Am J Drug Alcohol Abuse 1979.6:337-344. Downloaded from informahealthcare.com by University of Otago on 01/03/15. For personal use only.
AM. J. DRUG ALCOHOL ABUSE, 6(3), pp. 337- 344 (1979)
Cuttural Implications in Treating the Pwrto Rican Female” PATRICIA OBESOt OMAR BORDATTOS
HCS, lnc. Rockville, Maryland 20850
ABSTRACT
This paper presents an overview of Puerto Rican history, its traditional effect on Puerto Rican women, and its applicability in treating the Puerto Rican female drug user. The paper focuses on items of historical and cultural significance and includes data gathered from selected interviews of Puerto Rican females in treatment. What has been compiled here is a description of characteristics, traits, and attributes that distinguish Puerto R i m s from other ethnic groups and those traits traditionally attributed to their women. It takes into consideration such things as the role of the family, religious implications, “machismo” behavior exhibited by males upon females, attitudinal differences between mainland and island females, and changes undergone during migration. There currently exists a paucity of Uterature concerning the treatment of Puerto R i m s in general and even less exists with regard to Puerto Rican women. This paper, therefore, purports only to present preliminary findings in this area. Its intent is to serve as an Initial research effort, to encourage further areas of study, and to contribute valuable information for those who currently treat ethnic populations.
INTRODUCTION
This paper briefly explains Puerto Rican history and culture and those values, customs, and traditions that are an integral part of the makeup of Puerto Ricans. ‘This paper is the lesult of a more detailed study utilized in a cultural module for the text of a National Manpower and Training System course titled “Women in Treatment.” For more information, see h e r t o Rican History’and Culture Addendum to “Women in Iteatment” prepared by the Arawak Consulting Corporation under contract to NIDA’s Manpower and Training Branch (Contract No. 271-764402). ?Present address: Consultant, Washington, D.C. 20009. SPreaent address: University Research Corp., National Drug Abuse Center, Washington, D.C. 20015. 337
Am J Drug Alcohol Abuse 1979.6:337-344. Downloaded from informahealthcare.com by University of Otago on 01/03/15. For personal use only.
338
OBESO AND BORDATTO
The intent of this report is to present an overview of the cultural traits specific to this ethnic group and their inherent effect on their women. It is written to better equip the drug abuse worker in the field who is involved in the overall treatment of Puerto Rican female drug users, because it is our contention that in order for someone outside the Puerto Rican culture to truly help a h e r t o Rican, that person should first understand a little about the cultural perspective from which that person operates. In researching the drug literature there was little written about the ethnic backgrounds of h e r t o Ricans in treatment (let alone Puerto Rican women) and the possibility that sociocultural differences could affect their treatment outcomes. Since a lack of literature existed, we felt it necessary to supplement this report with information gathered from a series of interviews with Puerto Rican female drug users. Although the sample was relatively small (n < SO), the authors felt that it would at least begin research in an area that has virtually remained untapped. What has been compiled is a detailed description of characteristics, traits, and attributes that distinguish this ethnic group from others and those traits traditionally attributed to their women. It is anticipated that this information will provide a preliminary view of the Puerto Rican female drug user as part of a distinct group and will substantiate the belief that she is an individual in need of special care and attention.
THE HISTORY OF CUSTOMS, VALUES, AND TRADITIONAL ROLES Culturally, the typical Puerto Rican adult is raised in a traditional, firmly structured world based on respect for a human being, for the hierarchy of the community, and for parents. There is a promise of life after death, an established order among living men, and a firm recognition that each person has his or her “place” in that system. Specifically, then, being a man means having a keen sense of one’s inner worth as an individual, exercising authority fumly over wife and children in a home, and receiving proper respect from people younger than oneself; it also means maintaining fidelity to deep family loyalties, having a preference of family over others in all matters, and demonstrating mastery over those types of work which are a man’s responsibility. On the other hand, being a woman means being responsible, faithful, submissive, obedient, and humble. Traditionally, the woman’s role has been firmly established in the affairs of the home; additionally, she has been obligated by social custom to obey her husband and to maintain a subordinate role adhering to his desires. Most
Am J Drug Alcohol Abuse 1979.6:337-344. Downloaded from informahealthcare.com by University of Otago on 01/03/15. For personal use only.
TREATING THE PUERTO RICAN FEMALE
339
Puerto Rican women have been chastely and religiously brought up, and while they are taught to seek a man who is “serio” (serious), they are generally told that love and sex are intimate and unmentionable acts governed by God and man. Keeping all this in perspective, one realizes immediately that since specific cultural values are integrated into the conscious and unconscious processes of the individual from birth, it presents an even harder obstacle for Puerto Ricans to overcome in the milieu of American culture. It is this contrast that we wish to briefly explain so that the treatment of the Puerto Rican female addict can be done with a greater sense of cultural awareness. Puerto Ricans firmly believe that at the heart of their culture is the family. Intricately interwoven with this are family values and religious implications. It is of extreme importance to realize that Puerto Ricans consider membership in the family preeminent to all. They have a deep consciousness about their family and usually think of their world in terms of a pattern of intimate personal relationships. Coupled with this feature is the role of superior authority exercised by the man. To be “macho” (a virile male) is one of the dominant values inculcated into the male child and which continues to be valued in manhood. There is a custom called “compadrazgo,” similar to godfathership, which is also very much a part of the Puerto Rican culture. This ritual kinship constitutes a network of companion parents for the family in the event that something happens to the natural parents. In this way, a Puerto Rican family is never alone. Each is widely extended and each supports its various members. Together as one unit there is a deep sense of obligation, support, and encouragement. Among the family values attributed to Puerto Ricans and strictly adhered to are respect, dignity, sentimentalism, and fatalism. It is suggested that because of the values of respect and dignity, Puerto Ricans (being sensitive people) avoid direct confrontation if it will jeopardize someone’s feelings being injured. Similarly, it is thought that their value of fatalism leads to the acceptance of many events considered inevitable and softens the sense of personal guilt for failure. Religion has played a central role in Puerto Rican culture for centuries. There are three ideologies by which most Puerto Ricans have been influenced: Catholicism, Protestantism, and Spiritualism. The first, Catholicism, was brought to the island by Spanish conquistadors in the fifteenth century. Although Catholicism is found worldwide, Puerto Ricans practice it in a different style. They perceive their religious life in the same sense as they do their family: that it consists of close, intimate personal
Am J Drug Alcohol Abuse 1979.6:337-344. Downloaded from informahealthcare.com by University of Otago on 01/03/15. For personal use only.
340
OBESO AND BORDATTO
relationships. In this case though, the relationships are with the saints, the Blessed Virgin, and various manisfestations of the Lord. They pray to them, light candles to them, build shrines in their homes to them, and generally expect favors and protection in return. They do not necessarily have to attend a regular Church service to maintain their beliefs. This personal relationship usually exists outside the organized structure of the Church. Additionally, Catholicism for Puerto Ricans still retains some folk practices from early Indian religious rites. There are practices that have elements of superstition, but they are simply considered another variety of devotion. Protestantism was introduced to Puerto Rico when the island was annexed to the United States in 1898. Originally in order to avoid competition, the various Protestant groups divided the island into territories, each territory with a different denomination. In recent years, however, Pentecostal sects have become particularly popular and have large followings throughout the island and mainland. Spiritualism is rooted in the belief that man can establish contact with the spirit world and can use the power to influence the spirits either to the detriment of another or through a favorable action. The beliefs and practices of spiritualism are distributed throughout the society and often function to dispel tensions and anxieties. The “espiritista” (the spiritualist) has a wide knowledge of folk practices of medicine and recommends remedies for all kinds of human illnesses (including drug addiction). The “espiritista” is often the substitute for the doctor, and her followers have complete confidence in what she recommends. (It has been suggested that spiritualists serve as psychiatrists and that spiritualism functions as an outlet for mental illness.)
THE PUERTO RICAN WOMAN: HISTORICAL AND CONTEMPORARY
As noted, the role of the Puerto Rican woman in this cultural schema is very well defined and ordinarily maintained as subordinate to the authority of the male. It was not always this way. There is a rich history about the grandeur of the island and its culture before discovery by Columbus in 1493. It is recorded that the island was ruled by the “earth mother”concept and was very much a matriarchal society. (This may explain why the women to this day are able to use their subtle ways to influence their men. The influence of mother over son is particularly strong in Puerto Rican culture.) When the conquistadors landed and found that the village and family were ruled by women and that the family name, the ownership of the land, and the tribal
Am J Drug Alcohol Abuse 1979.6:337-344. Downloaded from informahealthcare.com by University of Otago on 01/03/15. For personal use only.
TREATING THE PUERTO RICAN FEMALE
34 1
leadership were inherited through the women, not the men, they were simultaneously confused and amazed at the situation. It was at this point in history that Spanish law and the ownership of the land was placed in the hands of men, destroying the ancient birthright of the women. When migration from the island to the mainland began to take place more rapidly in the early 1950%the culture was extremely affected by American standards. The traditional role of the family, and particularly that of the husband and wife, underwent severe changes. Some of the most obvious were the following:
For the first time, the women found it easier to obtain jobs than their men and often the women’s salaries were higher. This was a devastating blow to the male pride. The concept of the extended family began to erode because of the distance created between all the members of the family. Puerto Rican adults found it difficult to accept parental permissiveness toward children in mainland society. Their gravest problem of control became giving unmarried girls the same kind of protection they would have given them on the island. (Allowing girls to go out unprotected was something the men considered immoral.) Parents did not understand children being brought up by American schools, and children did not understand the old-world attitudes of their parents. It is at this point that our discussion of drug addiction so appropriately fits since it became one of the major problems faced by countless Puerto Rican families of inner cities.
THE PUERTO RICAN FEMALE DRUG USER It was our original intention to interview 100 Puerto Rican female drug users in at least three cities. Limited by time and resources, a sample of 46 women were interviewed by the authors at two Puerto Rican drug programs in New York City. The programs are multimodality units with services for residential, ambulatory, drug-free, and methadone maintenance clients. The sample interviewed made up the entire Puerto Rican female population at both programs. A questionnaire, designed to elicit qualitative information about Puerto
Am J Drug Alcohol Abuse 1979.6:337-344. Downloaded from informahealthcare.com by University of Otago on 01/03/15. For personal use only.
342
OBESO AND BORDATTO
Rican women specifically, was used. In conducting the interviews we were most interested in finding similar patterns that related to (1) customs and values imposed upon them by their culture, (2) first encounters with drug use, (3) male vs female influences upon their lives, (4) comparisons and differences of roles as Puerto Rican women vs non-Puerto Rican women, and (5) suggestions in making programs more responsive to their needs as women and as Puerto Rims. The questionnaire was intended to be open-ended, but the interviewers utilized a question guide with a series of questions on each topic to generate discussion. All interviews were tape-recorded and averaged onehour in length per respondent. A simple frequency analysis model was used in this study. The interviews were analyzed for similar patterns. When 50% ormore of the respondents concurred on a point, it was included in the findings. Sixty percent of the women interviewed were born in New York City; the remaining number were born in Puerto Rico and migrated to New York at the average age of four. They were all children of relatively large families with an average size of eight members. The respondents’ ages ranged from 16 to 30 years, and the median age was 19. The detailed results of this preliminary study are outlined in the report referred to previously, but some important findings and their possible implications should be noted: 1. All the womenhad significant negative influences in their immediate family/home life. Examples of negative influences included: unwanted pregnancy and/or large family situations caused mother to reject newborn and place with another family member; unstable marriage situations with one parent leaving the home permanently; “normal” role models did not exist (e.g., parent was alcoholic, promiscuous, or negligent). 2. The majority of the women had favorable relationships with one or more siblings. It was these family members who provided support and encouragement when it was needed, particularly with regard to their addiction problem. 3. More than half had become pregnant by 16, and after intense involvement with drug use the child was given to another family member. 4. Of those who had children, the primary reason for completing treatment was to regain custody of a child. 5. With regard to traditional roles placed on these women, all agreed that men place women in subordinate roles. However, Puerto Rican men as compared to non-Puerto Rican males hold their women in high esteem.
Am J Drug Alcohol Abuse 1979.6:337-344. Downloaded from informahealthcare.com by University of Otago on 01/03/15. For personal use only.
TREATING THE PUERTO RICAN FEMALE
343
6. Although the majority of the women felt that there are distinct qualities that make them different from non-Puerto Rican women, there was no complete agreement as to those qualities. (Some suggestions were that Puerto Rican women are more sensitive, humble, or proud; they believed that as a group they have a strong self-concept and are helpful to one another.) 7. More than half felt that Puerto Rican women are misunderstood and face stereotypic roles placed on them by this misunderstanding. 8. In general, most had been influenced to drug use by peers. (It was interesting to note that if drug involvement occurred with a male and a serious relationship resulted, further drug use with that person did not occur again for reasons of respect.) 9. There was a clear indication that religion (particularly spiritualism) had been used as a means to dispel drug use. 10. There was an overwhelmingly positive reaction to placement within a Puerto Rican drug program. The indication was that the program fulfdled cultural needs such as common language, familiar dietary provisions, and an understanding of family background. 11. There was an expressed desire for more female staff members. 12. There was an expressed need for more vocational training to better prepare them for jobs once they completed treatment.
CONCLUSION It is our contention that although some literature has contributed to understanding the drug problem in Puerto Rican communities, there are works that have served only to reinforce stereotypes and myths about Puerto Ricans generally and the Puerto Rican drug abuser specifically. As we see it, the problem the Puerto Rican female drug user encounters is threefold: on one level she faces the pressures faced by all Puerto Ricans adjusting to a Puerto Rican value system in an American culture, on another level she faces the pressures of cultural traditions and values imposed upon her as a Puerto Rican woman, and still on another level she faces the same pressures encountered by all drug abusers. We realize that much more research is needed in this area; however, we are hopeful that this paper has presented a new perspective in understanding the treatment of the Puerto Rican female. If Puerto Rican female drug users are to be treated successfully, those treating them must learn and understand all the ramifications of their cultural traditions, values, and customs integrated into the individual.
OBESO AND BORDATTO
344
Am J Drug Alcohol Abuse 1979.6:337-344. Downloaded from informahealthcare.com by University of Otago on 01/03/15. For personal use only.
BIBLIOGRAPHY Cordasco, F., and Bucchioni, E., The Puerto Rican Community and Its Children on the Mainland, Scarecrow, Matuchen, New Jersey, 1972. Fitzpatrick, J. P., Puerto Rican Americans: m e Meaning of Migration to the Mainland, Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs,New Jersey, 1971. Steiner, S., The Islands-The Worlds of the Puerto Ricans, Harper and Row, New York, 1974. Tovar, F. R., The Puerto Rican Woman, Plus Ultra, New York, 1972. Wagenheim, K., Puerto Rico: A Rofile, Praeger, New York, 1970.
AM. J. DRUG ALCOHOL ABUSE, 6(3), pp. 337- 344 (1979)
Cuttural Implications in Treating the Pwrto Rican Female” PATRICIA OBESOt OMAR BORDATTOS
HCS, lnc. Rockville, Maryland 20850
ABSTRACT
This paper presents an overview of Puerto Rican history, its traditional effect on Puerto Rican women, and its applicability in treating the Puerto Rican female drug user. The paper focuses on items of historical and cultural significance and includes data gathered from selected interviews of Puerto Rican females in treatment. What has been compiled here is a description of characteristics, traits, and attributes that distinguish Puerto R i m s from other ethnic groups and those traits traditionally attributed to their women. It takes into consideration such things as the role of the family, religious implications, “machismo” behavior exhibited by males upon females, attitudinal differences between mainland and island females, and changes undergone during migration. There currently exists a paucity of Uterature concerning the treatment of Puerto R i m s in general and even less exists with regard to Puerto Rican women. This paper, therefore, purports only to present preliminary findings in this area. Its intent is to serve as an Initial research effort, to encourage further areas of study, and to contribute valuable information for those who currently treat ethnic populations.
INTRODUCTION
This paper briefly explains Puerto Rican history and culture and those values, customs, and traditions that are an integral part of the makeup of Puerto Ricans. ‘This paper is the lesult of a more detailed study utilized in a cultural module for the text of a National Manpower and Training System course titled “Women in Treatment.” For more information, see h e r t o Rican History’and Culture Addendum to “Women in Iteatment” prepared by the Arawak Consulting Corporation under contract to NIDA’s Manpower and Training Branch (Contract No. 271-764402). ?Present address: Consultant, Washington, D.C. 20009. SPreaent address: University Research Corp., National Drug Abuse Center, Washington, D.C. 20015. 337
Am J Drug Alcohol Abuse 1979.6:337-344. Downloaded from informahealthcare.com by University of Otago on 01/03/15. For personal use only.
338
OBESO AND BORDATTO
The intent of this report is to present an overview of the cultural traits specific to this ethnic group and their inherent effect on their women. It is written to better equip the drug abuse worker in the field who is involved in the overall treatment of Puerto Rican female drug users, because it is our contention that in order for someone outside the Puerto Rican culture to truly help a h e r t o Rican, that person should first understand a little about the cultural perspective from which that person operates. In researching the drug literature there was little written about the ethnic backgrounds of h e r t o Ricans in treatment (let alone Puerto Rican women) and the possibility that sociocultural differences could affect their treatment outcomes. Since a lack of literature existed, we felt it necessary to supplement this report with information gathered from a series of interviews with Puerto Rican female drug users. Although the sample was relatively small (n < SO), the authors felt that it would at least begin research in an area that has virtually remained untapped. What has been compiled is a detailed description of characteristics, traits, and attributes that distinguish this ethnic group from others and those traits traditionally attributed to their women. It is anticipated that this information will provide a preliminary view of the Puerto Rican female drug user as part of a distinct group and will substantiate the belief that she is an individual in need of special care and attention.
THE HISTORY OF CUSTOMS, VALUES, AND TRADITIONAL ROLES Culturally, the typical Puerto Rican adult is raised in a traditional, firmly structured world based on respect for a human being, for the hierarchy of the community, and for parents. There is a promise of life after death, an established order among living men, and a firm recognition that each person has his or her “place” in that system. Specifically, then, being a man means having a keen sense of one’s inner worth as an individual, exercising authority fumly over wife and children in a home, and receiving proper respect from people younger than oneself; it also means maintaining fidelity to deep family loyalties, having a preference of family over others in all matters, and demonstrating mastery over those types of work which are a man’s responsibility. On the other hand, being a woman means being responsible, faithful, submissive, obedient, and humble. Traditionally, the woman’s role has been firmly established in the affairs of the home; additionally, she has been obligated by social custom to obey her husband and to maintain a subordinate role adhering to his desires. Most
Am J Drug Alcohol Abuse 1979.6:337-344. Downloaded from informahealthcare.com by University of Otago on 01/03/15. For personal use only.
TREATING THE PUERTO RICAN FEMALE
339
Puerto Rican women have been chastely and religiously brought up, and while they are taught to seek a man who is “serio” (serious), they are generally told that love and sex are intimate and unmentionable acts governed by God and man. Keeping all this in perspective, one realizes immediately that since specific cultural values are integrated into the conscious and unconscious processes of the individual from birth, it presents an even harder obstacle for Puerto Ricans to overcome in the milieu of American culture. It is this contrast that we wish to briefly explain so that the treatment of the Puerto Rican female addict can be done with a greater sense of cultural awareness. Puerto Ricans firmly believe that at the heart of their culture is the family. Intricately interwoven with this are family values and religious implications. It is of extreme importance to realize that Puerto Ricans consider membership in the family preeminent to all. They have a deep consciousness about their family and usually think of their world in terms of a pattern of intimate personal relationships. Coupled with this feature is the role of superior authority exercised by the man. To be “macho” (a virile male) is one of the dominant values inculcated into the male child and which continues to be valued in manhood. There is a custom called “compadrazgo,” similar to godfathership, which is also very much a part of the Puerto Rican culture. This ritual kinship constitutes a network of companion parents for the family in the event that something happens to the natural parents. In this way, a Puerto Rican family is never alone. Each is widely extended and each supports its various members. Together as one unit there is a deep sense of obligation, support, and encouragement. Among the family values attributed to Puerto Ricans and strictly adhered to are respect, dignity, sentimentalism, and fatalism. It is suggested that because of the values of respect and dignity, Puerto Ricans (being sensitive people) avoid direct confrontation if it will jeopardize someone’s feelings being injured. Similarly, it is thought that their value of fatalism leads to the acceptance of many events considered inevitable and softens the sense of personal guilt for failure. Religion has played a central role in Puerto Rican culture for centuries. There are three ideologies by which most Puerto Ricans have been influenced: Catholicism, Protestantism, and Spiritualism. The first, Catholicism, was brought to the island by Spanish conquistadors in the fifteenth century. Although Catholicism is found worldwide, Puerto Ricans practice it in a different style. They perceive their religious life in the same sense as they do their family: that it consists of close, intimate personal
Am J Drug Alcohol Abuse 1979.6:337-344. Downloaded from informahealthcare.com by University of Otago on 01/03/15. For personal use only.
340
OBESO AND BORDATTO
relationships. In this case though, the relationships are with the saints, the Blessed Virgin, and various manisfestations of the Lord. They pray to them, light candles to them, build shrines in their homes to them, and generally expect favors and protection in return. They do not necessarily have to attend a regular Church service to maintain their beliefs. This personal relationship usually exists outside the organized structure of the Church. Additionally, Catholicism for Puerto Ricans still retains some folk practices from early Indian religious rites. There are practices that have elements of superstition, but they are simply considered another variety of devotion. Protestantism was introduced to Puerto Rico when the island was annexed to the United States in 1898. Originally in order to avoid competition, the various Protestant groups divided the island into territories, each territory with a different denomination. In recent years, however, Pentecostal sects have become particularly popular and have large followings throughout the island and mainland. Spiritualism is rooted in the belief that man can establish contact with the spirit world and can use the power to influence the spirits either to the detriment of another or through a favorable action. The beliefs and practices of spiritualism are distributed throughout the society and often function to dispel tensions and anxieties. The “espiritista” (the spiritualist) has a wide knowledge of folk practices of medicine and recommends remedies for all kinds of human illnesses (including drug addiction). The “espiritista” is often the substitute for the doctor, and her followers have complete confidence in what she recommends. (It has been suggested that spiritualists serve as psychiatrists and that spiritualism functions as an outlet for mental illness.)
THE PUERTO RICAN WOMAN: HISTORICAL AND CONTEMPORARY
As noted, the role of the Puerto Rican woman in this cultural schema is very well defined and ordinarily maintained as subordinate to the authority of the male. It was not always this way. There is a rich history about the grandeur of the island and its culture before discovery by Columbus in 1493. It is recorded that the island was ruled by the “earth mother”concept and was very much a matriarchal society. (This may explain why the women to this day are able to use their subtle ways to influence their men. The influence of mother over son is particularly strong in Puerto Rican culture.) When the conquistadors landed and found that the village and family were ruled by women and that the family name, the ownership of the land, and the tribal
Am J Drug Alcohol Abuse 1979.6:337-344. Downloaded from informahealthcare.com by University of Otago on 01/03/15. For personal use only.
TREATING THE PUERTO RICAN FEMALE
34 1
leadership were inherited through the women, not the men, they were simultaneously confused and amazed at the situation. It was at this point in history that Spanish law and the ownership of the land was placed in the hands of men, destroying the ancient birthright of the women. When migration from the island to the mainland began to take place more rapidly in the early 1950%the culture was extremely affected by American standards. The traditional role of the family, and particularly that of the husband and wife, underwent severe changes. Some of the most obvious were the following:
For the first time, the women found it easier to obtain jobs than their men and often the women’s salaries were higher. This was a devastating blow to the male pride. The concept of the extended family began to erode because of the distance created between all the members of the family. Puerto Rican adults found it difficult to accept parental permissiveness toward children in mainland society. Their gravest problem of control became giving unmarried girls the same kind of protection they would have given them on the island. (Allowing girls to go out unprotected was something the men considered immoral.) Parents did not understand children being brought up by American schools, and children did not understand the old-world attitudes of their parents. It is at this point that our discussion of drug addiction so appropriately fits since it became one of the major problems faced by countless Puerto Rican families of inner cities.
THE PUERTO RICAN FEMALE DRUG USER It was our original intention to interview 100 Puerto Rican female drug users in at least three cities. Limited by time and resources, a sample of 46 women were interviewed by the authors at two Puerto Rican drug programs in New York City. The programs are multimodality units with services for residential, ambulatory, drug-free, and methadone maintenance clients. The sample interviewed made up the entire Puerto Rican female population at both programs. A questionnaire, designed to elicit qualitative information about Puerto
Am J Drug Alcohol Abuse 1979.6:337-344. Downloaded from informahealthcare.com by University of Otago on 01/03/15. For personal use only.
342
OBESO AND BORDATTO
Rican women specifically, was used. In conducting the interviews we were most interested in finding similar patterns that related to (1) customs and values imposed upon them by their culture, (2) first encounters with drug use, (3) male vs female influences upon their lives, (4) comparisons and differences of roles as Puerto Rican women vs non-Puerto Rican women, and (5) suggestions in making programs more responsive to their needs as women and as Puerto Rims. The questionnaire was intended to be open-ended, but the interviewers utilized a question guide with a series of questions on each topic to generate discussion. All interviews were tape-recorded and averaged onehour in length per respondent. A simple frequency analysis model was used in this study. The interviews were analyzed for similar patterns. When 50% ormore of the respondents concurred on a point, it was included in the findings. Sixty percent of the women interviewed were born in New York City; the remaining number were born in Puerto Rico and migrated to New York at the average age of four. They were all children of relatively large families with an average size of eight members. The respondents’ ages ranged from 16 to 30 years, and the median age was 19. The detailed results of this preliminary study are outlined in the report referred to previously, but some important findings and their possible implications should be noted: 1. All the womenhad significant negative influences in their immediate family/home life. Examples of negative influences included: unwanted pregnancy and/or large family situations caused mother to reject newborn and place with another family member; unstable marriage situations with one parent leaving the home permanently; “normal” role models did not exist (e.g., parent was alcoholic, promiscuous, or negligent). 2. The majority of the women had favorable relationships with one or more siblings. It was these family members who provided support and encouragement when it was needed, particularly with regard to their addiction problem. 3. More than half had become pregnant by 16, and after intense involvement with drug use the child was given to another family member. 4. Of those who had children, the primary reason for completing treatment was to regain custody of a child. 5. With regard to traditional roles placed on these women, all agreed that men place women in subordinate roles. However, Puerto Rican men as compared to non-Puerto Rican males hold their women in high esteem.
Am J Drug Alcohol Abuse 1979.6:337-344. Downloaded from informahealthcare.com by University of Otago on 01/03/15. For personal use only.
TREATING THE PUERTO RICAN FEMALE
343
6. Although the majority of the women felt that there are distinct qualities that make them different from non-Puerto Rican women, there was no complete agreement as to those qualities. (Some suggestions were that Puerto Rican women are more sensitive, humble, or proud; they believed that as a group they have a strong self-concept and are helpful to one another.) 7. More than half felt that Puerto Rican women are misunderstood and face stereotypic roles placed on them by this misunderstanding. 8. In general, most had been influenced to drug use by peers. (It was interesting to note that if drug involvement occurred with a male and a serious relationship resulted, further drug use with that person did not occur again for reasons of respect.) 9. There was a clear indication that religion (particularly spiritualism) had been used as a means to dispel drug use. 10. There was an overwhelmingly positive reaction to placement within a Puerto Rican drug program. The indication was that the program fulfdled cultural needs such as common language, familiar dietary provisions, and an understanding of family background. 11. There was an expressed desire for more female staff members. 12. There was an expressed need for more vocational training to better prepare them for jobs once they completed treatment.
CONCLUSION It is our contention that although some literature has contributed to understanding the drug problem in Puerto Rican communities, there are works that have served only to reinforce stereotypes and myths about Puerto Ricans generally and the Puerto Rican drug abuser specifically. As we see it, the problem the Puerto Rican female drug user encounters is threefold: on one level she faces the pressures faced by all Puerto Ricans adjusting to a Puerto Rican value system in an American culture, on another level she faces the pressures of cultural traditions and values imposed upon her as a Puerto Rican woman, and still on another level she faces the same pressures encountered by all drug abusers. We realize that much more research is needed in this area; however, we are hopeful that this paper has presented a new perspective in understanding the treatment of the Puerto Rican female. If Puerto Rican female drug users are to be treated successfully, those treating them must learn and understand all the ramifications of their cultural traditions, values, and customs integrated into the individual.
OBESO AND BORDATTO
344
Am J Drug Alcohol Abuse 1979.6:337-344. Downloaded from informahealthcare.com by University of Otago on 01/03/15. For personal use only.
BIBLIOGRAPHY Cordasco, F., and Bucchioni, E., The Puerto Rican Community and Its Children on the Mainland, Scarecrow, Matuchen, New Jersey, 1972. Fitzpatrick, J. P., Puerto Rican Americans: m e Meaning of Migration to the Mainland, Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs,New Jersey, 1971. Steiner, S., The Islands-The Worlds of the Puerto Ricans, Harper and Row, New York, 1974. Tovar, F. R., The Puerto Rican Woman, Plus Ultra, New York, 1972. Wagenheim, K., Puerto Rico: A Rofile, Praeger, New York, 1970.
