bullying in the workplace (Chiaburu & Harrison, 2008), it is in their best interest to understand the factors that can mitigate outcomes that are uniquely experienced by REM. First, we encourage organizations to strive toward prosocial and inclusive work climates (Brief & Motowidlo,
1986; Tsui & Gutek, 1999). Organizations may increase their support to their employees by having policies that encourage all employees to report general and racial/ethnic-based aggressive incidents, adopting practices that address these incidents promptly and effectively, and putting emphasis on establishing a cordial and inclusive work environment (e.g., Dupré & Barling, 2006). Not only will fostering a climate that deters racial/ethnic aggression and fosters inclusiveness reduce the occurrence of racial/ethnic bullying, it may also be helpful for individuals particularly sensitive to racial/ethnic mistreatment (i.e., individuals high in race/ ethnic-based rejection sensitivity). Further, to mitigate the exacerbating effects of racial/ethnic-related stress, offering training and coaching about strategies to effectively manage stress and confidential counseling and support services for REM employees could be helpful in fostering less negative relationships.
Limitations and Future Research The current study also has some limitations. First, all the focal variables were measured based on cross-sectional self-report responses. Considering that the variables of interest are primarily intrapsychological, self-report methodology is consistent with our intended inferences, but common method bias may have also artificially inflated the observed relationships among the variables (Podsakoff, MacKenzie, Lee, & Podsakoff, 2003). However, provided that the results of the moderated-mediation analyses were consistent with our theorizing, it is unlikely that common method bias could explain the observed effects (Podsakoff et al., 2003). Further, the cross-sectional nature of the data made inferring causality difficult. Future research should use longitudinal or experimental designs to better address issues of common method bias and causality. Second, our sample of REM combined Asian/Asian Americans, African Americans, and Hispanics. Future studies should seek to examine within group differences among these racial/ethnic subgroups. Finally, our sample consisted of college students with part-time work experience that may not be representative of the broader working population. Although research has demonstrated that student experiences of discrimination do generalize to the working adult population (see Leslie, King, Bradley, & Hebl,
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2008), future research will benefit from testing our propositions with adult working samples with full-time employment.
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Received October 30, 2013 Revision received June 12, 2014 Accepted June 25, 2014 䡲
Correction to Toporek (2014) In the article “Pedagogy of the Privileged: Review of Deconstructing Privilege: Teaching and Learning as Allies in the Classroom” by Rebecca L. Toporek (Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, Advance online publication. August 11, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/ cdp0000011), was originally published online incorrectly as a Brief Report. The article authored by Rebecca L. Toporek has been published correctly as a Book Review in the October 2014 print publication (Vol. 20, No. 4, pp. 621– 622. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0036529). http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/cdp0000035
