S. GEORGE VINCENTNATHAN AND LYNN VINCENTNATHAN

EQUALITY AND HIERARCHY IN UNTOUCHABLE INTERGENERATIONAL RELATIONS AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION l

ABSTRACT. Untouchable intergenerational relations in three Indian hamlets are shaped by the Hindu age hierarchy, the untouchable egalitarian ethos, the degraded caste position of untouchables, and their intercaste relations. However, historical, social compositional, and geographical differences among the hamlets have led to different adaptations to the needs of the old for authority and the young for equality. These intergenerational differences have led to great differences in intercaste relations. In Anbur, the most isolated, intergenerational conflicts are resolved peaceably, and their relative solidarity has staved off serious intercaste conflict. In Pudur, which has some caste Hindus, deteriorating intergenerational relations have contributed to community disorder, to the collapse of the informal justice forum, and to intercaste conflict. In Ennakulam the youth disregarded their elders' attempts to resolve intercaste conflict, and they escalated the violence until the untouchable community, located in the center, was routed from the village.

Key Words: intergenerational relations, conflict resolution, India, caste conflict, untouchables Modernization theorists point to the higher status accorded to the elderly in "traditional" societies such as India (see Cowgill 1974), and South Asian scholars have found that untouchables share much of the caste Hindu notions of age hierarchy 2 (see Moffat 1979:123, 126, 246). While this study concurs with these findings, it goes beyond to show how the untouchable age hierarchy and intergenerational relations are neither simple reflections nor attenuated versions of caste Hindu values and behavior, but are complicated by many factors. The most significant of these are the untouchables' degraded caste position, their subcultural response to it, including an egalitarian ethos, and their present day intercaste relations. Both Foner's (1984) study of the many factors affecting intergenerational relations in societies around the world and Ikels' (1990) analysis of how historical factors contribute to age-based cohort differences in China support our contention that age hierarchies cannot be adequately accounted for by modernization theory. The various factors complicating untouchable age hierarchy and intergenerational relations are found in three Paraiyar (untouchable) hamlets in the South Arcot District of Tamil Nadu - Anbur, Pudur, and Ennakulam - the first two on the outskirts of Chidambaram and the latter near Cuddalore (Chidambaram and Cuddalore are cities with populations of about 75,000 and 150,000 respectively). However, these common factors articulate differently according to the microgeographical settings and layouts of the hamlets and their distinct microhistories. These distinguishing factors in and of themselves have not led to great differences in intergenerational relations among the three hamlets, but rather Journal of Cross-Cultural Gerontology 9: 1-19, 1994. 9 1994 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands.

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have led to profoundly different outcomes in intercaste relations. These intercaste relations in turn have had repercussions for intergenerational relations. Anbur, the most isolated of the hamlets, exhibits more stability or less disorganizing conflict in both its intergenerational and intercaste relations. Anbur people are aware of the intergenerational and intercaste problems in nearby Pudur, and they often hear of intercaste clashes and the routing of untouchables from villages like Ennakulam. This knowledge has further heightened their awareness of the need to maintain unity and harmony in a hostile world, partly by means of their age-based authority structure. Their separate and isolated geographical situation has better allowed them to pursue such a course. The inclusion of Pudur and Ennakulam in this study serves three purposes: First it reveals how historical and geographical factors have differential impact on intergenerational and intercaste relations, despite basically shared untouchable subcultural beliefs and values regarding age and caste. Second, the sudden escalation of intercaste conflict and the erosion of intergenerational relations in these two hamlets indicate how vulnerable Anbur's intergenerational and intercaste relations are to possible future disruptions. Third, Pudur's and Ennakulam's troubles serve as a reflexive backdrop for Anbur by exemplifying the very problems of intercaste conflict and internal community disorganization that Anbur people are trying to avoid. After a brief discussion of untouchable subculture, this study will examine intergenerational relations, conflicts, and conflict resolution in these three hamlets, but for brevity it will focus primarily on Anbur, where most of the research was done. THE UNTOUCHABLE VIEW OF THE CASTE HIERARCHY It is in the context of a basically egalitarian concept of person that untouchable hierarchies, such as the age hierarchy, can fully be understood. Not only do many people in Anbur, young and old, literate and illiterate, explicitly claim that people of all castes are equal and of the same substance, but their various religious beliefs support this notion. For example, while many in Anbur hold the caste Hindu belief that death and certain substances off, of, or out of the body can pollute persons, or at least bring about inauspicious occurrences, they do not believe that they themselves are inherently more polluted or polluting than Brahmans or any other caste. Instead they believe that anyone who has taken a bath will be as pure as a Brahman (for untouchable egalitarian and pollution beliefs see L. Vincentnathan 1993, 1987:434-442; Freeman 1979:378; SearleChatterjee 1981:70; Houska 1981:90-93). As for their afterlife beliefs, most in Anbur believe in heaven and hell. The few that hold a secondary belief in reincarnation, believe that a person has one life as a human and the others as animals, or that a person can only be reborn into his or her lineage. These beliefs, at variance with caste Hindu beliefs in caste inherent differences and reincarnation up and down the caste hierarchy according to one's deeds, are similar to untouchable beliefs found throughout

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India (see L. Vincentnathan 1993; Dube 1955:90-91; Moffat 1979:296; Khare 1984:37; Cohn 1959:207; Freeman 1979:378). UNTOUCHABLE AGE HIERARCHY Within their basic egalitarian subcultural framework, untouchables do have social hierarchies based on age, gender, and subcaste divisions. The subcaste divisions, however, are based on the prestige of different occupations or the levels of pollution from the occupation, and not on inherent differences. As for their age hierarchy, it should not be thought of simply as a code-switching from the caste hierarchy, or a reflection of an all-pervading belief in hierarchy or inherent inequality, as structuralist scholars have suggested (see Moffat 1979:246, 123, 126). 3 For one thing, untouchables, including those in Anbur, follow the age hierarchy more in formal situations and much less rigorously in daily life (see Mahar 1960:286; Dube 1955:139-141; Searle-Chatterjee 1981:98; Freeman 1979:74; Houska 1981:109-110). Dube (1955:139-140) in his study of an Andhra village, for instance, found: On the lower level [of untouchable castes and tribal groups] the 'ideals' [of age hierarchy] get diluted so much that it is difficult to find any traces of them in actual practice ... On ritual occasions, respect is shown to people on account of their age or kinship status, but in everyday life one can ignore these considerations with impunity. Furthermore, a certain amount of reflexivity goes into the untouchable age hierarchy in at least some contexts, and this leads to a more complex consideration of it. Scholars have noted that untouchables in modern times have been consciously increasing their emphasis on age hierarchy. For instance, Cohn (1955:67) notes for untouchable Chamars and upper caste Thakurs in a North Indian village: Camars are trying to tighten the authority of the father... The Thakur model for the family appears to be influenced by the urban, Western family, while the Camar model is based on the family of the Thakurs fifty years ago.

This process loosely fits with the idea of Sanskritization - a copying of upper caste practices by lower castes. However, instead of necessarily indicating a simple acceptance of hierarchical ideology, it indicates a bid on the part of untouchables for decency and societal acceptance, according to the standards of the mainstream Hindu society. In this way it can be viewed as a claim to equality through the use of hierarchy. Furthermore, as a social or interactional phenomenon, untouchable intergenerational relations are based only in part on this general Indian cultural ideal of age hierarchy. In addition to this belief in and value of age hierarchy, untouchable intergenerational relations involve other factors, some of which work in favor of and others that work against age hierarchy, producing a much more complex picture. Foner (1984) has also noted the many factors involved in intergenerational relations, some of which are

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noted below, in her critique of modernization theory' s representation of a past of respect, prestige, and authority for the aged with concomitant intergenerational harmony. UNTOUCHABLE INTERGENERATIONAL RELATIONS Most of our observations on untouchable intergenerational relations are based on those of Anbur. However, from what we could see of them in Pudur and Ennakulam, it can be said that most of the factors affecting intergenerational relations mentioned below are present in all three hamlets, though in varying degrees. In all the hamlets intergenerational relations tend to be less hierarchical and the youth more independent from the authority of their elders than are caste Hindu youth from their elders, but in Pudur and Ennakulam the youth are more independent with a tendency to take serious matters into their own hands. In this way the intergenerational relations in Pudur and Ennakulam are weaker and more strained than those in Anbur. Anbur youth are somewhat more obedient to their elders and the elders are more supportive of the youth, and this has contributed to community solidarity that has so far helped insulate Anbur from intercaste problems. As mentioned the untouchable age hierarchy is less strict than the age hierarchy typically followed by caste Hindus. Maintenance often requires conscious effort. One evening in Anbur, for example, a young man, age twenty, and I (George) were sitting in the only two chairs in that household. A forty year old man, a cousin of the young man, came and joined the conversation. After some time he said to the young man, "Don't you see an older person standing?" The young man made the motion to rise and give the older man his chair, but the older man motioned him to stay seated, saying, "I have some other matters. I ' m not going to stay here long." (Among caste Hindus a younger man would yield his seat to an older man, without being told to do so.) This case not only reveals the youth's lack of age hierarchical consciousness, but also the older man's immediate defusing of the potential conflict by allowing the youth to remain seated. Young adults in Anbur also tend to slip occasionally into the informal second person singular pronouns when addressing elders, especially in heated or intense discussions. And younger persons sometimes correct or even chastize their elders. In 1985 Anandan slapped his drunken father and pushed him into their hut to avoid public disgrace during a religious festival. Anandan is an unmarried college graduate, age 22, who is extolled in Arthur for his dignified manners and the great respect he gives his parents. In more formal situations such as those relating to engagement and marriage ceremonies, on the other hand, younger persons act with exaggerated respect to their elders, beyond the respect caste Hindu give their elders. In addition to these customary, less conscious styles of intergenerational relations - less respect in everyday life, more respect in formal situations Anbur youth themselves, like those studied by other scholars, have been making

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conscious efforts to increase young people's respect for their elders. They seek to increase the overall respectability of their village by modeling their behavior on the ideal Hindu age hierarchy. In this regard, Anandan wrote and produced a village drama, entitled The Heart's Cry, about the ill-treatment of a retired father-in-law by his daughter-in-law, who had come from a richer family. Anandan claimed he wrote the drama because some situations in Anbur needed correcting. One of the humorous subplots in the drama, however, was about a drunkard who was an embarrassment and disgrace to his family and the village. Anandan's younger brother, Muttu, age 20, played the drunkard, and it was obviously meant to be an admonishment for their father and other elder villagers who drink too much. We were surprised at the audacity. The seemingly inconsistent behavior of Anandan slapping his father and including the drunkard subplot in his play, while extolling the age hierarchy and writing a drama to promote it, can be understood by the more fundamental motive of increasing self-esteem by gaining communal respect for Anbur within the larger society, rather than by the instrumental goal of simply following age hierarchical prescriptions. Anandan not only wanted the youth to follow the respect he gives his father and learn from the play to respect elders, but also wanted his father and other elders to act in a respectable manner and avoid heavy drinking. In this sense, the world outside Anbur is very much a part of Anbur people's consciousness, perhaps more so today than in the past. As Giddens (1990:18) points out about the modern era, "What structures the locale is not simply that which is present on the scene; the 'visible form' of the locale conceals the distanciated relations which determine its nature". Exchange theory also helps explain subcultural differences between caste Hindu and untouchable intergenerational relations. According to exchange theory applied to gerontological studies, when the older generation cannot offer goods or services to the younger generation, or does not hold the material assets, its status will be lower. In this way from traditional times to the present the poverty and oppression of untouchables have worked against their age hierarchy. The older generation has not had much to offer the younger generation. Most people in Anbur are wage laborers with little or no agricultural lands or other assets. Adolescents and young adults are able to earn as much as their fathers and mothers. Gough (1956:846) notes for the untouchables she studied, "... in the low caste system, the independence of men as separate wage-earners breaks the authority of the father shortly after puberty" (also see Foner 1984:254-255). After retirement most parents are dependent on their children, and because of their poverty, the children often feel their parents are economic burdens (see Vatuk 1990). One informant told of occasional gericide due to extreme poverty and inability to care for the feeble elders. Anandan claims he wrote The Heart's Cry specifically to counteract the disrespect, disregard, and ill treatment of elders, especially those who are poor and dependent on their children. The few families in Anbur that are a little wealthier - from elders' landholdings or pensions - tend to be somewhat more patriarchal in structure along the lines of caste Hindu familes. Because these landholdings and pensions

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are a result of modernization and Scheduled Caste uplift programs in this century, this increased status for wealthier elders is a recent phenomenon. This contradicts modernization theory, with its emphasis on declining status of elders. On the other hand, in support of modernization theory, education in present times has been a tremendous equalizing force, leveling the intergenerational hierarchy for all castes, but especially for untouchables. Children with better education than their parents feel superior. They are also more instilled with the egalitarian ideals promoted in the schools and universities, and more aware of national and international movements against oppression. Furthermore, students receive educational support under the preferential programs for Scheduled Castes, and this allows them to be less economically dependent on their parents. As mentioned, caste hierarchy and intercaste relations have perhaps had the most significant impact on untouchable intergenerational relations. Not only do the negative views caste Hindus hold of untouchables affect relations between untouchable youth and elders in various ways, but caste Hindu actions and threats also affect these relations in various ways. On the one hand, caste Hindu abuse and degradation of untouchable elders tend to lower the elders' status among untouchables. A further problem is that to the embarrassment of the youth the older people, especially the very old, are more compliant with the traditional caste requirements. They lived when untouchables were highly oppressed and made to follow humiliating codes of conduct in intercaste relations, and they are more accustomed to caste discrimination. The youth do not relish hearing about that time or seeing their elders abase themselves. Some old people use the term, 'Paraiyan', rather than the euphemistic terms, 'Harijan' or 'Scheduled Caste.' The term is so insulting that the youth hang their heads and become upset when old people use it. McGilvray (1983:107) found that the younger generation in the untouchable village he studied views certain traditional offices and roles untouchables have as "increasingly archaic, demeaning, and irrelevant to the future of the community." On the other hand, untouchable elders who successfully stand up to caste Hindus that have harmed or abused untouchables (or have threatened to do so) become heroes in their communities. For the most part, however, untouchable elders tend to be cautious in intercaste relations and warn their juniors not to offend caste Hindus, or to apologize if they have done so, otherwise they could endanger the whole community. The youth usually do not want to follow such advice. They are impatient for equality with other castes, express that equality openly, and often react impetuously t o insults from caste Hindus without consulting their elders first. A minor difference between Anbur and the other hamlets under study, which has major consequences for intercaste relations, is that Anbur youth tend to follow more frequently the cautionary advice from their elders than do Pudur or Ennakulam youth. This response is partly because Anbur's greater isolation tends to aid in preventing impetuous retaliation against caste Hindus for their abuses and insults. A final point about intercaste conflict is how it sometimes unifies the generations. Anbur people speak of intercaste problems in their vicinity and the

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region, including the more recent problems in Pudur. This awareness has made them understand their need for unity. Muttu wrote a drama in 1983 about intercaste problems that escalated because of lack of unity, until the hamlet stood together against the caste Hindu abusers. One theme in the drama was how illiterate elders should seek the aid of educated juniors before signing loan documents that could deprive them of their land. Both the elders and the youth in Anbur realize their common need to overcome conflicts, including intergenerational conflicts, and stand together against the outside world. In this way caste cleavages outweigh age cleavages, as Foner (1984:255) points out for class cleavages outweighing age cleavages. That is, the caste cleavages, especially threats or fear of large-scale intercaste violence, tend to work toward unifying untouchable generations and strengthening the age-based hierarchy. As Simmel (1955:88-89, 91) points out, intergroup conflict often unifies groups and centralizes their authority structure. Pudur and Ennakulam people also felt this need for unity and effective age-based authority very keenly as the intercaste problems escalated, but could not bring these about. In summary, it can be said that untouchable intergenerational relations in the past were complicated by Hindu age hierarchical norms pulling in one direction, and by the untouchables' traditional egalitarian ethos as well as the equalizing forces of poverty and oppression pulling in the opposite direction. Untouchable intergenerational relations in the present are complicated by these same norms and forces, but even more so. A stronger egalitarian ethos and stronger equalizing forces, such as education, affect today's intergenerationaI relations, as does the more conscious desire to follow the Hindu age hierarchy in order to be accepted as mainstream Hindus, that is, as equals. Intercaste relations work in both directions as well, sometimes increasing intergenerational unity and agebased authority, and sometimes increasing intergenerational discord. From the various factors mentioned above, it can be seen that both cohort differences due to the aged and youth being socialized during different l~storical periods and life-course placement affect intergenerational relations. The youth are being reared in an era in which personal betterment and egalitarian themes are more highly emphasized (see Ikels 1990 for a similar finding in China), and when the traditional system of castes (though not castes themselves) is declining (see Kolenda 1978) and intercaste conflict is increasing (see Galanter 1984). On the other hand, there is perhaps a universal tendency for youth to be more impatient, impetuous, change-oriented, and concerned about career and status-building than the aged. In these ways, untouchable age hierarchy norms and actual intergenerational relations are highly complex and symbolically charged in many directions. These complexities contribute to intergenerational differences and conflicts, and more seriously to intercaste conflicts. ANBUR INTERGENERATIONAL CONFLICTS Anbur is a small untouchable hamlet with a population of about 250, about a mile from the closest Chidambaram market. It is separated by about 500 yards

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from the mainly Vanniyar village of which it was traditionally a part. Vanniyars are a low, but 'clean' caste. Anbur untouchable hamlet now has very little connection to the village. As mentioned, intergenerational relations in Anbur are more harmonious than those in Pudur and Ennakulam. Anbur has a traditional panchayat or naaTTaanmai of five members in their fifties and sixties. This body governs the village and decides disputes. All married men are allowed to participate. Anbur also has a Students Association, Ellanyar Sangam. It runs a night school for tutoring elementary school children; it clears brush and cleans up the village; during life cycle ceremonies it builds pavilions for guests; and members read documents and write letters for illiterate elders, teach some elders to read, and run errands for them. The Students Association produces village dramas, such as The Heart's Cry, mentioned above, holds sports events, and decides disputes among young people. It has also been helpful in bringing some government programs to Anbur by gaining political influence, such as small loans for cottage businesses. The village elders encourage and support the Students Association and its activities, though they are somewhat envious of its accomplishments. Even though the young men respect the village elders and consciously try to promote that respect in Anbur, the young men have a sense of being superior to their elders in terms of community involvement and being the bright young hope of the future. Sometimes they do not consult the elders first and start to carry out activities without permission. The elders resent this. The young men are also critical of the elders for being too slow or inactive in carrying out community projects. This friction has also been found in studies elsewhere (see Foner 1984:206). However, this intergenerational strain has not taken a destructive turn in Anbur, as revealed in the following cases.

Case 1: A Young Naattaanmai Replaces the old NaaTTaanmai In May 1985 previous and current members of the Students Association, young men aged 18 to 40, decided that the naaTI'aanmai was not doing its role well and wanted to create a new and younger naaTl'aanmai. A group of men in their 30s were nominated by consensus of the Students Association and its previous members. They called for and attended a naaTTaanmai meeting. During the meeting, the younger men brought up several failures of the old naaTTaanmai, using slightly abusive words and the second person singular, then slipping back into the polite plural form when tempers flared. The naaTI'aanmai maintained that no one in the village was really concerned about local matters and most had not been attending meetings. As the discussion continued, normative principles regarding social duties and the need for village unity were expressed. The naaTI'aanmai head brought blame on everyone - the naaTI'aanmai members, the young complaintants, and the villagers - for not being seriously concerned about their civic duties so as to ensure democratic decision-making and avoid letting the few make decisions for the rest. Finally,

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when the discussion turned to the younger (middle aged) men replacing the older men on the naaTTaanmai, there was more heated discussion. The younger men pretended they were not seriously interested in taking over the naaTl'aanmai. The elders then asked them to take it over. The naaTTaanmai elders gave in and allowed the takeover. The Students Association had a lot of popular support in the village. And although taken aback and angry at the insubordination, the naaTl'aanmai elders thought it best to give in so as to avoid further criticism and intergenerational strife for the sake of village unity and harmony. They were, however, reluctant about giving over all naaTTaanmai powers, especially authority to settle disputes. By 1986, a year after the takeover, the young naaTTaanmai had found they were unable to control the community, make proper decisions, and establish authority. The previous naaTTaanmai members, looking for an opportunity to take back their power, but tactfully giving the impression that they did not want to take it back, took over the naaTl'aanmai with the agreement and request of the younger naaTTaanmai. Since then the elders have become more conscientious and have done their naaTTaanmai work well. The younger men also realized that there were only certain matters they could handle, and that they should depend on their elders for other matters. It should also be noted that caste Hindus who brought issues to Anbur during the reign of the younger naaTTaanmai thought the takeover to be scandalous. They refused to recognize the younger naaTTaanmai, and instead took their matters to the older naa Traanmai. Case 2: The Students Association Files a naaTTaanmai Case

In 1988 two middle aged men mistakenly thought a younger married man and an adolescent were laughing at them for being drunk and stumbling. The older man said, "Don't think nothing can happen to you because you have the support of Students Association members. What can little boys do?" The Students Association met, then tried to talk with the man who had insulted them, but his wife intervened, saying, "Come home, why do you have to sit among these young people and and listen to their complaints. It's out of order for young people to discipline an adult person." Unsatisfied, the president and some members of the Students Association filed a case with the naaTTaanmai, demanding the matter be settled within two days. The naaTTaanmai head reprimanded the young men for setting a time limit, saying it was improper for young people to order older people around. The young men apologized, and the naaTTaanmai head told them he would call a meeting. When the naaTTaanmai met it concluded that since young, unmarried men were not allowed to participate in naaTTaanmai deliberations, it was improper that they had filed a case. They said that the young men should have brought their grievance to the naaTTaanmai head or an elder, and have him file the case, if necessary. The naaTTaanmai returned the written complaint. However, they also pointed out that the older men were wrong for insulting the

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Students Association, which was doing so many constructive services for the community. They said it should be praised rather than insulted. They further said it was wrong for the older men to be drunk in public, setting a bad example for the youth. On the other hand, they advised the Students Association president that being older than the others, he should be cautious and wise, and not be influenced by younger members, who could become unruly without the control of their elders like him. In these ways they reinforced the intergenerational age hierarchy directly and also indirectly by invoking the age hierarchy among the youth. They also appeased the youth and satisfied their need for self and group esteem by complimenting them. Even in this case rejected for formal settlement, the Anbur naaTTaanmai in its usual fashion blamed all parties, then appealed to their better ideals, and in so doing was able to bring about a sense of justice and reestablish harmony. This case is interesting because of the strong sense of self and group esteem that the members of the Students Association have, strong enough to have felt seriously harmed by older men insulting them, and to demand an apology and respect from those older men and to demand justice from the naaTTaanmai. In caste Hindu naaT"Taanmai cases in other villages, it is usually older persons accusing younger persons of insulting them or treating them disrespectfully; and in these cases the younger person is usually found guilty and made to pay a fine. It can be seen from the above cases, the naaTTaanmai takeover and the Students Association complaint (and from other cases not presented here), that the naaTTaanmai elders are well aware that the young men of Anbur are often critical of them when they fail to fulfill their roles, or when they make mistakes. In order to avoid losing their dignity and power they are not only very cautious of what they say and do, but also try to meet and surpass the expectations of the young men. When matters of public concern or disputes occur, they do not wait for these to be brought to their attention formally by someone, as happened in Pudur and Ennakulam (see below), but take immediate action when they come to know about them, then skillfully bring public opinion to their support. The young people know by their experience When they ran the naaTTaanmai for a year that their elders have some special abilities and community support, which they do not have and for which they should give due respect. Anbur Intercaste Conflicts Anbur youth and middle aged men sometimes become embroiled in conflicts with other caste persons. Unlike the situation in Pudur and Ennakulam, as will be seen below, Anbur elders play a crucial role in controlling their youth. In some cases they dissuade the youth from escalating conflicts and in other cases they approach the other caste persons on behalf of Anbur persons. For example, when an Anbur man about thirty-five was beaten by a Vanniyar for not paying his liquor bill for three months, several young Anbur men wanted to go and retaliate against the Vanniyar. The elders stopped them and told them that the Anbur man was in the wrong for not paying his bill. They also chastised that

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man for his delinquency and for endangering the whole community with possible intercaste conflict. On the other hand, when the caste Hindus are clearly in the wrong, the elders take action. One time an Anbur man was insulted and beaten by some Vanniyars from a nearby village for wearing 'decent' clothing. Anbur youth amassed to fight, but the Anbur elders held them back and went to meet with the Vanniyar elders. They used diplomacy to defuse the situation, but backed it with the threat, "You have a lot of men, and we have a lot of men, and we are ready to fight, but would prefer to settle the matter peaceably." Another time the elders amassed all the men of Anbur and went to confront some miscreant caste Hindus, who then backed down. In quite a different situation, the elders one time went to a powerful and ruthless man of the Kallar caste (a low, but 'clean' caste) who was responsible for having some Anbur men beaten. In the past he had had many people killed in the vicinity. They, the proud and skillful Anbur eiders, grovelled and appealed for mercy, in order to protect their young men. Pudur and Ennakulam Intergenerational and Intercaste Conflicts The factors affecting intergenerational relations in Anbur are also found in Pudur and Ennakulam, such as an egalitarian ethos, poverty, rising educational levels of the youth, and persistent, though weakening, notions of the Hindu age hierarchy. However, Pudur and Ennakulam youth went beyond Anbur youth in acting outside their elder's authority and cautionary advice, and precipitated community deterioration and violence. Pudur has a population of 293. Most people there are untouchables, and several are Vanniyars and Kallars. Pudur is about 200 yards north of Anbur and 100 yards south of the Chidambaram Railway Station. It is a relatively new settlement, established in 1967, when a rich Kallar family in the area forced them out of their living areas close to Anbur. Later, the same Kallar family uprooted other communities, mainly of various lower castes, encouraging them to establish a settlement adjoining Pudur. This created somewhat anomic conditions in the new settlement, which also kept Pudur unsettled and disorganized. People have tended to mind their own business and avoid involvement with others. Before Pudur was established, its people were under the traditional Anbur naaTTaanmai, although they lived in scattered huts about 100 yards east of Anbur. After moving to Pudur, relations with Anbur became strained. Anbur did not bring the village Murugan idol to Pudur in procession during the annual festival, but expected Pudur people to come to Anbur. Finally, at the instigation mainly of young men, Pudur established its own naaTTaanmai. In hindsight, the elders claimed that the naaTTaanmai never did work well or establish authority. In 1988 when the people of Pudur were first questioned, they mentioned problems in their village, such as the liquor shop, owned by a Kallar, and the heavy drinking and sexual immorality. The naaTTaanmai elders complained of increasing lack of self-control among the people, lack of civic interest, and lack

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of respect for the naaTTaanmai. They especially mentioned the youths' lack of respect for their elders, and the elders' disorderly conduct and bad example for the youth. They also mentioned the elders' lack of commitment to helping their families, due to drinking and pursuing their self-interests. They expected worse things to happen in the community. The people, on the other hand, complained that the naaTTaanmai was ineffective in maintaining order and solving community problems. The presence of the few caste Hindus in Pudur - coupled with unsettled, egalitarian, and individuated relations among people and between the generations - finally led to serious events. A young untouchable, age 22, was angry about his and others' clothing being torn by a thorn fence erected by a Vanniyar and encroaching on a narrow path. However, instead of informing the naaTTaanmai elders, he angrily told the Vanniyar, age 65, to move his fence. The Vanniyar pulled the young man inside the fence by his moustache and said, "Paraiyan, you have so much audacity to talk to me like this". The young man, insulted by the word, "Paraiyan", hit the Vanniyar on the chest and left. The Vanniyar complained to the naaTTaanmai elders. They admonished the young man, telling him he should have reported the matter to them instead of taking matters into his own hands, especially hitting an old man. They made him apologize to the Vanniyar, and the problem was thought to be resolved. The Vanniyar, however, arranged for a few Vanniyars and some rowdy untouchables from the village (beholden to some powerful Kallars in the area) to beat the young man. Several villagers came one by one on behalf of the young man to retaliate for his beating, but were also beaten. The police made several arrests, but the cases were later dropped after the animosities subsided. Another incident involved a young man, age 20, who wanted to take revenge on a lone Kallar man, who was having an affair with his mother. Because of village gossip and lack of action taken either by the young man's father or the naaT"Taanmai to stop this affair, the young man and two of his friends one night killed the KaUar. Again, they could have taken the matter to the naaTTaanmai, especially since the naaTTaanmai head was the father of one of the young men. However, there was a sense that the naaTTaanmai was too ineffective to intervene in an intercaste matter. A year after the murder and some court proceedings, the son of the adulterous woman committed suicide. The naaZTaanmai altogether stopped functioning as an informal mechanism of dispute settlement, returned outstanding case petitions and fees, and limited its authority to less cumbersome matters (see S.G.Vincentnathan 1993). In Ennakulam the youth played a significant role in the massive violence against and routing of the entire untouchable community in 1988. Ennakulam, a multicaste village composed mainly of Vanniyars, is unusual in several ways. Untouchable hamlets are almost always on the outskirts of or at a distance from the main villages, but Ennakulam's untouchable hamlet is strangely situated in the middle, surrounded by Vanniyars. Furthermore the village is close to Cuddalore, a large seaport town, where many of the villagers work as laborers for the Tamil Nadu Civil Supplies Corporation (TNCSC), carrying, loading, and

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unloading paddy bags. In this area, untouchables have made greater progress than in many other areas in terms of obtaining education and securing employment. A middle aged Ennakulam untouchable holds a powerful TNCSC position of hiring untouchable and caste Hindu laborers and managing their work. Ennakulam untouchables are on the whole about equal economically to the Vanniyars or even a little better off. A number of untouchables, such as the TNCSC foreman, are doing much better than most Vanniyars. The Vanniyars are envious of the untouchables. They resent the greater government benefits untouchables receive as Scheduled Caste persons, while the Vanniyars, classified as a Backwards Caste, are entitled to less benefits. They also feel uneasy that their traditional superiority over the untouchables is slipping away. From 1987 the Vanniyars in the South Arcot and other districts formed a political party, the Vanniyar Sangam, and started agitating for increased government benefits. They staged demonstrations, halted traffic, burned buses, and burned and routed untouchable hamlets. At the national level as well, backwards castes around India are demanding greater concessions, while 'forward' castes are resisting, and in the struggle the Scheduled Castes are often scapegoated, attacked, routed, and sometimes massacred. Untouchables, on the other hand, resent any disrespect shown them and are eager for achieving social parity along with economic parity. Furthermore, with their fundamental belief in human equality, they tend to act as equals not only among fellow untouchables, but in intercaste relations as well. This is especially true for Ennakulam untouchables, who have a long history dating back at least to the turn of the century of being more aggressive and assertive than untouchables elsewhere (see Thurston 1909:118). The immediate cause of the routing of untouchables from Ennakulam was an incident involving young untouchable and Vanniyar men on their way home from work at the TNCSC. The young men stopped at a liquor shop and got into an argument. The Vanniyars taunted the untouchables, referring to their lowly nature and using the term, 'Paraiyan.' The untouchables became angry and hit the Vanniyars. They beat one severely and wrote on his shirt back, "Vanniyan poNDaaTTi yoorukku ellam vappaaDi" ("Vanniyar wives are concubines for all in the village"). Upon hearing about this, five young Vanniyar men caught the young untouchable man primarily responsible for the beating and severely beat him. The untouchable naaTFaanmai complained to the head of the Vanniyars. The Vanniyar naagTaanmai held council and told the Vanniyars involved in beating the untouchable that the problem should have been brought to them and that private actions should not have been taken. They fined the five Vanniyar men Rs. 100 each, which they paid. The untouchable naaTTaanmai also fined the young untouchable men involved, and severely chastised them for acting on their own regarding the insults they suffered. They told them they should have brought the matter to them, and that by acting on their own they could have endangered the whole untouchable hamlet, especially in the context of Vanniyar perpetrated violence against untouchables in the larger region.

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Intercaste relations continued to worsen. The Vanniyar and untouchable naaTTaanmai met together to create unity, but the young men on both sides did not listen or submit to the advice of the naaTTaanmai elders. Soon after these initial incidents a young untouchable man killed one of the young Vanniyar men involved in the violence. The Vanniyars, without consulting their elders, then joined together and burned the untouchable hamlet and routed all the untouchables, with some help from Vanniyars of nearby villages. One untouchable was killed and several badly injured. The police came and opened fire to stop the violence and destruction, and in the melee they wounded several Vanniyars and killed a young Vanniyar girl. The untouchables fled to other untouchable hamlets, most to one nearby, and have lived there ever since. They do not plan to return, but are trying to obtain government aid to build a new hamlet elsewhere. While Vanniyar youth are generally more obedient to their elders than untouchable youth, following the age hierarchy and authority structure more closely, and while Vanniyar elders are more authoritarian and demanding of respect, in this case the Vanniyar youth went out of control. In addition to being affected by modern trends which go against the age authority structure, they were also affected, perhaps more so, by regional Vanniyar political activism and violence. Life course placement, coupled with particular stresses on this young cohort, also affected them. Vanniyar youth have their work lives ahead of them, and they feel more acutely the pressures of being a low and poor caste that is not allotted as many job and educational benefits as untouchable castes. These factors would put more stress on them than on older, better settled Vanniyars. Geography also played a major role in the conflict, along with the conflicting perspectives of Ennakulam Vanniyar and untouchable youth and the weakening of the local age authority structure. Because of the location of the untouchable hamlet, Ennakulam untouchables had to walk through the main village to get to their hamlet or go to work. The Vanniyars were jealous and upset to see the untouchables with material goods and in modes of dress not allowed untouchables in the past. The untouchables, especially the youth, were upset because they were not receiving equal respect from Vanniyars, and they detested any disrespect or demands to follow traditional submissive and respectful demeanor toward Vanniyars. Extra-local politics intensified these polarized sentiments. The Vanniyar youth identified with the Vanniyar party and its activities, which not only made them aware of a need for increased government benefits, but strengthened their caste identity and their traditional belief in their inherent superiority over untouchables. The untouchable youth, on the other hand, were influenced by regional and national scheduled caste uplift movements and calls for equality, and by the egalitarian themes in other Indian and international political movements, which strengthened and made more overt their traditional egalitarian beliefs (as mentioned above). The outside influences penetrating and shaping local or internal conditions of the community that Giddens (1990:18) finds for the modern condition applies to all the villages included in this study and to untouchables and Vanniyars alike, but perhaps most strongly to Ennakulam.

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The youth on both sides, experiencing their particular stresses and listening to voices of different factions - reflective of the postmodern condition of fragmentation and globalization - precipitated and escalated the violence. Regional and national identification with caste groups and global identification with minorities and events - which penetrated the village community and cross-cut whatever solidarity it may have had (an increasing phenomenon around the world) - ultimately superseded the local elders' traditional authority. The elders on both sides were unable to gain the respect and obedience from their youth to avert the disaster. Our untouchable informant from Anbur, age 22 and an outspoken crusader for equality and justice, was himself shocked at the audacity of the Ennakulam untouchable youths, and said he understood why the Vanniyars had lost control and become violent (for further information on the incidents in Ennakulam see S.G. Vincentnathan 1992). Scholars (e.g., Kolenda 1978; Galanter 1984) have noted that the caste system has been breaking down in modern times, while castes themselves have remained intact and have become more active at larger regional levels. As noted above, this has implications for intergenerational relations. The traditional Hindu age hierarchy and age-based authority structure helped maintain the traditional caste system and community structure, at least in one way by controlling younger, more impetuous members. And the traditional caste system and community structure - based partly on an organic solidarity of traditional caste occupations, and partly on a mechanical solidarity of many shared beliefs, values, and interests - helped maintain the traditional age hierarchy and authority structure~ With castes becoming increasingly disconnected, functioning as special interest groups or as 'competing equalities,' and with the concomitant local community breakdown, the elders are losing their ability to control the youth; and the elders' decreasing ability to control the youth is contributing to increasing conmmnity breakdown. Cohort differences exacerbate this decline in the elder's authority. The cohort growing up in this period of caste system breakdown, especially those close to urban areas, differ from those who grew up in earlier, more socially stable periods. What Ikels (1990:383) hypothesized for China applies to India: ... older people, socialized during a period when Confucian views of family hierarchy and harmony prevailed, will be more reluctant to deal with family conflict in assertive or potentially disruptive ways than younger people, socialized during a period when more egalitarian relationships were favored and 'struggle' was deemed a legitimate way to resolve conflict. In India the decline of the traditional caste system has had perhaps as great an impact on intergenerational relations and conflicts, as the communist regime has had in China, even though the Hindu ideal of age hierarchy has not been seriously attacked.

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S. GEORGEVINCENTNATHANANDLYNNVINCENTNATHAN CONCLUSION

It can be seen that intergenerational relations among untouchables in Anbur, Pudur, and Ennakulam are complicated by cultural themes of hierarchy and equality, by economics and educational attainments, by intercaste relations and modern conditions and politics, by geographical considerations, and by motivational factors. One overriding concern in Anbur helps in part explain some of the seeming contradictions in intergenerational relations. It is the villagers' need for increased self-esteem and their desire for acceptance as equals, as regular, mainstream persons and as a 'decent' community in Indian society. They have come to the idea that strengthening and improving their community, including bolstering their age hierarchy, is a way of achieving this. In some instances egalitarian themes are more prominent, such as when the younger men took over the naaTTaanmai, or when the Students Association sought an apology. In other instances hierarchical themes are more prominent, such as when the naaTTaanmai upholds age hierarchical principles in their decisions and demands respect from the youth. And in some instances goals of hierarchy are used to achieve goals of equality, such as when the youth in their plays and in their conscious efforts try to strengthen the age hierarchy in order to make their community more respectable within Indian society. Anbur people's awareness of the present day internal deterioration of untouchable communities and the external violence against and routing of untouchables further reinforces their idea of a need for community harmony and solidarity, including rapprochement in intergenerational relations. As Foner (1984:235) points out, "Cleavages between old and young ... are sometimes submerged ... in their united opposition to a new, outside enemy...". In this regard, the calling for greater respect for elders and upholding and reinforcing the age hierarchy principles through naaTTaanmai deliberations help not only in their claim for respectability within Indian society, but also serve to maintain the community solidarity needed to cope with the outside world. While Anbur has intergenerational conflicts that seem audacious to caste Hindus, so far these conflicts have not compromised Anbur's security or diminished its age hierarchy. Rather the conflicts have been resolved peaceably, and by so resolving them the age hierarchical norms have been strengthened. As Durkheim (1933 [1895]) pointed out, deviance and social responses to deviance strengthen societal norms and solidarity; and Comaroff and Roberts's (1977:80) concluded that Barotse disputing helps maintain and enhance social relationships. Intergenerational conflicts also strengthen age group boundaries and identity, contributing to age-consciousness, as Simmel (1955:18) suggests for caste-consciousness, and this promotes age hierarchy and order in the community as well. While other untouchable communities, such as Pudur and Ennakulam, are experiencing increasing intergenerational differences and conflict, leading to and resulting from intercaste problems of a serious nature, in Anbur these differences have not let to serious conflict or further intercaste problems, but to

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constructive consequences for community solidarity and the raising of communal esteem. Both the young men and elders not only feel obligations for community betterment, but most importantly they have become active in this by becoming watch dogs for each other. The egalitarian orientation of the youth has not seriously eroded the superiority of the elders, nor have the superiority needs of the elders nullified the egalitarian orientation and strivings of the youth. Rather both orientations have created a discourse for enlightened and clear identities based on mutual respect within the context of the elders' and youths' respective statuses and uncontestable abilities and importance. Disputes that arise between the young and the old are settled by requiring the youth to respect the elders, and cautioning the elders to behave reponsibly and with self-control and dignity. For Pudur and Ennakulam, the untouchables' self-esteem needs and concern for acceptance as equals in Indian society also affect intergenerational relations, but in a more negative way. Untouchable youth are impatient for progress, equality, and acceptance, and seek these more individually and directly than through efforts to build community solidarity based on respect for their elders. Instead of seeking advice and permission from elders, they take matters into their own hands and act violently, escalating intercaste hostilities and conflicts. Geographical, demographic, and historical considerations play a large part in the differences between intercaste, and hence intergenerational, relations in Anbur, on the one hand, and in Pudur and Ennakulam, on the other. Anbur is relatively more isolated than the other two villages, a bit farther from the urban center, and is composed only of untouchables. Pudur's nearness to the large temple town of Chidambaram and the railway station, where all sorts of people pass through, its several Vanniyar and Kallar residents, and its adjacency to a new settlement of various caste Hindus from several different places, have created somewhat anomic conditions, detracting further from the limited traditional authority of untouchable elders over the youth. Ennakulam's nearness to the larger city of Cuddalore, where many Ennakulam untouchables and caste Hindus are employed, and the location of the untouchable hamlet in the center of Ennakulam contributed to Ennakulam untouchables' long history of assertiveness and aggressiveness. This history and external and internal geographical features, in combination with the Vanniyars' growing jealousy and the untouchables' growing demands for respect and equality in modern times, led to a break from the village age-based authority structure among both castes. The elders were not able to resolve the conflicts and prevent the large-scale violence and routing of the untouchable community. Modernization theorists have pointed to the high status of the elderly in societies such as India, and structuralist scholars, such as Dumont (1970) and Moffat (1979), have pointed to the pervasive theme of hierarchy in Indian culture, and how it not only underlies the caste structure, but in effect spills over into the age structure - with age hierarchy seen as a version of or code-switching from caste hierarchy. These theories may hold for caste Hindus, who seem to follow the age hierarchy more rigorously and less consciously than untouch-

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ables. The untouchable age hierarchy, however, can not be so simply characterized. As suggested by this study it is complicated by many factors, including egalitarian as well as hierarchical themes. As for modernization theory, the modern period has had some negative consequences for untouchable intergenerational relations and the status of the aged - for example, the impact of education and individualistic self-betterment goals. On the other hand, there is more respect for elders in modern times (1) due to many untouchable communities, including Anbur, consciously increasing their respect for elders as part of their overall strategy to gain respect from the larger society (also see Cohn 1955:67); and (2) due to increased opportunities for at least some untouchable elders to have pensions and landholdings that allow them to command more respect from their juniors (see Foner 1984:218). As for structuralist theory, admittedly caste hierarchy is more salient than age hierarchy for untouchables and does inform their age hierarchy and intergenerational relations, but the caste-age linkage is more inverted than direct. Untouchables are not merely carrying the theme of hierarchy from intercaste into intergenerational relations, but are also responding in their intergenerational relations to degradation and dangers imposed by castes above theirs, whether by following the age hierarchy, as in Anbur, or ignoring it, as in Pudur and Ennakulam. NOTES 1 An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 21st Annual Conference on South Asia, November 6-8, 1992, in Madison, Wisconsin. It is based on S. George Vincentnathan's eleven months of fieldwork in 1988, 1989, and 1990, funded by the National Science Foundation (Grant No. SES-8721483) and Lynn Vincentnathan's 1984-5 doctoral fieldwork, funded by a Fulbright-Hays Fellowship. We assisted in each other's fieldwork. The 1988-90 NSF project involved studying informal dispute resolution in several villages, including Anbur, Pudur, and Ennakulam. The 1984-85 fieldwork included gathering ethnographic information on Anbur and brief visits to Pudur. 2 'Caste Hindu' refers to the castes, high and low, above the untouchables and considered 'clean' castes. The traditional model of age hierarchy in India is one of high respect for and obedience to elders, even older siblings. 3 Most societies around the world have age hierarchies, but not caste hierarchies, and some tribal societies with very steep and rigid age hierarchies are otherwise considered 'egalitarian'. While untouchables could engage in some code-switching between the age hierarchy and caste hierarchy, the fact that untouchables have an age hierarchy does not necessarily strengthen the argument that they subscribe to the caste hierarchy or believe in inherent caste differences. REFERENCES Cohn, B.S. 1955 The Changing Status of a Depressed Caste. In Village India, M. Marriott, ed. Pp. 53-77. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Cohn, B.S. 1959 Changing Traditions of a Low Caste. In Traditional India: Structure and Change. M. Singer, ed. Pp. 207-216. Philadelphia: The American Folklore Society. Comaroff, J.L. and S.A. Roberts 1977 The Invocation of Norms in Dispute Settlement: The Tswana Case. In The Anthropology of Law. I. Hamnett, ed. Pp. 79-107. London:

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Academic Press. Cowgill, D.O. 1974 Aging and Modernization: A Revision of the Theory. In Late Life. J.F. Gubrium, ed. Pp. 123-145. Springfield, IL: Charles C, Thomas. Dube, S.C. 1955 Indian Village. New York: Harper. Dumont, L. 1970 Homo Hierarchicus. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Durkheim, E. 1933 [1895] The Division of Labor in Society. New York: Free Press. Foner, N. 1984 Ages in Conflict: A Cross-Cultural Perspective on Inequality Between Old and Young. New York: Columbia University Press. Freeman, J.M. 1979 Untouchable, an Indian Life History. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Galanter, M. 1984 Competing Equalities: Land and the Backward Classes in India. Berkeley: University of California Press. Giddens, A. 1990 The Consequences of Modernity. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Gough, E.K. 1956 Brahman Kinship in a Tamil Village. American Anthropologist 58: 826-853. Houska, W. 1981 Religious Belief and Practice in an Urban Scheduled Caste Community. Ph.D. Dissertation, Syracuse University. Ikels, C. 1990 The Resolution of Intergenerational Conflict: Perspectives of Elders and Their Family Members. Modem China 16(4): 379-406. Khare, R.S. 1984 The Untouchable as Himself: Ideology, Identity, and Pragmatism among the Lucknow Chamars. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Kolenda, P.M, 1978 Caste in Contemporary India: Beyond Organic Solidarity. Menlo Park, CA: Benjamin/Cummings. Mahar, P.M. 1960 Changing Religious Practices of an Untouchable Caste. Economic Development and Culture Change 7(3): 279-287. McGilvray, D. 1983 Paraiyar Drummers of Sri Lanka: Consensus and Constraint in an Untouchable Caste. American Ethnologist 10(1): 97-115. Moffat, M. 1979 An Untouchable Community in South India: Structure and Consensus. New Jersey: Prentice-Hall. Searle-Chatterjee, M. 1981 Reversible Sex Roles: The Special Case of Benares Sweepers. Oxford: Pergamon Press. Simmel, G. 1955 Conflict. K.H. Wolff, trans. Glencoe, IL: Free Press. Thurston, E. 1909 Castes and Tribes of Southern India. Volume VI. Madras: Government Press. Vatuk, S. 1990 'To Be a Burden on Others': Dependency Anxiety Among the Elderly in India. In Divine Passions: The Social Construction of Emotions in India. O.M. Lynch, ed. Pp. 64-88. Delhi: Oxford University Press. Vincentnathan, L. 1987 Harijan Subculture and Self-Esteem Management in a South Indian Community. Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin-Madison, Vincentnathan, L. 1993 Untouchable Concepts of Person and Society. Contributions to Indian Sociology (n.s.) 27(1): 53-82. Vincentnathan, S.G. 1992 Caste Politics, Violence, and the Panchayat in a South Indian Community. Paper presented at the Law and Society Conference, Philadelphia, May 1992. Vincentnathan, S,G. 1993 The Social Construction of Order and Disorder and Their Outcomes in Two South Indian Communities. Journal of Legal Pluralism 32: 65-102.

S. George Vincentnathan, D. Crim. Department of Criminal Justice Aurora University Aurora, IL 60506, U.S.A.

Lynn Vincentnathan, Ph.D. Department of Sociology Aurora University Aurora, IL 60506, U.S.A.