Body Image 14 (2015) 54–61

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Bones, body parts, and sex appeal: An analysis of #thinspiration images on popular social media Jannath Ghaznavi ∗ , Laramie D. Taylor Department of Communication, University of California, Davis, Davis, CA, United States

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Article history: Received 27 September 2014 Received in revised form 8 February 2015 Accepted 14 March 2015 Keywords: Thinspiration Social media Sexual objectification Body image Thin ideal

The present study extends research on thinspiration images, visual and/or textual images intended to inspire weight loss, from pro-eating disorder websites to popular photo-sharing social media websites. The article reports on a systematic content analysis of thinspiration images (N = 300) on Twitter and Pinterest. Images tended to be sexually suggestive and objectifying with a focus on ultra-thin, bony, scantily-clad women. Results indicated that particular social media channels and labels (i.e., tags) were characterized by more segmented, bony content and greater social endorsement compared to others. In light of theories of media influence, results offer insight into the potentially harmful effects of exposure to sexually suggestive and objectifying content in large online communities on body image, quality of life, and mental health. © 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Introduction The proliferation of thin-ideal imagery referred to as thinspiration across social media websites like Pinterest, Tumblr and Twitter has received significant media attention in recent years (Bahadur, 2013; Columbia Broadcasting System New York, 2012; Public Broadcasting Service, 2014; Spiegel, 2013). Thinspiration is thin-ideal media content (i.e., images and/or prose) that intentionally promotes weight loss, often in a manner that encourages or glorifies dangerous behaviors characteristic of eating disorders (Lewis & Arbuthnott, 2012; National Eating Disorders Association, 2013). Such content is frequently accompanied by explicit encouragement or advice on losing weight and staying thin (Lapinski, 2009). The link between exposure to thin-ideal media content and body-related self-discrepancies, body dissatisfaction, and eating disorder symptomatology, particularly for young women consuming Western media, has been demonstrated in numerous studies across a variety of methodologies including experiments (for a meta-analysis, see Groesz, Levine, & Murnen, 2002; e.g., Homan, McHugh, Wells, Watson, & King, 2012) and longitudinal and crosssectional surveys (e.g., Bell & Dittmar, 2011; for a meta-analysis, see Grabe, Ward, & Hyde, 2008). Although content specifically labeled

∗ Corresponding author at: Department of Communication, University of California, One Shields Avenue, Davis, CA 95616, United States. Tel.: +1 707 400 7475. E-mail address: [email protected] (J. Ghaznavi). http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2015.03.006 1740-1445/© 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

as thinspiration has traditionally been found on pro-eating disorder (pro-ED) websites that encourage or advocate disordered eating for weight loss and image management (Lapinski, 2009), it is now widely shared and endorsed on popular social media websites (Columbia Broadcasting System New York, 2012). Social media websites are online communities and social networks in which people can interact with one another and create, share, and exchange information and ideas (Kietzmann, Hermkens, McCarthy, & Silvestre, 2011). These websites are characterized by interactive features that differ from earlier forms of media and have been found to hold different psychological outcomes for users in terms of body image concerns (e.g., Fardouly & Vartanian, 2015; Teodoro & Chang, 2014; Tiggemann & Slater, 2013; for a review, see Perloff, 2014). Given the harmful effects associated with thin-ideal media content (Grabe et al., 2008; Groesz et al., 2002), the ease of access to such images on social media (Columbia Broadcasting System New York, 2012), the degree to which these websites facilitate interaction with a community of like-minded users (Amichai-Hamburger, 2007), and the increasing and widespread use of these channels by a younger, vulnerable audience of preteens and teens (Bahadur, 2013; Duggan & Brenner, 2013), further research into the nature of potentially problematic content on social media websites is warranted. In this study, prior research into thinspiration content was expanded upon by documenting patterns of representation across thin-ideal imagery posted on popular social media. Specifically, the extent to which figures in thinspiration images are objectified, sexualized, and endorsed by other users, and the nature of the other labels or tags

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(i.e., terms used to label the image and organize it under various categories) connected with these images were examined within the context of social media. Previous studies examining thinspiration content in the context of explicitly pro-ED websites focused on user network characteristics, terms associated with such content, textual themes, and types of figures depicted within images like celebrities and models (e.g., Borzekowski, Schenk, Wilson, & Peebles, 2010; Lapinski, 2009; Lewis & Arbuthnott, 2012; Yom-Tov, Fernandez-Luque, Weber, & Crain, 2012). A majority of pro-ED websites contain media images overtly labeled as thinspiration that feature photos of thin models, celebrities, real people and/or athletes (e.g., Borzekowski et al., 2010; Lapinski, 2009; Norris, Boydell, Pinhas, & Katzman, 2006). These images are often accompanied by poetry, song lyrics, or quotations encouraging disordered eating behaviors (Lapinski, 2009; Norris et al., 2006). An analysis into the photo-sharing behavior of pro-anorexia and pro-recovery (i.e., recovery from an eating disorder) communities on Yahoo’s photo-sharing site Flickr revealed that the term thinspiration was among the tags (i.e., labels used to mark and categorize images) with the highest probability of usage by pro-anorexia users (Yom-Tov et al., 2012). Further research has indicated that terms thinspo and thinspiration tended to be associated with the most harmful content, including, graphic images of emaciated models and active encouragement of pro-ED behavior through tips and tricks (Lewis & Arbuthnott, 2012). Although this research offers insight into where thinspiration content can be found, what it generally consists of, and the terms associated with this material, researchers have generally not attended to the physical characteristics of the figures within the images across various types of websites. As young adults, teenagers, and women have come to rely increasingly on the Internet and social media (Bair, Kelly, Serdar, & Mazzeo, 2012; Lenhart, Purcell, Smith, & Zickuhr, 2010), researchers have focused increasingly on the relationship between social media use and body image concerns (e.g., Chrisler, Fung, Lopez, & Gorman, 2013; Fardouly & Vartanian, 2015; Tiggemann & Slater, 2013). Theoretical Perspectives on Media Influence Several theories of media influence suggest that thinspiration images on social media may negatively influence the attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors of individuals who view them. These theories also suggest that the likelihood of such effects depends on exposure, and the nature of the effects depends on the particular character of the content. Both objectification and social cognitive theory offer insight into how exposure to and interaction with these images, particularly in a social context such as social media, may result in negative outcomes for viewers. Objectification theory. Objectification refers to the conceptualization of an individual as an object, generally for the use and pleasure of others (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). When individuals, principally girls and women, are socialized to internalize an observer’s perspective as a primary view of their physical selves, they tend to think of themselves in this way, as objects to be looked at; this phenomenon is known as self-objectification (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). This self-objectification occurs, in part, when women view objectifying images or video of other women (Aubrey, 2006). Objectifying images include those that feature a woman in a manner that reduces her to an instrument of other’s pleasure or use, such as those that isolate, emphasize, or evaluate specific body parts, particularly with regard to sexual appeal and appearance (Bartky, 1990; Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). Self-objectification is associated with a range of negative outcomes. Girls and women who experience self-objectification adopt a third-person perspective in evaluating themselves, leading to

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preoccupation with self-monitoring and negative self-evaluations (Curry & Choate, 2010). Exposure to objectified images portraying the thin ideal has been shown to increase self-objectification, weight-related appearance anxiety, body dissatisfaction, and disordered eating (Harper & Tiggemann, 2008; Morry & Staska, 2001; Murnen, Smolak, Mills, & Good, 2003). Additional mental health risks associated with self-objectification include depression, body shame, appearance anxiety and sexual dysfunction (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). The risks associated with exposure to thinspiration content, in particular, may be, if anything, even more pronounced. Thinspiration content serves the express purpose of motivating conformity to a thin appearance ideal. The images are created, posted, shared, and often sought out with the goal of promoting thinness. Their purpose is to motivate and guide self-scrutiny based on appearance. The manner in which they do so is likely to shape, at least in part, the degree to which they induce self-objectification. Inasmuch as they overtly call attention to appearance evaluation, isolate specific body parts, and depict or describe the body as something to be seen or used, they are likely to hold the potential for relatively greater harm. The first research question, then, explores the nature of the visual characteristics of thinspiration content as well as accompanying text that may suggest or guide the meaning likely to be derived from that content. RQ1: What are the characteristics of thinspiration content on social media? Within many social media sites that facilitate photo sharing (e.g., Pinterest, Twitter), users have the option to label images with multiple tags (e.g., #proana, #fitspo) that allow images to be classified and more readily searched. Multiple tags allow the image to appear in multiple search results (e.g., a search for “fitness” images would lead to thinspiration content also tagged with the word “fitness”). Understanding what tags tend to co-occur with thinspiration-related tags can offer insight into likely patterns of exposure to this content (Bahadur, 2013). Given the potential for wide exposure, the second research question explores how images are categorized through the use of tags. RQ2: What additional tags are used to categorize thinspiration content on social media sites? Social cognitive theory. Social cognitive theory also suggests that exposure to thinspiration content is likely to be harmful. Social cognitive theory proposes that people learn from modeled behaviors and are more likely to imitate such behaviors when they can relate to the model and when the behavior is rewarded socially or otherwise (Bandura, 2009). Idealizing and striving toward a thin ideal is a behavior often modeled in media content; this modeling often takes the form of imagery similar to that found in thinspiration content (for a review, see Perloff, 2014). Learning such a thin ideal ultimately affects beliefs, attitudes, and behavior involving food, eating, and the desirable weight and body shape (Dittmar, Halliwell, & Ive, 2006; Harrison & Cantor, 1997; Levine & Smolak, 2006). Thinspiration content on social media may provide a particularly influential model owing to its social character. The endorsement of behaviors by others can serve as a form of social reward that further encourages learning from and adopting modeled behaviors (Bandura, 2009); this has been shown to contribute to the internalization of the thin ideal (Borzekowski et al., 2010). Social media websites typically allow users to endorse images through various features, including “repins,” “retweets,” “likes,” or “favorites.” These endorsements are visible, both individually and in aggregate, by other site users. Vulnerable users, then, may be more likely to adopt thin-ideal messages due to repeated exposure to images of successful media figures embodying the thin ideal and the apparent social rewards accruing to those images in

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the form of endorsement of these images by peers (Borzekowski et al., 2010). Such repeated exposure may result from accessing social media websites and being directly or indirectly exposed to thinspiration content. Given that social endorsement of thinspiration messages coupled with repeated exposure to accompanying imagery may ultimately influence adoption of the thin-ideal, the third research question asks whether certain visual characteristics and/or messages of thinspiration content are particularly endorsed. RQ3: What type of thinspiration content elicits social endorsement on social media sites? Of course, social media sites are not all the same. In addition to varying in their specific practices and options, they likely differ in the characteristics of their users, including those who share and view thinspiration content. The demographic characteristics of users tend to differ by age and gender, for example, across a variety of social media websites (Lenhart et al., 2010). Facebook and Pinterest users, for example, are generally older than Twitter and Instagram users (Lenhart et al., 2010). Age differences matter when it comes to body image. Individuals most prone to the negative effects of media images promoting the thin-ideal tended to be those who younger than 19 years old (for a meta-analysis, see Groesz et al., 2002). Inasmuch as user characteristics of social media websites differ outcomes of viewing may also be different. In addition, different audiences may select, promote, and endorse different content. The fourth research question examines potential differences in thinspiration characteristics, additional tags and forms of endorsement across both social media websites. RQ4: How do characteristics of thinspiration content differ across different social media? Finally, the tagged terms thinspiration and thinspo (a common abbreviation for thinspiration) were found to be associated with the most harmful content on pro-ED websites and have been used synonymously in past research (Lewis & Arbuthnott, 2012). The last research question looks at whether image characteristics differ across the two tagged terms given the emphasis on the term thinspiration in the news and concern about intentions to limit or censor thinspiration tagged material. RQ5: How will characteristics of thinspiration content differ between the tags thinspiration and thinspo, if at all?

Method Sample The sample was collected through a systematic random sampling of posted images from photo-sharing website Pinterest and social networking website Twitter. These particular social media websites were chosen for their popularity, function, and features. Next to Facebook, Pinterest and Twitter are the two most popular social media websites used by U.S. women (25% of female internet users above the age of 18) and teens (8% internet users ages 12 to 17) (Duggan & Brenner, 2013; Lenhart et al., 2010). Beyond the U.S., 80% of Pinterest users are female (Guimarães, 2014). Additionally, thirty percent of its users are between the ages of 25 and 34 and 5% of users are aged 17 and under (Guimarães, 2014). In terms of its global use, the top four countries with Pinterest users include the U.S. (69%), Canada (3%), the U.K. (3%), and Japan (2.4%) (Guimarães, 2014). With regards to Twitter’s user characteristics, 13% of online girls ages 14 to 17 use Twitter compared with 7% of boys of that age (Lenhart et al., 2010). The top four countries that currently account for Twitter’s internet users include the Netherlands (26.8%), Japan (26.6%), Brazil (23.7%), and Indonesia (22.0%) according to recent data (Guimarães, 2014). In terms of the social media channels’ functions and features, thinspiration content can be easily searched in Twitter and Pinterest.

Fig. 1. This figure is an example of a reverse trigger image that might appear on Pinterest and tagged as thinspiration. The image is shown at the top of the post. Below the image are tags used to describe and categorize the image. Amount and type of endorsement in the form of either “repins” or “likes” by other users are shown below the tags.

Users can enter related terms into a search bar, which returns all content tagged with the particular search term. Data was not collected from Facebook or Instagram because these websites require joining thinspiration groups by request whereas Pinterest and Twitter only require a username and a password. Facebook and Instagram are also mostly online meeting places for offline friends, whereas Twitter and Pinterest are more oriented towards broader audiences. The unit of data collection was any image posted by website users that was tagged as either thinspiration or thinspo. These terms were used either alone or with a “#” preceding the word in the search. Identifying information like profile pictures, usernames in addition to duplicate usernames and images were excluded. All images were collected within two arbitrarily chosen 24-hr periods. See Fig. 1 and Fig. 2 for examples of thinspiration images posted on Pinterest and Twitter, respectively. Coded Variables and Procedures The following variables were coded to address each of the research questions: image type, image purpose, image content, body depiction, additional tags, explicitness of attire, sexual suggestiveness, and social endorsement. See Table 1 for a detailed description of each of these categories. Two independent coders coded images for seven of these variables. The variable social endorsement was only recorded by one coder since it is a continuous variable and explicitly stated on each unit of the sample. To address the first research question, the type and purpose of each image, the content and depiction of the figure(s), if any, within the images, the explicitness of the figure’s attire, and the sexual suggestiveness of the content was coded. Image type was coded as either visual, textual or both based on whether images had any text or only consisted of depictions of figures or other

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Table 1 Descriptions of coded variables. Variable

Description

Details

Image type

Visual, textual or both

Visual images include figures or objects or other imagery like a cartoon, whereas textual images include quotes or advice (e.g., waking up thinner is worth going to bed hungry), some images contain both figures or objects and text

Image purpose

How the image intends to motivate viewers in visual images

Trigger (intended to motivate or maintain weight loss), reverse trigger (intended to repel the receiver with images of typically obese figures), and distractors (intended to distract the receiver from hunger or provide appetite fulfillment through image) (Lapinski, 2009) in addition to other purposes such as pro-eating and body/self-acceptance

Image content

Items providing information on the figures or objects depicted in visual images

Before/after photograph, location, posing or performing an action, type of action, type of objects, male or female present

Body depiction

Items providing information on the depiction of figure’s body in visual images

Body parts of the figure included in the image excluding hands and feet, protruding rib, hip, and/or collarbones, depiction of abdomen muscles

Explicitness of attire

A figure’s level of attire depicted in the visual images

Demure, suggestive, partially clad, nude (Soley & Reid, 1988)

Sexual suggestiveness

Use of sexually provocative depictions to provoke a sexual response

Includes alluring gaze, winking, flirting, posing sexually (e.g., one leg forward and lifted) or sexual teasing; unbuttoned or ripped or partially open clothing (Coltrane & Messineo, 2000)

Additional tags

Any additional words or phrases that the image is tagged as like “#ana” or “skinny”

Text not in image, usually beneath image or above image, categories include health/wellness, fitness, pro-ED, variation of thinspiration, anti-thinspiration, body/self-acceptance, and other

Endorsement

Forms of social endorsement by other users interacting with the image

Two types: users can “repins” (Pinterest) or “retweet” (Twitter) images to their own user profiles; user can also “like” (Pinterest) or “favorite” (Twitter) an image

Fig. 2. This figure is an example of a trigger image that might appear on Twitter and tagged as thinspo. The image is shown at the top of the post. Below the image are tags used to describe and categorize the image. Amount and type of endorsement in the form of either “retweets” or “favorites” by other users are shown below the tags.

imagery like cartoons. Image purpose consisted of terms and definitions derived from prior research on thinspiration content on pro-ED websites including triggers (intended to motivate viewers to lose weight), reverse triggers (intended to repel the viewer, typically with images of obese women), and distractors (intended to distract the receiver from hunger or provide appetite fulfillment through images of food) and other purposes like the promotion of body/self-acceptance (Lapinski, 2009). Whether the figures were posing, performing an action, presenting a before/after weight loss photo, and the sex of any figures within the image were also coded. These variables provided a general idea of the type of material depicted in the images. To assess the objectification of figures within the images, the depiction of the bodies in terms of their visible body parts, bones, and muscles were coded. This first indicator of objectification consisted of seven specific body parts (whole or partial) included as part of the figure in the image (e.g., head, chest, abdomen, thighs, etc.) excluding hands and feet. Protruding rib, hip, and collarbones beneath the skin and evidence of abdomen muscles were also coded under body depiction as an indicator of extreme thinness or muscularity. Evidence of muscularity was assessed to determine whether thinspiration content extends beyond the glorification of the thin ideal by promoting fitness and muscularity as well. Objectification occurs in part as individuals are seen as a collection of parts rather than an entire individual (Gervais, Vescio, Förster, Maass, & Suitner, 2012); these parts were chosen due to their frequent occurrence in thinspiration content and comments regarding that content. Several indicators were assessed to address the sexualization of the figures depicted within the images including explicitness of attire and sexual suggestiveness. The explicitness of attire worn by figures was coded into four different levels including demure, suggestive, partially clad, and nude (Soley & Reid, 1988). Additionally, sexual suggestiveness was defined as the presence of sexually provocative characters or figures that try to be sexy or behave in a sexy way (e.g., the depiction of alluring behavior such as flirting, winking, puckering the lips, or sexual teasing) and assessed as a binary variable (i.e., present or not present) (Coltrane & Messineo, 2000). To answer the second research question, additional tags (i.e., other than thinspiration and/or thinspo) were also coded since

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images with more than one tag are likely to appear in more search results compared to images with fewer tags. These additional tags were coded into the following categories: health or fitness-related (e.g., #gym, #fitspo), pro-ED (e.g., #proana, #mia), some variation of thinspiration and thinspo (e.g., #skinny, #thin), body/self-acceptance (e.g., #loveyourself), anti-thinspiration (e.g., #antithinspiration), and other. The third research question involved the notion of social endorsement. To address this question, the type and amount of endorsement provided by other viewers was recorded. The first type of endorsement involved the number of viewers who “liked” an image on Pinterest or “favorited” an image on Twitter. The second type of endorsement measured was the number of viewers who “repinned” an image on Pinterest or “retweeted” an image on Twitter. To address the fourth and fifth research questions which involved comparing across social media channels and tags, two additional continuous variables were assessed to provide general indicators of objectification and thinness. These variables were created to draw comparisons between different social media channels and tags in terms of the extent to which thinspiration content was objectified and/or characterized by extreme thinness. The first variable was created from the sum of all the visible body parts belonging to one figure in the image, indicating the extent to which an image was segmented (i.e., objectified). Fewer body parts were associated with increased objectification. The second variable was created from the sum of all types of bone protrusions (i.e., rib, hip, and/or collarbones), indicating the extent to which a figure was considered extremely thin. Coding reliability. A codebook with detailed guidelines and examples was developed and used by two coders to ensure high reliability. Twenty percent (n = 60) of the images in the sample were coded independently by both coders to establish intercoder reliability (see Table 2 for a list of reliability coefficients by variable). Due to the categorical nature of the data, Cohen’s kappa (Cohen, 1960) was employed using the software ReCal2 (Freelon, 2010). Kappas were between .77 and 1.0, surpassing the .70 threshold generally considered a good indicator of reliability in exploratory research (see Neuendorf, 2002). The analysis included descriptive statistics, correlation, chi-square and t-tests and regression; significance was set at the alpha level of .05. IBM SPSS Statistics 21 for Windows was used in conducting the analyses. Results The final sample consisted of 300 images from Twitter (n = 150) and Pinterest (n = 150), with half of the images from each website tagged as thinspiration and the other half tagged as thinspo. Both of these search terms yielded significant overlap in their results. An analysis of the images labeled under either tag revealed that thinspiration content typically features a bony, partially clad, and sexually provocative image of a woman with the focal point of the depiction on her pelvis and abdomen. Visual Characteristics In response to the first research question, an analysis of the visual characteristics of thinspiration images collected from both websites revealed that 83% percent of the images coded were visual in nature, 10% both visual and textual, 4% consisted of postings called tweets with text and/or tags without uploaded images, and 4% only textual (i.e., an image with only text, like a quote or a recommendation). Majority of the images (89%) depicted female figures with 2% depicting non-human figures (e.g., a male statue, an animal cartoon character) and 9% showing either text or tweets without images. Types of image purpose across both social media

Table 2 Intercoder reliability. General categories

Variables

Cohen’s kappa

Image type

visual, textual, or combined

1.00

Image purpose

trigger reverse trigger distractor body/self-acceptance pro-eating other purpose

1.00 1.00 1.00 0.80 1.00 1.00

Image content

person present male or female number of bodies posing performing an action before & after photograph

1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00

Body depiction

head arms thighs shins breasts abdomen pelvis sum of body parts rib bones collarbones hip bones abdomen muscles

1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 0.83 1.00 0.80 1.00 0.90 0.92

Explicitness of attire

demure, suggestive, partially clad, nude

0.77

Sexual suggestiveness

present/not present

0.83

Additional tags

health/wellness or fitness pro-ED variation of thinspiration anti-thinspiration body/self-acceptance other tags

1.00 1.00 0.83 1.00 0.83 1.00

websites were mostly the same and consisted mainly of triggers (91%), followed by reverse triggers (4%), and distractors (0.7%, n = 2). Few images advocated for body/self-acceptance (2.3%) and eating and/or not starving one’s self (1%). In terms of objectification, the human figures depicted in the images tended to be fragmented. Across both websites, majority of the figures were depicted with at least part of the pelvis (80%), abdomen (80%), and/or thighs (78%). The body parts with the least representation included the head (47%) and shins (36%). The average number of body parts out of the seven total body parts measured (head, arms, thighs, shins, chest, abdomen, and pelvis) was fairly high with a broad distribution (M = 4.63, SD = 2.10). With regards to indicators of extreme thinness, further analysis revealed evidence of extreme thinness in the depiction of figures across both social media websites indicated by the protrusion of the hipbones (46%), rib bones (37%), and collarbones (27%). Finally, with respect to sexual suggestiveness, most of the figures were partially clad (57.3%) and deemed sexually suggestive (75.3%). Moreover, there was a significant association between the presence of sexual suggestiveness and a key indicator of objectification—whether or not figures were depicted with heads, 2 (1) = 9.587, p = .002. Models in sexually suggestive images were significantly more likely to be depicted in ways that excluded the head than models in images that were not sexually suggestive. Additional Tags and Social Endorsement To answer the second research question, additional tags were examined. While 8% of Twitter images had additional tags related to pro-ED, Pinterest had less than 1%. Across both websites, less

J. Ghaznavi, L.D. Taylor / Body Image 14 (2015) 54–61 Table 3 Sexual suggestiveness significant predictor of likes/favorites.

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Discussion

Variable

B

SE B

t

p

Intercept Sexual suggestiveness Rib bones Sum of bones Sum of body parts

−3.65 11.15 −1.85 −1.70 1.94

9.72 5.46 7.57 3.33 1.07

−0.38 2.04* −0.24 −0.50 1.82

.71 .04 .81 .62 .07

Note: R2 = .022 (* p < .05).

than 3% of tags were related to body/self-acceptance or antithinspiration. The amount and type of endorsement of images by others were also analyzed. Tags labeled in the “other” category often consisted of a body part or a bone, referenced other social media, or were unique (e.g., #chestbones, #instagram, #ednos, #hawaiirehab). Text accompanying additional tags that were coded as “other” tended to express one of only a few themes: admiration for and desire to look like figures in images (e.g., “give me her legs omg please can I be her”); desire for perfection and drive for thinness (e.g., “lovely, ribs, perfection, getting closer”); or body/selfacceptance (e.g., “forget #thinspiration stop pining after a body that will never be yours as it geneticly [sic] different #lovingyourself”). In response to the third research question regarding the amount and type of endorsement by other viewers, the maximum number of repins/retweets on a single image was 677 (M = 11.03, SD = 42.61) and likes/favorites on a single image was 601 (M = 5.00, SD = 35.03). Over half of the images from each social media website had some form of social endorsement: 55% from Pinterest, and 61.3% from Twitter. Since both types of social endorsement (i.e., repins/retweets and favorites/likes) were strongly correlated, r(298) = .94, p = .01, likes/favorites were examined as they were more clearly an expression of social endorsement compared to repins/retweets (e.g., one might repin as part of a criticism of an image). To examine what image characteristics predicted likes/favorites, a multiple regression analysis was conducted with sexual suggestiveness, presence of rib bones (the most commonly found bone protrusion), the sum of bone protrusions, and the sum of body parts as predictors of likes/favorites (see Table 3). Sexual suggestiveness significantly predicted the amount of social endorsement of an image in terms of likes/favorites. Comparing Social Media and Tagged Terms The fourth research question examined differences across the two social media sites. Pinterest images were significantly more likely to depict female figures’ chest, 2 (1, N = 300) = 11.50, p = .001 than Twitter images. However, Twitter images were significantly more likely to depict females without heads, 2 (1, N = 300) = 10.50, p = .001, and fewer total body parts compared to figures depicted on Pinterest images, t(298) = 3.07, p = .004. Twitter also had significantly fewer images of figures with abdomen muscles (17%) compared to Pinterest (48.3%), 2 (1, N = 300) = 24.30, p < .001. The final research question involved the analysis of the image characteristics associated with the two tagged terms thinspiration and thinspo, which revealed significant differences. The term thinspo, an abbreviated term for thinspiration was characterized by significantly more sexually suggestive depictions, 2 (1, N = 300) = 10.33, p = .001, and more explicit attire, t(298) = 2.02, p < .05, compared to images tagged with the term thinspiration. Images tagged as thinspo were also characterized by significantly more indicators of extreme thinness (i.e., hip, rib, and collarbones), t(298) = 2.30, p < .05, compared to images tagged under thinspiration. Further chi-square analysis revealed that the presence of hip bones was more likely to be associated with the tag thinspo as well, 2 (1, N = 300) = 5.92, p = .015, compared to images tagged as thinspiration.

Based on relevant theoretical frameworks, the type of image typical of thinspiration content on social media is the type of image likely to increase self-objectification, promote unhealthy standards of beauty, and encourage the sexualization of women by contributing to an increasingly segmented view of one’s self and pressure to appear more sexual in one’s demeanor and attire. Although this phenomenon cannot be assumed to strictly pertain to females, the content in question overwhelmingly features female bodies and is, therefore, examined in light of implications for females. Future research would benefit from taking into account the larger cultural context involving societal expectations and norms of body appearance. The use of additional tags indicated that those posting and sharing the content may use more than one tag to categorize thinspiration content. Using additional tags is optional; however, increasing the number and type of tags used to label an image make it likely to appear in more results and, thus, be seen by more people. Each additional, non-thinspiration tag attached to an image means users that are not intentionally seeking thinspiration content will likely be exposed to it regardless. Findings from the categorization of additional tags in Twitter indicated overlap between thinspiration content and the pro-ED community. This suggests that content categorized as thinspiration or thinspo can potentially lead users to postings associated with harmful content posted by the proED community as well. It is especially concerning given Twitter’s younger audience. In addition to multiple tags accompanying thinspiration content, the analysis of other text accompanying tagged images showed evidence of users’ tendency to compare their bodies to the depicted figures. This text included expressions of admiration for the bodies depicted in images or those of famous, thin celebrities, desire for perfection, and/or disgust with fat, weight gain, or the user’s own body. The lack of body/self-acceptance messages also suggest wider exposure to messages that encourage weight loss and promote being thin as the norm rather than encouraging viewers to be satisfied with their own bodies or to engage in a healthier lifestyle. Exposure to a particular set of values, types of people, and themes within the media (e.g., the thin ideal for women) can have a powerful influence on viewers’ conceptions of social reality (Hargreaves & Tiggemann, 2003). Individuals with higher levels of exposure are more likely to accept the conveyed messages as normative compared to those with less exposure (Borzekowski et al., 2010). It is possible, then, that social media users searching for health-related, fitness and/or dieting information and motivation on social media, for example, may be exposed to thinspiration content. Viewing such thin ideal images could result in the belief that thin-ideal bodies were relatively more common in addition to providing targets for comparison, which has been found to contribute to disordered eating attitudes and self-discrepancy (Engeln-Maddox, 2005). This is likely the case for late adolescent females with prior body image concerns (Groesz et al., 2002). Further evaluation of text accompanying such images would lend greater insight into the relationship between exposure and interaction with such content and body image concerns and the drive for thinness and perfection among those posting and sharing the content. Systematic differences were observed between the characteristics of thinspiration content tagged with the word thinspiration and those tagged with thinspo. Images tagged as thinspo were relatively more sexually suggestive and characterized by extreme thinness compared to images tagged as thinspiration. Given these characteristics, thinspo may actually be considered a more dangerous term, as searching for thinspo rather than thinspiration will return images

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with characteristics more likely to result in both self-objectification and the learning of a more extreme thin ideal. Though previous research has identified the two terms to be associated with the most harmful content and highly likely to be used by those engaged in the pro-ED community (Lewis & Arbuthnott, 2012; Yom-Tov et al., 2012), this difference has not been documented in research previously. This finding is of some concern; abbreviated terms synonymous with the word thinspiration may also be seen as more evasive, or meant to avoid detection and/or removal of such content. Therefore, using less well known terms like thinspo and other variations of the word thinspiration may indicate that viewers of such content are, perhaps, becoming savvier in avoiding potential bans placed by social media sites on content explicitly labeled as thinspiration. Across both social media sites, thinspiration content is essentially similar in that it promotes a thin ideal that is, for the most part, segmented, extremely thin, and sexually suggestive. However, the patterns in the thinspiration content that systematically differ between the social media sites hold implications for different audiences. These differences reveal the type of content that the particular users of each respective site may be attracted to, frequently exposed to, and typically interact with. Thinspiration content posted from Pinterest was less objectifying in terms of segmented body parts but tended to place emphasis on muscularity, whereas Twitter was associated with more segmented content characterized by several indicators of extreme thinness. For Pinterest users, the relatively greater amount of sexually suggestive figures with the inclusion of the chest could indicate a reflection of women’s more developed bodies and the greater likelihood of women being more sexually active in comparison to teenage girls. Coupled with images in which women’s bodies are objectified, this exposure indicates the potential for increased sexual objectification among women that can contribute to the mental health risks that accompany such exposure, consistent with objectification theory (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). Because Twitter is used by a younger demographic mostly in their teens as opposed to Pinterest more commonly used by women and older demographics (Duggan & Brenner, 2013; Lenhart et al., 2010), the attraction to bodies with protruding bones, fewer muscles and less frequent depictions of a figure’s chest could be a reflection of the young demographics’ awareness of their physical development. Unfortunately, it also has implications for harmful effects. Adolescence is a time when developing bodies and increasing awareness of social standards make body image particularly salient (Harrison, 2001). Disordered eating often begins in adolescence (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). This seems to be a case of the most harmful content occurring in the media settings most often frequented by the most vulnerable audiences. Although the focus of the present study was to identify patterns of content with implications for audiences, there are also implications of the study’s findings for those who create, post, endorse, and propagate thinspiration content. By actively engaging in the creation and dissemination of thinspiration images, these users are essentially reinforcing their adherence to the thin ideal promoted by this content. In doing so, they likely increase their commitment to and internalization of the thin ideal which, in turn, may contribute to a host of issues including one’s normative beliefs about what the thin ideal consists of, body dissatisfaction, internalization of an observer’s perspective of one’s body, body surveillance and disordered eating attitudes (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997; for a review, see Perloff, 2014). Although the findings from the present study provide important insights into the nature of thinspiration content in social media, a number of limitations must be mentioned. Most importantly, effects cannot be inferred from a content analysis. However likely it is that the content documented by this analysis will influence

audiences, this study does not demonstrate that such effects occur. In addition, although the social media sites we sampled are the most popular among young women (Facebook excepted), and although social media websites tend to share similar characteristics, different sites can specialize in different functions. Further research should therefore examine a larger variety of social media websites, including especially those that emphasize the sharing of images such as Tumblr and Instagram. Also, our sampling strategy resulted in a preponderance of relatively recently-posted content; this may explain the few significant findings and/or patterns involving amount and types of social endorsement since the images were collected fairly recently. Older images may have exhibited greater variance in the number of endorsements due to their longer availability on the site. On the other hand, efforts to remove and ban thinspiration content, though largely unsuccessful, are likely to mean that the longer thinspiration content resides on a social media site, the more likely it is to be forcibly removed (Bahadur, 2013; Spiegel, 2013). Overall, the present study found that thinspiration content pervades social media and generally promotes an objectified, sexual, and extremely thin depiction of the thin ideal. Exposure to thin-ideal media can lead to an internalization of the thin ideal (Hargreaves & Tiggemann, 2003; Levine & Murnen, 2009) and body-related self-discrepancies, which, in turn, increase the likelihood of engaging in disordered eating behaviors (e.g., Harrison, 2001; Harrison, Taylor & Marske, 2006; Levine & Murnen, 2009); thinspiration content, as an exemplar of thin-ideal media, can reasonably be expected to produce similar outcomes in viewers. Future research should consider the demographic characteristics like age, sex, race, and geographic location of the particular users posting and interacting with thinspiration content, particularly on social media websites that do not typically consist of one’s own offline social network. Although this information may be limited and sometimes inaccurate, it may offer more insight into the various audiences and/or communities that potentially gravitate toward or are likely to be affected by this imagery. Examining the race/ethnicity of figures depicted in thinspiration content on these websites, if known, could offer additional social context as well. Future research would also benefit from comparing and contrasting content and user characteristics across a variety of social media movements including similar ones like #fitspiration and #bonespiration and those working actively against promoting the thin-ideal like #curvespiration and #thickspiration. Theoretical and practical implications for society’s young and vulnerable demographics should be further examined and empirically tested to determine the potentially dangerous effects resulting from exposure to and interaction with thinspiration content, particularly popular social media websites.

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Bones, body parts, and sex appeal: An analysis of #thinspiration images on popular social media.

The present study extends research on thinspiration images, visual and/or textual images intended to inspire weight loss, from pro-eating disorder web...
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