The Journal of Primary Prevention, Vol. 15, No. 4, 1995

Child Sexual Abuse: An Undermining of the Polis T h o m a s J. Hoffman I

This paper explores the sexual abuse literature and the political participation literature for possible linkages. Research on political participation indicates low levels of political trust and damaged self-esteem have important impacts on style and level of political involvement. The literature on child sexual abuse indicates potential root causes for lowered trust and self-esteem which have implications for adult participation in the civic arena. Sexual abuse has negative effects on individual victims and also undermines the foundations of democratic societies. KEY WORDS: Abuse; politics; sex.

The sexual abuse of children is fairly common. There is no evidence that this is a new phenomenon. There are millions of adult survivors of sexual abuse. The literature on sexual abuse defines, describes the frequency, the perpetrators, the impact on the individual, and the social impact of being abused as a child. The literature on political socialization and participation describe the roots of increased (or decreased) levels of political involvement and participation. The following is an attempt to postulate some possible linkages between the two areas of inquiry. Studies of political participation have found that low self-esteem, low trust, and low personal competence decrease the likelihood of political involvement. However, these studies have not investigated the potential causes of these personal characteristics. The sexual abuse literature has. Thus, this author believes this study may shed some light on some of the unexplained puzzles in the 1Address correspondence to Thomas J. Hoffman, Ph.D., Dept. of Political Science, St. Mary's University, One Camino Santa Maria, San Antonio, TX 78228. 387 9 1995 Human Sciences Press, Inc.

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p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n l i t e r a t u r e a n d h e l p us to u n d e r s t a n d t h a t child sexual a b u s e d o e s i n d e e d c o n t r i b u t e to an u n d e r m i n i n g o f t h e polis.

CHILD SEXUAL A B U S E - - D E F I N I T I O N S A N D FREQUENCY T h e r e a r e a variety o f definitions o f sexual a b u s e in t h e l i t e r a t u r e . T h e r e d o s e e m to b e s o m e c o m m o n e l e m e n t s which o n e can p i c k o u t o f t h e following descriptions:

9 abuse is an adult involving a child in any activity from which the adult expects to derive sexual arousal. When that adult is related to the child, the term 'incest' will also be used for such abuse (Parks, 1990, p. 17). The sexual abuse of children refers primarily to the activities of adults who use children for their sexual gratification . . . . the sexual abuse of children will mean adult or sexual activities involving bodily contact with a child or adolescent for the gratification of the adult (LaFontaine, 1990, p. 41). The exploitation of a child for the sexual gratification of an adult (Osborn, 1990, p. 1). M i k e L e w (1988, pp. 29-30) distinguishes b e t w e e n sexual a b u s e a n d incest in this way: Sex between blood relatives is one part of this larger, more inclusive view of incest. Incest is a violation of a position of trust, power and protection. It differs from other forms of sexual abuse in that the perpetrator is assumed to stand in a protective (parental) role to the victim. The very person that the child should be able to turn to for care, comfort and understanding violates that trust by sexualizing the relationship. For this to be a traumatic experience, it is not necessary that the 'parenting' figure be a family member. Children naturally trust those adults who are closest to them--until there is reason not to. Sexual exploitation by any older caretaker is by my definition incestuous because it destroys that natural trust. This is true whether the perpetrator is a relative by blood or marriage, parent, stepparent, older sibling, neighbor, family friend, teacher, member of the clergy, therapist, physician, baby-sitter, camp counselor, etc. The results are similar. The child's world becomes unsafe--confusing and frightening. I n c e s t Survivors A n o n y m o u s (1983, p. 17) d e f i n e s incest in a similar w a y - - p o i n t i n g o u t two i m p o r t a n t e l e m e n t s : trust a n d power 9 I n c e s t involves a v i o l a t i o n o f trust by s o m e o n e with a p o w e r a d v a n t a g e o v e r t h e victim. T h e c o m m o n e l e m e n t s to all o f t h e a b o v e d e s c r i p t i o n s s e e m to b e t h e use o f c h i l d r e n o r a d o l e s c e n t s for t h e sexual g r a t i f i c a t i o n o f s o m e o n e with a p o w e r a d v a n t a g e o v e r t h e m . M o s t o f t h e l i t e r a t u r e utilized in this s t u d y also i n c l u d e s t h e d i m e n s i o n o f physical c o n t a c t b e t w e e n t h e p e r p e t r a t o r a n d t h e victim.

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Estimates of the frequency of child sexual abuse vary. Kilpatrick (1992, pp. 111-112), in her study, found that 24% of the females sampled had sexual experiences with relatives when they were children and 12% had sexual experiences with relatives as adolescents. LaFontaine (1990, p. 77) indicates that in Great Britain, "Only a fraction of the sexual abuse of children that happens is ever reported." Jones and Johnston (1989, p. v) report that in the United States " . . .66 percent to 87 percent of child abuse cases nationwide are not reported." Kohn (1987, p. 56) reports that 25 to 35% of women and 10 to 16% of men were sexually abused as children. Daniel Goleman (1990) reports that a panel of the American Psychological Association reports that "37 percent of women had suffered significant physical or sexual abuse by the age of 21." John Briere (quoted in Kohn 1987, p. 56) says that it is probable "that at least a quarter to a third of adult women and perhaps half as many men have been sexually victimized as children." Peters (1988, p. 101), summarizing previous research, reports " . . . b e t w e e n 15% and 45% of women having experienced at least one incident of sexual abuse involving physical contact before the age of 18." Grubman-Black (1990, p. vii) states that " . . . t h e figure most often reported is that one in six males has been sexually abused in childhood." If it is the case that about one of three women and one of six men were sexually abused as children, that means that approximately as many as one of four adults are survivors of child sexual abuse.

CHILD SEXUAL A B U S E - - PERPETRATION Who sexually abuses children and what are common characteristics of these perpetrators? A survey of the research shows that the stereotype of the perpetrator being a derelict hanging out at playgrounds is a false perception of who is a typical sexual abuser. Sexual abusers "come from all walks of life and professions" (Parks, 1990, p. 12). Abusers can be fathers, stepfathers, baby-sitters, siblings, mothers, uncles, aunts, ministers, priests, nuns, monks, trusted adults, etc . . . . Abusers are generally known to the victim and are often in some position of power or authority. Jean LaFontaine (1990, p. 151), a researcher at the London School of Economics writes: "Children are most often abused in houses where they live, by the people with whom they live." In the United Kingdom (Parks, 1990, p. 11), "in only 14% of the cases of child sexual abuse is the abuser a stranger to the child, 86% of such crimes are committed by relatives or someone known to the c h i l d . . . The most common abuser is the natural father." In terms of known, non-family members who abuse, O'Ha-

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gan (1989, p. 67) has found that " . . . s e x u a l abuse of toddlers by teenage child-minders is one of the most common forms of abuse situations." Although male abusers outnumber female abusers, women can sexually abuse children. According to Osborn (1990, p. 28) " . . . w o m e n are more likely to abuse only once, are less likely to use force or violence and the abuse is less likely to occur at a 'severe' level." There is more risk that abuse will take place in a home in which a) maternal warmth is low (Kilpatrick, 1992; Peters, 1988); b) the natural father or stepfather were absent during the first three years of the child's life (O'Hagan, 1989); c) the father or stepfather have played no part at all in child care and nurturant activities in the earliest years of the child's life (O'Hagan, 1989); d) "ff one child in the family is being abused, it is likely that others are as well" (O'Hagan, 1989, p. 68). Not all abuse by trusted others takes place in the home. There has been a lot of recent evidence that ministers of religion also perpetrate sexual abuse (Berry, 1992; Greeley, 1993; Rossetti, 1990). Although Rossetti (1990, p. 4) tries to minimize the extent of sexual abuse by Catholic priests: 'A young boy or girl is much more likely to be sexually abused by the father of a family than by the parish priest," Greeley's (1993, p. 7) research has indicated " . . . t h a t a n estimate of one out of ten priests as sexual abusers might be too high and an estimate of one out of twenty might be too low." Certainly, in gross numbers, there are many more sexually abusing males in families than there are in rectories. Quite possibly 8% of the males in families are sexual abusers (see Kilpatrick, 1992; Kohn, 1987; LaFontaine, 1990). However, if Greeley's estimate that between 5 and 10% of priests are sexual abusers, it appears that perpetrators are no less likely to live in the rectory than in the family home. Who are these abusers and what characterizes them? According to Parks (1990, pp. 29-30): Most abusers are men with little control over their own life. Feeling inadequate and powerless with their peers, they turn towards children to express power and control. . . . Most abusers are emotionallyimmature. They either have a low level of control over their behaviour or are rigidly over-controlled. They have low self-esteem.Manyhave an authoritarianbackground.Manywere abused themselves as children. To understand what would lead priests to abuse children, according to Berry (1992, p. xx), one would find that the roots "lie in the offender's own childhood or in neurological abnormalities." Lothstein (1990, pp. 36-37) lists these characteristics of sexual abusers: cognitive distortions, deviant sexual fantasies, disordered sexual arousal pattern, interpersonal dependence, low self-esteem, low victim empathy, deficient sexual knowledge, lack of social skills. He points out that sexual abuse " . . .is always an aggressive act."

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IMPACT OF CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE IN VICTIMS There are multiple effects of child sexual abuse on adult survivors. Parks (1990, p. 162) lists them in this way: The most common signals in adults are self-sabotage, nightmares, phobias, sexual dysfunction, insomnia, agoraphobia, obesity or anorexia, low self-esteem, immaturity, aggressive or withdrawn behavior, poor self-image and lack of confidence, alcohol or drug abuse, and panic attacks.

Briere et al. (1988, p. 460) note that " . . . i t is possible that the childhood sexual victimization has an equivalent impact on males and females regardless of any differences in its severity or duration between the sexes." Many adults who were sexually abused as children may have no memories of that abuse but the effects are still felt without a recognition of their source (Osborn, 1990, p. 8; Parks, 1990, p. 168). 'N psychogenic amnesia may block any awareness or recollection of the underlying cause. The victim may be totally unaware of the psychic injury" (Brown, 1990, p. 87). Sexual child abuse is extremely difficult to endure. One way of dealing with the pain is to put what is happening out of your mind. If a child has to deny or forget what is happening to him in order to survive an abusive situation, he may find, as an adult, that he has literally lost his childhood. A great many incest survivors have little or no memory of their childhood (Lew, 1988, p. 95).

Memories can return under varying circumstances (Parks, 1990, p. 166) such as a major crisis, the giving of birth, the feeling of safety and security. Mike Lew (1988, pp. 135-137) says that memories are best recalled under these conditions: a. time and distance from the abuse; b. creation of a safe environment; c. sufficient emotional discharge; d. a catalytic situation or event. He (1990, p. 135) contends that " . . .it is more common for people to be dealing with the effects of incest when they have reached their thirties, forties and fifties." Brown (1990) describes the impact of sexual abuse as having the characteristics of Post Traumatic Stress Disorder. She further says that victims have relational (feel emptiness in life, rage and anger, self-destruction), physical (addictions and eating disorders) and social problems (extreme withdrawal, isolation, rebellion). Table I (from Brown, 1990, p. 90) lists the characteristic symptoms of child sexual abuse in adults. Several of the impacts of sexual abuse on adult survivors have particular relevance to the relationship of this experience to political particip a t i o n : low s e l f - e s t e e m , lack of trust, and t h e f e e l i n g of hopelessness/powerlessness. Distrust of others by survivors is reported on throughout the literature (Bolton et al., 1989; Hayward and Carlyle, 1991; Jones and Johnston, 1989; Kilpatrick, 1992; Lew, 1988; Moran, 1990; Os-

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Table I. Characteristic Symptoms of Childhood Sexual Abuse in Adults Personal/Relational Symptoms 9 lack of dlan or joie de vivre 9 psychogenic amnesia concerning childhood events 9 suicidal thoughts and/or gestures 9 self-mutilation (e.g., cutting, burning, maiming oneself) 9 rigid or controlling behavior 9 depression and/or anxiety 9 low self-esteem, inability to trust others Physical Symptoms 9 alcohol/drug abuse or addiction 9 sexual disorders (e.g., frigidity or sexual addictions) 9 eating disorders (e.g., obesity, anorexia, bulimia) 9 gastrointestinal problems (e.g., abdominal pains, appetite disorders, constipation) 9 skeletal muscle tension (e.g., headaches, back pains, chest pains, tension in legs or arms) 9 disturbed sleep Social Symptoms 9 isolation or withdrawal 9 delinquent or anti-social behavior 9 homicidal impulses or actions 9 sexually acting out (e.g., promiscuity) 9 compulsive achieving 9 workaholism Spiritual Symptoms 9 inability to pray 9 irrational fear of God 9 sense of impending punishment by God for unknown reasons 9 unable to relate to masculinity in God or Jesus because he is male (in females abused by males) 9 lack of direction for spiritual journey; feeling lost or hopeless Source: Brown (1990)

born, 1990; Parks, 1990). As M o r a n (1990, p. 78) puts it: "Basic trust in relationships is shattered. For the abused child, the world is an unsafe place." Self-esteem is u n d e r m i n e d greatly by sexual abuse (Bolton et al., 1989; Jones and Johnston, 1989; Kilpatrick, 1992; Kohn, 1987; Lew, 1988; Osborn, 1990; Peters, 1988). Peters (1988, p. 114) c o n t e n d s " . . .that b o t h sexual abuse and the associated family characteristics are likely to interfere with the d e v e l o p m e n t of self-esteem and mastery, and these deficits, in turn, increase the likelihood o f psychological problems later in life." J o n e s and J o h n s t o n (1989, p. 2-5) report that "Finklehor (1979) f o u n d that all sexually abusive acts, f r o m fondling to penetration, lower the child's selfesteem. Activities involving exhibition or fondling, for example, were rep o r t e d to be as traumatic as intercourse." G r u b m a n - B l a c k (1990, p. 61)

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describes the effects of powerlessness in this way: "The loss of power and control was so traumatic that later in our lives even a hint of threat evoked avoidance responses." Later, connections will be made to show the relevance of some of these effects of sexual abuse on individuals to the question of the impact on the polis. In addition to the many impacts on the individual, sexual abuse also has many social ramifications.

SOCIAL IMPACTS OF CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE The impacts of sexual abuse extent far beyond the effects on the individual survivor. In 1989 a special report on the issue of the effects of child abuse (physical, emotional, and sexual) and neglect was prepared by Jones and Johnson (1989) for the Texas Legislature. They reported that "Child abuse is dangerous to children and costly to society" (p. 1-2). They further reported that survivors of abuse have more health problems, manifest more delinquent behavior, " . . .are more likely to be in public assistance programs, to have employment difficulties, to have mental health problems, and to overuse health care systems" (p. vii). In summarizing other research, they (p. 2-3) found: Between 60 and 80 percent of adult drug or alcohol abusers have a history of child abuse (Cohen and Densen-Gerber, 1982). Similar findings have been reported among victims of sexual abuse, with studies indicating that many develop drug and alcohol abuse problems (Jones, Gruber, and Timber, 1981).

They also report (p. 2-6) that more than 50% " . . . of runaways have been sexually abused." Furthermore, suicide is more common among abused children than non-abused (Briere et al., 1988; Jones and Johnston, 1989; O'Hagan, 1989). Studies of prostitution find its roots in child sexual abuse. A study by Silbert and Pines (1983) found that 60 percent of the prostitutes they interviewed had been sexually abused as children, and that 70 percent of them had made their decisions to become prostitutes based on that abuse. James and Meyerding (1977) found that 65% of adolescent prostitutes had been sexually abused. In Wild's (1989, p. 558) study of child sex rings in England it was found that "Sexual abuse of the children within the family was not uncommon and, in some cases, laid the foundation for their involvement in sex rings." Search (1988) reports that 75 to 80% of female prostitutes and almost all male prostitutes had been sexually abused as children. There are other socially relevant impacts of child sexual abuse: delinquency and crime (Bolton et al., 1989; Jones and Johnston, 1989; Osborn, 1990), the impact on members of the armed services, and stress

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experienced by those having to deal with families which abuse. 'A study of Vietnam veterans suggests that childhood abuse may raise the risk of developing post-traumatic stress disorder after combat" ('Abuse Linked," 1992). The SanAntonio Express News (July 15, 1992) reports that a program has been started in Fort Worth Texas to help police deal with the stress and depression resulting from responding to child abuse calls. These numerous problems resulting from sexual abuse all put strain on our political system. The effects of child sexual abuse have implications with regard to the survivors themselves and how they participate in the political process.

POLITICAL PARTICIPATION Milbraith and Goel (1977, p. 2) have defined political participation "as those actions of private citizens by which they seek to influence or support government and politics." Muller (1977, p. 64) has pointed out that "the Milbraith-Goel definition can be seen to encompass three conceptually distinct modes of political participation... Democratic Participation, Aggressive Participation, and Patriotic Participation." Democratic Participation would refer to such conventional activities as voting, campaigning, contacting public officials and unconventional activities such as boycotts and demonstrations. Aggressive participation would refer to illegal political behaviors such as civil disobedience and political violence. An example of patriotic participation, for Milbraith and Goel (1977, p. 12), would be flying the flag. Milbraith and Goel (1977) have produced a useful summary of empirical findings with reference to political participation. They indicate that education, political interest, and partisanship consistently influence levels of political participation. They (p. 98) state that a "widely documented research finding is that people with higher levels of education tend to participate at a higher level than those with less education." Political interest has also been found to influence political participation. Milbraith and Goel (1977, p. 46) write that at "least a dozen studies spread over different c u l t u r e s . . , have shown that persons who are more interested in and concerned about political matters are more likely to be activists." Researchers have used political interest as a measure of psychological involvement in politics and have found that education positively influences this interest. Milbraith and Goel (1977, p. 47), in summarizing the findings of twelve different studies, write that "Persons of higher socioeconomic status (SES), especially higher education, are more likely to become psychologically involved in politics than persons of lower status." Thus, po-

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litical interest influences participation and this interest is intensified by education. Verba and Nie (1972, pp. 125-126) have studied what they call the standard model of political participation. They have said that socioeconomic status is an important predictor of political participation. "Citizens of higher social and economic status participate more in politics. This generalization has been confirmed many times in many n a t i o n s . . . Individuals of higher social status develop such civic orientations as concern for politics, information, and feelings of efficacy, and these orientations in turn lead to participation." Political partisanship has also been found (Milbraith and Goel, 1977, p. 54) to influence political participation: " . . . m o r e than a dozen studies have shown that persons who strongly identify with or intensely prefer a political party (any party) are more likely to participate actively in the political process." In addition to partisanship, one's values are also noted to be influential in the choice to participate at all and in the style of participation (democratic, aggressive, or patriotic). Inglehart (1979, p. 306) has stated " . . .one's values and political skills seem to be key influences on an individual's potential for political action." In his study of the role of values on political participation, he has found that those with postmaterialist values are more likely to participate in protest politics than those with materialist values. Levels of political participation are influenced by various aspects of citizens' lives: their educational level, income, psychological involvement in politics, partisan identification and personal values. This can be probed even more deeply.

CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE AND THE POLITICAL PROCESS The political participation literature has long recognized the influence of personal characteristics in the generation of political activity. In summarizing earlier studies, Nie, Verba, and Petrocik (1976, p. 37) found " .basic political attitudes are not closely linked to passing political events but, rather, have their roots in more permanent sociological and psychological factors." Childhood socialization can have an important impact on later political involvement. .

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Political learning can be direct or indirect. Indirect political learning is the acquisition of psychological orientations that are politically relevant even though they are not explicitly political. For example an individual might transfer attitudes toward parental and school authorities to political authorities (Conway, 1985, p. 49).

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It seems quite possible that the experience of child sexual abuse may have an influence on the development of certain politically relevant variables which have been identified in the literature: political trust, political efficacy, and (one which we already know is affected by abuse) self-esteem. The sexual abuse literature indicates that survivors often learn to distrust other people and have low levels of self-esteem. Wright (1976, pp. 104-110) found that measures of personal trust (trust in other people) and personal competence correlate with (but are distinct from) measures of political trust and political efficacy. He found that the more personal trust a person had, the greater the levels of political trust and political efficacy. He also found that the more personal efficacy a person had, the greater the levels of political efficacy (but not necessarily political trust). Abramson (1983, pp. 155-156) reports that those with low levels of self-confidence have low levels of political effectiveness and low levels of political trust as well. According to Abramson (1983, p. 216), "Lane argues that personal trust, self-confidence, and trust in political leaders are all interrelated: If one cannot trust other people generally, one can certainly not trust those under the temptations of and with the powers which come with public ofrice. Trust in elected officials is seen to be only a more specific instance of trust in mankind." Political trust, or the lack thereof, can have a variety of impacts in the political sector. Measures of political trust usually are measures of trust of the people in public office (incumbents); but this trust is correlated with levels of political alienation from the political system (Muller, 1979). Merelman (1986, p. 288) has found that low levels of systems trust can result in alienation with "potential for opposition to the status quo." He has pointed out that " . . . m a s s support often inhibits leaders in their treatment of followers. Mass support constitutes an implicit moral claim that leaders not abuse their followers' trust" (p. 309). He contends that if followers no longer support or trust their leaders, dire consequences may follow. "Why, after all, should leaders feel obligated to refrain from oppressing people who no longer seem to trust them?" Crenshaw (1986, p. 392) in her study of political terrorists found that they " . . .had suffered serious traumas during critical stages of development, especially in failures to establish trust, autonomy, and initiative." On the other hand, Montero (1986, p. 425), in a study of Peruvian women, found that those who were more trusting and less fatalistic preferred extensive opportunities for participation and basically supported democratic participation. Political efficacy is closely related to, but distinct from, self-esteem. Niemi et al. (1991) describe political efficacy as having two components: internal efficacy refers to the belief that one is competent to understand

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and participate in politics, external efficacy refers to beliefs concerning the responsiveness of incumbents and institutions to citizen desires. They state (1991, p. 1411) that "internal e f f i c a c y . . , should also be associated with higher levels of political involvement (though perhaps more so with psychological involvement than with actual participation) and with higher educational attainment." Finley (1991) reports that feminist spirituality (which counters hierarchical, inflexible religion) enhances personal efficacy which results in increased political efficacy. She further points out that the literature indicates that political efficacy and political involvement are positively related. Wollman and Stouder (1991) found a causal relationship between believed efficacy and political activity. Bennett (1986) reports that citizens who possess higher levels of internal and external efficacy are more likely to be politically interested and politically involved. Almond and Verba (1965) contend that self-confidence in a citizen contributes to the creation of a democratic citizen. Self-esteem has been found to be a politically relevant variable. E1lison and London (1992) have found that higher levels of self-esteem result in higher levels of political participation for both blacks and whites. Bennett (1986) points out that a number of studies have found that apathetic citizens, that is, citizens with a lack of political interest, have low self-esteem. He also finds (1986, p. 111) that " . . . i t appears that even when education and employment status are taken into account, women are still less likely to be politically minded." (This should be no surprise, since they are twice as likely as males to have been abused as children and thus are probably twice as likely to have had their self-esteem wounded.) Paul Sniderman (1975) wrote extensively on the role of self-esteem and politics. "Self-esteem appears to lie at or near the center, rather than the periphery, of the personality system" (p. 12). Researchers have found a connection between self-esteem and political participation and there is a " . . . c l o s e connection between the value a person places on himself and his perception of the political world" (p. 15). Sniderman (1975, p. 48) describes three dimensions of self-esteem: a) feelings of personal unworthiness, b) interpersonal competence, and c) status inferiority. A person with low self-esteem " . . . s e e s h i m s e l f as relatively powerless to overcome other problems he faces, whether those problems arise in the world outside or originate deep within himself" (p. 68). Sniderman links low self-esteem with the following: low trust of others, a sense of futility (both personal and political), a doubt of personal worth, feelings of isolation and being out of place, hostility, and alienation. He finds that "...individual differences in self-esteem evidently exercise a profound influence over attitudes to politics" (p. 222) and that " . . .low self-esteem tends to inhibit political in-

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volvement" (p. 246). Zellman and Sears (1971) found that self-esteem influences levels of tolerance. Sniderman's study (1975, p. 203) confirms " . . . t h e power of high self-esteem to strengthen democratic commitment and of low self-esteem to weaken it." Somit and Peterson's (1986, p. 21) summary of biopolitical research indicates some interesting relationships between self-image, self-esteem, health, and politics. They report that those with more positive perceptions of their bodies have greater self esteem; those with poorer health are more likely to have negative views about politics and less likely to participate; and that " . . . b o d y image is an intervening variable between health status and political participation and that it predicts participation fairly well." They further report that " . . .weight is inversely correlated with campaign activity. [and] . . ."Waist size also was inversely linked with community-oriented political behavior." Thus, those with poor health, and/or negative body images will have lower self-esteem. Further, those with lower self-esteem and/or are overeaters are less likely to participate in politics.

AN UNDERMINING OF THE POLIS

John Bradshaw (1990, p. 42) writes "Sexual violation inflicts spiritual wounding more intensely than any other kind of violation." That is to say, survivors of sexual abuse are hurt to the cores of their personalities. Some of the damage from this wounding on the personal level can influence political attitudes and particular political outcomes (see Table II). As has already been pointed out: sexual abuse often results in poor health and eating disorders. Those with increased weight are less likely to participate politically. Sexual abuse and poor health result in a negative body image and negative self-esteem (which is undermined further by a negative body image). Lowered self-esteem undermines feelings of personal trust, personal competence, psychological involvement in politics, tolerance, democratic commitment, and political involvement and participation. Sexual abuse undermines feelings of personal trust and personal competence, which in turn, undermine levels of political trust and political efficacy. Lowered political trust results in greater political alienation and less likelihood of supporting democratic participation. Lowered political efficacy results in decreased psychological involvement in politics, lessened support for democratic participation, and lower levels of political involvement and participation. There are, indeed, a number of linkages between the literature

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Table lI. Exploring the Influence of Child Sexual Abuse on the Polis Political Attitudes Affected

Political Outcomes Affected

poor health

lowered political efficacy

decreased psychological involvement in politics

eating disorders

lowered political trust

undermining of democratic correlates (lowered) ----democratic commitment ----tolerance --support of democratic participation

lowered self esteem

increased political alienation

Personal Impact

less personal trust

lower rates of political involvement and participation

less personal competence

describing the effects of child sexual abuse and the empirical studies exploring the roots of political participation (see Fig. 1). Social science research does not make point predictions. One can perhaps point to exceptions to these general trends. There are political office holders who have been abused. How does one explain this? Abuse and its resultant lowered self-esteem are not the only factors which can influence political participation. Other factors, such as education, participation in organizations, the formation of postmaterialist values, indeed, perhaps the working at healing through therapy or participation in 12 step recovery, could balance and counter the predicted effects of abuse on politics. However, exceptions do not disprove the general trends. Needless to say: adults who were sexually abused as children are affected personally; democratic societies are affected politically. The support for democracy in terms of commitment to democratic principles, tolerance, and democratic participation are undermined by those who would violate the trust and personhood of a child. Not only the child is harmed when she or he is abused, we all are. Child sexual abuse contributes to the undermining of the polis.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This study was partially f u n d e d by grants f r o m the Luis R. Vera Creative Scholarship F u n d and St. M a r y ' s University A l u m n i Association.

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