DIANE G. SUNAR*
ATTITUDES
OF TURKISH ELDERLY
STUDENTS
TOWARD
RELATIVES
ABSTRACT. A sample of 152 Turkish university students responded to a questionnaire regarding their attitudes toward their elderly relatives. Attitudes toward elderly relatives and their presence in the home were generally positive, as would be expected in a traditional society. However, students' plans for their own old age indicated an orientation toward personal freedom and independence, rather than tradition. Males were more likely than females to foresee living with their children in old age, and females were more likely than males to mention a desire for independence. It was concluded that the extended family is losing its status as the ideal family type in Turkey, although close, cooperative family relations are still regarded as the norm. Key Words: Turkey, attitudes, intergenerational relations, three-generation families, elderly
relatives.
ATTITUDES OF TURKISH STUDENTS TOWARD ELDERLY RELATIVES As the proportion of the population of the industrialized world which is past retirement age has increased, the interest of social scientists in the aging process and its psychological and social correlates has also been on the rise. One area of interest comprises a group of separate but interrelated questions revolving around living arrangements for older adults and the attitudes of younger people towards their elderly relatives and their living arrangements. Despite the impression which is easily picked up from popular culture that aging and older people are held in generally low regard in American society, a n u m b e r of studies indicate that attitudes toward the elderly tend to be positive (Culbertson and Margaona 1981; Salter and Salter 1976; Thomas and Y a m a m o t o 1975), and that younger and better educated people tend to have m o r e positive attitudes (Gordon and Hallaner 1976; T h o m a s and Y a m a m o t o 1975; Thorson 1975). To be sure, other studies have indicated the existence of negative attitudes toward the aged (e.g., Collette-Pratt 1976), so that it cannot be asserted that attitudes toward the elderly are entirely positive. However, there is evidence that at least some of the inconsistencies in findings may be attributable to the different instruments used in different studies (Hicks, Rogers, and Shemberg 1976) a conclusion which also suggests that these attitudes are not easily captured in a positive vs. negative duality. If attitudes of Americans toward the aged are complex, it may be -
-
Journal of Cross-Cultural Gerontology 3 (1988), 41--52. © 1988 by KluwerAcademic Publishers.
42
D I A N E G. S U N A R
anticipated that cross-cultural studies will demonstrate further variation. In contrast to the emphasis on "independence" in old age which seems to be so prevalent among Americans in general, ethnic groups in the U.S. such as the Italian or Polish communities may prefer the three-generation household as the solution to caring for aged relatives (Fandetti and Gelfand 1976). Hong Kong Chinese, despite the onslaught of decades of rapid modernization, maintain ideals of filial piety and positive attitudes toward the three-generation household -- although the latter appears to be on the decline (Ikels 1975). Culbertson and Margaona (1981) found that a relatively high proportion (26%) of their sample of 100 Mexican university students reported that they had elderly relatives living in their homes, and that the attitudes toward these relatives were almost uniformly positive. In contrast, the same investigators found that only 2% of a sample of 70 American students had elderly relatives in the home, although attitudes in this sample were also positive. Informal observation of Turkish urban families suggests that they may be less likely than the Mexican families described by Culbertson and Margaona to include elderly relatives or to be unconditionally positive in their attitude toward such relatives. On the other hand, it seems unlikely that Turkish students would match the low rate of contact reported by these authors between American students and their elderly relatives. The Turkish culture is one which has traditionally emphasized paternal authority and family loyalty, and in which children are typically expected to take care of parents in their old age (see, e.g., Kfi~itqiba~i 1982). The extended (three-generation) family has often been cited as the ideal household type in Turkey. Although survey evidence indicates that this form is not statistically dominant, even in rural areas, the "transitional" extended family (in which either the adult son and his wife and children are temporarily present in the parental home, or the aged parents of the father or sometimes the mother join the nuclear family) is very frequently encountered as a stage in the life cycle of many families (Timur 1979). Although the nuclear family appears to be the dominant family form, the family relationships typical of the extended family are still regarded by many as the norm or ideal of family life. Thus, traditions such as the father's influence over his married sons, the mother-in-law's power over the daughter-in-law, and a general norm of family help, cooperation and solidarity may persist even where households are separate (Sunar, Sunar, Pamuk, and Pamuk 1979; Duben 1982; see also Kfi~it~iba§i 1984, who describes Turkish family culture as a "culture of relatedness"). On the other hand, Turkey has experienced an extraordinarily rapid urbanization over the past several decades. At the time of the founding of the Republic in 1923, and in fact up until the early 1950's, less than 20% of the population lived in cities, while at the last fully reported census (1980), over 50% of the population lived in cities. Thus an overwhelm-
TURKISH STUDENT ATTITUDES
43
ingly rural society has been transformed into one in which the majority of the population is urban. Along with urbanization have come "Westernization" and "modernization." Industrialization has been rapid, particularly in western Turkey. Legal and other institutions have been deliberately patterned on Western models. Universal primary school education, while not yet completely realized, has resulted in a literacy rate of nearly 70%, according to the 1980 census results. The transition from a traditional, rural society to a more modern, urban society has necessarily led to alterations in traditional family patterns and their associated behaviors, beliefs and values. For example, Kfi~itqiba~i (1982) has shown that the "value of children" (economic/utilitarian vs. psychological) varies greatly according to rural or urban residence, and according to amount of urban experience. If social change has altered parents' attitudes toward and expectations of their children, it may be expected that traditional orientations toward elderly relatives have also been affected. It is the aim of this study to portray the views of young, educated, urban Turks, as represented by a student sample, with regard to their aged relatives. Unfortunately, comparable data from an earlier generation or from rural or lower-class samples are not available. The implicit points of comparison will be the "ideal-type" family of traditional Turkish society and the relatively isolated nuclear family of modern American society. METHOD
Respondents The respondents were recruited in two groups. All of them were undergraduate students of Bo~azi~i University, a small, highly selective university in Istanbul. 100 of the respondents participated in the study in exchange for experimental credit in their introductory psychology course. Of this group, 72 were female and 28 were male. Another group of 52 respondents were recruited by the students in an undergraduate methods course. The criteria for recruitment were that the individual should be an undergraduate student and that he/she should have a relative over the age of 65 living in the home. Of this group, 24 were male and 25 were female. All of the respondents were between the ages of 17 and 25. The sample was predominantly upper middle class, with about twothirds of the fathers' occupations classified as professional, businessman, or upper-level bureaucrat, and another quarter classified as middle-level bureaucrats and owners of small businesses. Less than one-fourth of the mothers were employed, but of those that were employed, over 60% were professionals, bureaucrats, or self-employed. Another indication of the
44
DIANE G. SUNAR
favorable economic situation of the respondents is the fact that only two of them were working while attending school.
Questionnaire In order to maintain as much comparability as possible with previous work, the questionnaire used by Culbertson and Margaona (1981) was slightly revised and translated into Turkish. The first translation, carried out by a person fully bilingual in Turkish and English, was back-translated into English by another bilingual person. The translation was then revised in conference with both translators, and pilot work indicated that the questions were all understood accurately by speakers of Turkish. The questionnaire consisted of 26 items covering four basic areas: (1) demographic information about the respondent and his/her family household; (2) information about the respondent's relatives over the age of 65 their age, sex, means of support, etc.; (3) information about and attitudes toward elderly relatives in the respondent's household, if any length of residence in the household, means of support, participation in family decision-making, the respondent's satisfaction with the living arrangements, and the like; and (4) attitudes toward the elderly in general, and plans for the respondent's own old age. Most of the attitude items consisted of a combination of a closed-ended rating and an open-ended example or explanation following the rating. For example, one of the questions asked, -
-
-
-
Is your relative influential in family decisions? _ _ Yes No Please give an example: Other questions were completely open-ended, such as: In your opinion, what are the good points of having an elderly relative living in your home? In your opinion, what are the negative points of having an elderly relative living in your home? -
-
-
-
For each of the open-ended questions, responses given by a pilot sample were examined to determine the main categories of response. These categories were then used for coding the responses of the main sample.
Procedure. Those students who received experimental credit for participating in the study completed the questionnaire during a class period of their introductory psychology course. Those who were recruited from outside of psychology courses filled out the questionnaire in the psychology laboratory. The respondents were informed that the questionnaire
TURKISH STUDENT ATTITUDES
45
was designed to provide information about the experiences and opinions of young people with regard to their elderly relatives, and they were asked to answer the questions fully and truthfully. They were assured of confidentiality, and names were not recorded on the questionnaire forms. All respondents completed the form in less than 30 minutes. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
Since the present study is primarily exploratory in nature, and no definite hypotheses have been put forth, the data are presented in terms of frequencies and percentages only. Tests of significance, designed to reject null hypotheses, would appear to have little or no meaning in this context, and they have not been performed.
Family and Household Composition Respondents were asked to state the number of persons residing in their parental household, and to enumerate these persons and their relationships to the respondent. Household sizes were typically small: In the original sample of 100, 69% of the families were composed of four persons or less, and another 22% consisted of five persons. Less than 10% of the respondents came from households with six or more members. In accord with the small size of the household, 83% of the families of the original sample of 100 were nuclear in structure. Only 11% included older adults, and 5% included relatives' children or other individuals not part of the nuclear family. Of course, the purposive sample of 52 students with elderly relatives living in the home exhibited a higher household size (over half had 5 or more members), and none of their families were nuclear in structure.
Older Relatives 86% of the original 100 respondents stated that they had one or more living relatives over the age of 65, while 14% stated that they had no such relative. As might be expected from the common pattern of earlier marriage for women than for men, more respondents reported having a living maternal grandmother (55%) than any other category of grandparent, and these grandmothers had a younger mean age (72) than the other grandparents (75--76). Maternal aunts and uncles also outnumbered paternal aunts and uncles, 70 to 59. The respondents reported that 78% of their elderly relatives were either self supporting or supporting not only themselves but others as well, while 22% were reported to be supported by others.
46
DIANE G. SUNAR
Older Relatives in the HousehoM
Eleven per cent of the original sample reported having elderly relatives in the home. This figure, as anticipated, lies between the figures found for Mexican (26%) and American (2%) samples (Culbertson and Margaona 1981). Eight of these respondents reported one elderly relative living with the family, and three reported two such relatives. As two of the latter did not give detailed information on the second relative, twelve cases emerged from the original sample. The second, purposive sample yielded 46 fully reported elderly relatives living in the homes of the respondents, for a total of 58. Respondents with relatives in the home will be referred to as the in-home group throughout the remainder of this report. According to the students' report, 39% of the elderly relatives in their home were supported by their families. However, 41% were selfsupporting, and 20% contributed to the support of the family in addition to being self-supporting. When asked about their elderly relatives' health, 20% of the in-home group reported that their relatives were in good health, and another 57% reported only minor health problems. 20% were reported to have relatively serious health problems, and 3% were said to be bedridden or in need of constant care. Senility or other serious mental problems were reported by only four (6.6%) of the in-home group, and 75% of this group reported that their elderly relatives were mentally normal. The remainder (18%) reported only minor problems of forgetfulness and the like. It would appear that neither economic dependence nor ill health is a dominant reason for these elderly relatives' residence with their children's families. It may be inferred that traditional norms regarding extendedfamily households at least facilitate, if they do not determine, this choice of living arrangements. Congruent with their relatively satisfactory state of physical and mental health, 75% of the in-home group reported that their elderly relatives did a share of household tasks, while only 25% report that they did no work in the home. Since this is approximately the same percentage as those reported to have serious physical or mental problems, it would appear that all those who are able to do so make some contribution to the work of the household. Despite the relative financial independence, good health, and cooperation in household tasks reported for elderly family members, they do not appear to have much decision-making power within the family. 60% of the in-home group reported that their elderly relatives had no influence in family decisions. Of those who perceived their relatives as having some influence, 41% said that they had this influence only in unimportant decisions. Only 12 respondents (20% of the in-home group) stated that their elderly relatives had an influence on important family decisions.
TURKISH STUDENT ATTITUDES
47
This pattern of responses indicates that these families, although they contain members from three generations, are not "classical" extended families in which authority is held by the older generation (Timur 1969). On the other hand, neither do these families appear to be "transitional" extended families, since the elderly relative has been present for more than ten years in 63% of the families, and for more than five years in another 26%. That is, in a majority of the families, the elderly relative has been part of the household since the respondent's childhood. Further investigation of the patterns of urban extended families in Turkey, as also suggested by Duben (1982), will be necessary to understand the differences between the patterns observed here and those found in rural areas. Questions relevant to family atmosphere produced mixed responses. When directly asked whether they were satisfied with having the elderly relative in the household, 77% of the in-home group reported that they were satisfied with arrangement, while only 23% reported dissatisfaction. Over half of those who were satisfied (53%) referred to some aspect of their emotional bond with the relative (love and respect felt for the relative, emotional support supplied by the relative) as their reason for satisfaction. Another 11% referred to the desirability of sharing within the family, and 7% stated that they felt sorry for the relative. On the other hand, despite their attachment to their elderly relatives and their general satisfaction of living together with them, the in-home group did not seem to view the family functions of these relatives in very positive terms. When asked whether their elderly relative functioned as a source of affection and harmony in the home, only 18% of the group responded in the affirmative. When asked whether the relative served as a source of conflict in the family, 73% responded affirmatively. This negative view was partially offset by the perception in 40% of the in-home group that the elderly relative makes positive contributions to family affairs and by 29% that the relative does not interfere. 31% of the group perceived the relative as interfering in family affairs.
Attitudes toward Aging and the Elderly All respondents, regardless of whether they had an elderly relative in the home, were asked to list what they believed to be the positive and negative points of having an elderly relative in the home. Responses to these and other attitude questions will be presented separately for the in-home group and the remainder of the sample. The most frequently mentioned positive point was the opportunity to benefit from the relative's knowledge and experience. 50% of the in-home group mentioned this benefit, as did 69% of the others. Other positive points mentioned were: affection for the relative (29% of the in-home group and 28% of others); opportunity to be of help to the relative (9% of
48
D I A N E G. S U N A R
the in-home group and 14% of others); opportunity to learn about the past (10% of in-home group and 23% of others); and maintaining tradition (9% of the in-home group and 6% of others). Very small numbers of respondents mentioned various other possible benefits. 14% of the inhome group and 4% of the others stated that, for them, the negative aspects of living with an elderly relative would outweigh any possible positive aspects. The most frequently mentioned negative points had to do with the "generation gap" or with the different attitudes and values held by older and younger generations. 52% of the in-home group and 65% of others mentioned this drawback. Other negative points mentioned were: restrictive, critical attitudes of the relative (38% of the in-home group and 31% of others); old-age crotchetiness (24% of the in-home group and 30% of others); and the need to care for the relative (19% of the in-home group and 21% of others). 16% of the in-home respondents, and 4% of others, stated that there were no negative aspects to having an elderly relative in the home. When asked whether they asked the advice of their elderly relatives, 57% of the in-home group and 48% of others stated that they did so, at least upon occasion. 36% of the in-home group and 21% of others said that they asked advice on certain subjects but not on others. In response to the question of why they consulted their elderly relatives for advice, 10% of the in-home group and 13% of others stated that they wished to benefit from the experience of the relative. Others (7% of the in-home group and 5% of others) said they did so in order to have someone to tell their problems to, or to maintain a close relationship with the relative (2% of the in-home group and 3% of others). 40% of the in-home group and 49% of others stated that they never asked for advice. 24% of the in-home group, and 19% of others, said that they did not seek advice because they could not communicate with their elderly relatives. Others stated that they did not seek advice because others met their needs better (12% of the in-home group and 14% of others). A large majority of the respondents (74% of the in-home group and 88% of others) stated that they followed their elderly relative's advice when they found it appropriate. On the other hand, 24% of the in-home group, but only 7% of others, claimed that they did not follow their relative's advice.
Plansfor Respondent's Old Age Respondents were asked whether they believed that they would prefer to live with their children when they reach old age. A large majority (76% of the in-home group and 75% of others) responded that they will not prefer to live with their children, while 19% of the in-home group and 16% of others stated that they will prefer to do so.
TURKISH STUDENT
ATTITUDES
49
The most frequent reason offered for the preference not to live with their children was the desire to be free or independent (35% of the in-home group and 50% of others). Other frequently-mentioned reasons were the wish for the children to be free (14% of the in-home group and 25% of others) and the desire not to be a burden to others (17% of the in-home group and 18% of others). A number of respondents (5% of the in-home group and 14% of others) pointed out that, while they would like to maintain separate homes, they would hope to maintain close relations with their children. Only one reason was given with any frequency for the desire to live with one's children: not to be alone in old age. 10% of the in-home group and 12% others gave this response. Another small group (10% of the in-home group and 6% of others) preferred not to commit themselves, but said that what they will do and their reasons for doing it will depend on the situation. If any pattern can be discerned here, it is that the experience of having an elderly relative in the home made a considerable difference in the perception of the positive and negative aspects of such living arrangements. In general, those who had not had such experience were more likely than the in-home group to mention positive aspects such as benefitting from the relative's knowledge and experience, learning about the past, and being able to help the relative, and they were more likely to point to generation gap problems and old-age crotchetiness as negative aspects. These views seem to reflect a more or less stereotypical conception of old people. The in-home group gave what might be interpreted as more realistic, behavior-oriented responses. They were more likely to regard restrictive, critical attitudes as a drawback and to mention communication difficulties. They were also more likely to have extremely positive or extremely negative attitudes toward living with an elderly relative. While the in-home group were more likely than others to say that negative aspects of living with an elderly relative would outweigh any possible positive aspects, they were also more likely to say that there were no negative aspects.
Additional Comments The final item on the questionnaire asked respondents in an open-ended fashion for further comments on their feelings and attitudes with regard to older relatives. Although the answers were quite varied, a few themes were repeated often enough to deserve note here. The first of these themes had to do with respect. A number of respondents wrote that older people deserve respect, and several commented that they should be made to feel respected whether or not their ideas were truly taken seriously. A related theme had to do with gratitude. Several respondents wrote that the earlier accomplishments and sacrifices of older relatives should be remembered
50
D I A N E G. S U N A R
with gratitude and respect. A certain amount of ambivalence showed itself in these comments, with the young people somewhat torn between their impatience with their older relatives' outmoded ideas and attitudes (implied in the suggestion that young people may not take the ideas of the elderly seriously, and in their emphasis on "generation gap" problems) and their affection and sense of responsibility toward them.
Sex Differences For supplementary information, responses to the items concerning attitudes toward having elderly relatives in the home, relations with elderly relatives and plans for the respondent's old age were analyzed by sex of the respondent. Male and female respondents gave surprisingly similar responses to many of the items, but there were a few interesting differences. In their listing of good aspects of having an elderly relative in the home, males were more likely than females to mention the opportunity to help the relative (15% vs. 10%) and maintenance of tradition (10% vs. 6%), and were more likely to say that the negative points of living with an elderly relative would outweigh the positive (10% vs. 5%). Females, on the other hand, were more likely than males to mention benefitting from the knowledge and experience of the relative (69% vs. 50%), learning about the past (23% vs. 12%), and affection for the relative (24% vs. 15%). In their listing of negative aspects, females were more likely than males to mention restrictive and critical attitudes of the relative (36% vs. 27%) and old-age crotchetiness (31 vs. 23%). Female respondents were somewhat more likely than male respondents to say that they asked advice of their elderly relatives, at least sometimes (54% vs. 48%), and that they followed the advice if they thought it appropriate (85% vs. 79%). Male respondents were more likely than female respondents to state a preference for living with their children in their own old age (29% vs. 10%), and more likely to offer as their reason that they will not want to be alone (21% vs. 6%). In contrast, females were more likely to state that they will want to be free in old age (53% vs. 31%), that they will want their children to be free (24% vs. 15%), and that they will not want to be a burden to others (23% vs. 8%). This pattern of responses follows quite closely the instrumental vs. expressive orientations that are commonly suggested as characterizing male and female sex roles, as well as reflecting something of the power differential between men and women in the Turkish family. Males put more emphasis on helping and tradition, both of which can be interpreted in terms of (male) power and differential resources. They are less satisfied with living with an elderly relative and less likely to see any good aspects
TURKISH STUDENT ATTITUDES
51
to it at all, which may imply a self- rather than an other-orientation. On the other hand, they are more likely to plan to live with their own children, in order not to be alone in old age, and less likely to worry about their children's freedom or about being a burden on others. In contrast, females put more emphasis on affection, interdependence (benefitting from others' experience, seeking and taking advice), and ease of interaction (or lack of it, in the case of crotchetiness), while being sensitive to criticism and restriction. While males may fear loneliness in old age, females appear to fear restriction. Living alone in old age may appear to the young women of this sample to be one prospect for legitimate independence. CONCLUSION
This paper has attempted to portray the attitudes of a sample of Turkish university students of urban, relatively high SES origin toward their elderly relatives and toward living in the same household with them, in the context of a tradition of the extended-family household as the ideal family type and a trend, with urbanization and industrialization, toward nuclear family residence. On the one hand, tradition seems to maintain itself, as three-quarters of those who are currently living in a three-generation household claim to be satisfied with the arrangement, and there is frequent mention of ties of affection and respect, as well as the virtues of family sharing and cooperation. On the other hand, the forces of "modernization," which have greatly reduced the incidence of extended family households in Turkish cities (Duben 1982), seem also to be reflected in the attitudes and plans of young people, as three quarters of the present sample reject the idea of living with their children when they grow old. It would appear that, at least in the current sample, the extended family household has lost its status as the preferred or ideal family type. Nevertheless, there are many signs of the "culture of relatedness," and little indication that the stated desire for freedom and independence would extend as far as the generational isolation found so often in American middle class families. NOTE * An earlier version of this paper, based on a smaller sample of respondents, was presented at the 41st Annual Convention of the International Council of Psychologists, San Francisco, August 1983. The author wishes to thank Duygu Oztuzcu, who translated the original questionnaire into Turkish, and [lkay Sunar, who did the back-translation. Thanks are also due to Handan Levent, Candan Duran Genq, Sami Giilg6z, and Nilgiin Uras Sa~lam for their assistance in other phases of the project.
52
D I A N E G. SUNAR R E F E R E N C E S CITED
Collette-Pratt, C. 1976 Attitudinal Predictors of Devaluation of Old Age in a Multigenerational Sample. Journal of Gerontology 31 (2): 193--197. Culbertson, F. and E. A. Margaona 1981 A Study of Attitudes and Values Toward the Aged, Cross-cultural Comparisons. Paper presented at the 39th Annual Convention of the InternationalCouncil of Psychologists, Los Angeles. Duben, A. 1982 The Significance of Family and Kinship in Urban Turkey. In ~. Kgt~it~ibali, ed. Sex Roles, Family and Community in Turkey. Bloomington: Indiana University Turkish Studies 3. Fandetti, D. V. and D. E. Gelfand 1976 Care of the Aged: Attitudes of White Ethnic Families. Gerontologist 16(6): 344--549. Gordon, S. D. and D. S. Hallaner 1976 Impact of a Friendly Visiting Program on the Attitudes of College Students Toward the Aged: A Pedagogical Note. Gerontologist 16(4): 371--376. Hicks, D. A., J. Rogers, and K. Shemberg 1976 Attitudes Toward the Elderly: A Comparison of Measures. Experimental Aging Research 2(2): 119--124. lkels, C. 1975 Old Age in Hong Kong. Gerontologist 15(3): 230--235. K~it~iba§i, ~. 1982 Sex Roles, Value of Children and Fertility. In (~. K~itgiba~i, ed. Sex Roles, Family and Community in Turkey. Bloomington: Indiana University Turkish Studies 3. K~it~iba~i, (~. 1984 Socialization in Traditional Society: A Challenge to Psychology. InternationalJournal of Psychology 19, 145-- 157. Salter, C. A. and C. D. Salter 1976 Attitudes Toward Aging and Behaviors Toward the Elderly Among Young People as a Function of Death Anxiety. Gerontologist 16(3): 232--236. Sunar, D. G., i. Sunar, E. Pamuk, and S. Pamuk 1979 Briefing Paper for the UNFPA Basic Needs Mission: Turkey. Ankara: UNFPA. Thomas, E. C. and K. Yamamoto 1975 Attitudes Toward Age: An Exploration in School Age Children. International Journal of Aging and Human Development 6(2): 117-119. Thorson, J. A. 1975 Attitudes Toward the Aged as a Function of Race and Social Class. Gerontologist 15(4): 343--344. Timur, S. 1979 The Turkish Household. Hacettepe University Population Studies Institute Publications.
Bogazici University, Istanbul, Turkey
ATTITUDES
OF TURKISH ELDERLY
STUDENTS
TOWARD
RELATIVES
ABSTRACT. A sample of 152 Turkish university students responded to a questionnaire regarding their attitudes toward their elderly relatives. Attitudes toward elderly relatives and their presence in the home were generally positive, as would be expected in a traditional society. However, students' plans for their own old age indicated an orientation toward personal freedom and independence, rather than tradition. Males were more likely than females to foresee living with their children in old age, and females were more likely than males to mention a desire for independence. It was concluded that the extended family is losing its status as the ideal family type in Turkey, although close, cooperative family relations are still regarded as the norm. Key Words: Turkey, attitudes, intergenerational relations, three-generation families, elderly
relatives.
ATTITUDES OF TURKISH STUDENTS TOWARD ELDERLY RELATIVES As the proportion of the population of the industrialized world which is past retirement age has increased, the interest of social scientists in the aging process and its psychological and social correlates has also been on the rise. One area of interest comprises a group of separate but interrelated questions revolving around living arrangements for older adults and the attitudes of younger people towards their elderly relatives and their living arrangements. Despite the impression which is easily picked up from popular culture that aging and older people are held in generally low regard in American society, a n u m b e r of studies indicate that attitudes toward the elderly tend to be positive (Culbertson and Margaona 1981; Salter and Salter 1976; Thomas and Y a m a m o t o 1975), and that younger and better educated people tend to have m o r e positive attitudes (Gordon and Hallaner 1976; T h o m a s and Y a m a m o t o 1975; Thorson 1975). To be sure, other studies have indicated the existence of negative attitudes toward the aged (e.g., Collette-Pratt 1976), so that it cannot be asserted that attitudes toward the elderly are entirely positive. However, there is evidence that at least some of the inconsistencies in findings may be attributable to the different instruments used in different studies (Hicks, Rogers, and Shemberg 1976) a conclusion which also suggests that these attitudes are not easily captured in a positive vs. negative duality. If attitudes of Americans toward the aged are complex, it may be -
-
Journal of Cross-Cultural Gerontology 3 (1988), 41--52. © 1988 by KluwerAcademic Publishers.
42
D I A N E G. S U N A R
anticipated that cross-cultural studies will demonstrate further variation. In contrast to the emphasis on "independence" in old age which seems to be so prevalent among Americans in general, ethnic groups in the U.S. such as the Italian or Polish communities may prefer the three-generation household as the solution to caring for aged relatives (Fandetti and Gelfand 1976). Hong Kong Chinese, despite the onslaught of decades of rapid modernization, maintain ideals of filial piety and positive attitudes toward the three-generation household -- although the latter appears to be on the decline (Ikels 1975). Culbertson and Margaona (1981) found that a relatively high proportion (26%) of their sample of 100 Mexican university students reported that they had elderly relatives living in their homes, and that the attitudes toward these relatives were almost uniformly positive. In contrast, the same investigators found that only 2% of a sample of 70 American students had elderly relatives in the home, although attitudes in this sample were also positive. Informal observation of Turkish urban families suggests that they may be less likely than the Mexican families described by Culbertson and Margaona to include elderly relatives or to be unconditionally positive in their attitude toward such relatives. On the other hand, it seems unlikely that Turkish students would match the low rate of contact reported by these authors between American students and their elderly relatives. The Turkish culture is one which has traditionally emphasized paternal authority and family loyalty, and in which children are typically expected to take care of parents in their old age (see, e.g., Kfi~itqiba~i 1982). The extended (three-generation) family has often been cited as the ideal household type in Turkey. Although survey evidence indicates that this form is not statistically dominant, even in rural areas, the "transitional" extended family (in which either the adult son and his wife and children are temporarily present in the parental home, or the aged parents of the father or sometimes the mother join the nuclear family) is very frequently encountered as a stage in the life cycle of many families (Timur 1979). Although the nuclear family appears to be the dominant family form, the family relationships typical of the extended family are still regarded by many as the norm or ideal of family life. Thus, traditions such as the father's influence over his married sons, the mother-in-law's power over the daughter-in-law, and a general norm of family help, cooperation and solidarity may persist even where households are separate (Sunar, Sunar, Pamuk, and Pamuk 1979; Duben 1982; see also Kfi~it~iba§i 1984, who describes Turkish family culture as a "culture of relatedness"). On the other hand, Turkey has experienced an extraordinarily rapid urbanization over the past several decades. At the time of the founding of the Republic in 1923, and in fact up until the early 1950's, less than 20% of the population lived in cities, while at the last fully reported census (1980), over 50% of the population lived in cities. Thus an overwhelm-
TURKISH STUDENT ATTITUDES
43
ingly rural society has been transformed into one in which the majority of the population is urban. Along with urbanization have come "Westernization" and "modernization." Industrialization has been rapid, particularly in western Turkey. Legal and other institutions have been deliberately patterned on Western models. Universal primary school education, while not yet completely realized, has resulted in a literacy rate of nearly 70%, according to the 1980 census results. The transition from a traditional, rural society to a more modern, urban society has necessarily led to alterations in traditional family patterns and their associated behaviors, beliefs and values. For example, Kfi~itqiba~i (1982) has shown that the "value of children" (economic/utilitarian vs. psychological) varies greatly according to rural or urban residence, and according to amount of urban experience. If social change has altered parents' attitudes toward and expectations of their children, it may be expected that traditional orientations toward elderly relatives have also been affected. It is the aim of this study to portray the views of young, educated, urban Turks, as represented by a student sample, with regard to their aged relatives. Unfortunately, comparable data from an earlier generation or from rural or lower-class samples are not available. The implicit points of comparison will be the "ideal-type" family of traditional Turkish society and the relatively isolated nuclear family of modern American society. METHOD
Respondents The respondents were recruited in two groups. All of them were undergraduate students of Bo~azi~i University, a small, highly selective university in Istanbul. 100 of the respondents participated in the study in exchange for experimental credit in their introductory psychology course. Of this group, 72 were female and 28 were male. Another group of 52 respondents were recruited by the students in an undergraduate methods course. The criteria for recruitment were that the individual should be an undergraduate student and that he/she should have a relative over the age of 65 living in the home. Of this group, 24 were male and 25 were female. All of the respondents were between the ages of 17 and 25. The sample was predominantly upper middle class, with about twothirds of the fathers' occupations classified as professional, businessman, or upper-level bureaucrat, and another quarter classified as middle-level bureaucrats and owners of small businesses. Less than one-fourth of the mothers were employed, but of those that were employed, over 60% were professionals, bureaucrats, or self-employed. Another indication of the
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favorable economic situation of the respondents is the fact that only two of them were working while attending school.
Questionnaire In order to maintain as much comparability as possible with previous work, the questionnaire used by Culbertson and Margaona (1981) was slightly revised and translated into Turkish. The first translation, carried out by a person fully bilingual in Turkish and English, was back-translated into English by another bilingual person. The translation was then revised in conference with both translators, and pilot work indicated that the questions were all understood accurately by speakers of Turkish. The questionnaire consisted of 26 items covering four basic areas: (1) demographic information about the respondent and his/her family household; (2) information about the respondent's relatives over the age of 65 their age, sex, means of support, etc.; (3) information about and attitudes toward elderly relatives in the respondent's household, if any length of residence in the household, means of support, participation in family decision-making, the respondent's satisfaction with the living arrangements, and the like; and (4) attitudes toward the elderly in general, and plans for the respondent's own old age. Most of the attitude items consisted of a combination of a closed-ended rating and an open-ended example or explanation following the rating. For example, one of the questions asked, -
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-
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Is your relative influential in family decisions? _ _ Yes No Please give an example: Other questions were completely open-ended, such as: In your opinion, what are the good points of having an elderly relative living in your home? In your opinion, what are the negative points of having an elderly relative living in your home? -
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For each of the open-ended questions, responses given by a pilot sample were examined to determine the main categories of response. These categories were then used for coding the responses of the main sample.
Procedure. Those students who received experimental credit for participating in the study completed the questionnaire during a class period of their introductory psychology course. Those who were recruited from outside of psychology courses filled out the questionnaire in the psychology laboratory. The respondents were informed that the questionnaire
TURKISH STUDENT ATTITUDES
45
was designed to provide information about the experiences and opinions of young people with regard to their elderly relatives, and they were asked to answer the questions fully and truthfully. They were assured of confidentiality, and names were not recorded on the questionnaire forms. All respondents completed the form in less than 30 minutes. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
Since the present study is primarily exploratory in nature, and no definite hypotheses have been put forth, the data are presented in terms of frequencies and percentages only. Tests of significance, designed to reject null hypotheses, would appear to have little or no meaning in this context, and they have not been performed.
Family and Household Composition Respondents were asked to state the number of persons residing in their parental household, and to enumerate these persons and their relationships to the respondent. Household sizes were typically small: In the original sample of 100, 69% of the families were composed of four persons or less, and another 22% consisted of five persons. Less than 10% of the respondents came from households with six or more members. In accord with the small size of the household, 83% of the families of the original sample of 100 were nuclear in structure. Only 11% included older adults, and 5% included relatives' children or other individuals not part of the nuclear family. Of course, the purposive sample of 52 students with elderly relatives living in the home exhibited a higher household size (over half had 5 or more members), and none of their families were nuclear in structure.
Older Relatives 86% of the original 100 respondents stated that they had one or more living relatives over the age of 65, while 14% stated that they had no such relative. As might be expected from the common pattern of earlier marriage for women than for men, more respondents reported having a living maternal grandmother (55%) than any other category of grandparent, and these grandmothers had a younger mean age (72) than the other grandparents (75--76). Maternal aunts and uncles also outnumbered paternal aunts and uncles, 70 to 59. The respondents reported that 78% of their elderly relatives were either self supporting or supporting not only themselves but others as well, while 22% were reported to be supported by others.
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DIANE G. SUNAR
Older Relatives in the HousehoM
Eleven per cent of the original sample reported having elderly relatives in the home. This figure, as anticipated, lies between the figures found for Mexican (26%) and American (2%) samples (Culbertson and Margaona 1981). Eight of these respondents reported one elderly relative living with the family, and three reported two such relatives. As two of the latter did not give detailed information on the second relative, twelve cases emerged from the original sample. The second, purposive sample yielded 46 fully reported elderly relatives living in the homes of the respondents, for a total of 58. Respondents with relatives in the home will be referred to as the in-home group throughout the remainder of this report. According to the students' report, 39% of the elderly relatives in their home were supported by their families. However, 41% were selfsupporting, and 20% contributed to the support of the family in addition to being self-supporting. When asked about their elderly relatives' health, 20% of the in-home group reported that their relatives were in good health, and another 57% reported only minor health problems. 20% were reported to have relatively serious health problems, and 3% were said to be bedridden or in need of constant care. Senility or other serious mental problems were reported by only four (6.6%) of the in-home group, and 75% of this group reported that their elderly relatives were mentally normal. The remainder (18%) reported only minor problems of forgetfulness and the like. It would appear that neither economic dependence nor ill health is a dominant reason for these elderly relatives' residence with their children's families. It may be inferred that traditional norms regarding extendedfamily households at least facilitate, if they do not determine, this choice of living arrangements. Congruent with their relatively satisfactory state of physical and mental health, 75% of the in-home group reported that their elderly relatives did a share of household tasks, while only 25% report that they did no work in the home. Since this is approximately the same percentage as those reported to have serious physical or mental problems, it would appear that all those who are able to do so make some contribution to the work of the household. Despite the relative financial independence, good health, and cooperation in household tasks reported for elderly family members, they do not appear to have much decision-making power within the family. 60% of the in-home group reported that their elderly relatives had no influence in family decisions. Of those who perceived their relatives as having some influence, 41% said that they had this influence only in unimportant decisions. Only 12 respondents (20% of the in-home group) stated that their elderly relatives had an influence on important family decisions.
TURKISH STUDENT ATTITUDES
47
This pattern of responses indicates that these families, although they contain members from three generations, are not "classical" extended families in which authority is held by the older generation (Timur 1969). On the other hand, neither do these families appear to be "transitional" extended families, since the elderly relative has been present for more than ten years in 63% of the families, and for more than five years in another 26%. That is, in a majority of the families, the elderly relative has been part of the household since the respondent's childhood. Further investigation of the patterns of urban extended families in Turkey, as also suggested by Duben (1982), will be necessary to understand the differences between the patterns observed here and those found in rural areas. Questions relevant to family atmosphere produced mixed responses. When directly asked whether they were satisfied with having the elderly relative in the household, 77% of the in-home group reported that they were satisfied with arrangement, while only 23% reported dissatisfaction. Over half of those who were satisfied (53%) referred to some aspect of their emotional bond with the relative (love and respect felt for the relative, emotional support supplied by the relative) as their reason for satisfaction. Another 11% referred to the desirability of sharing within the family, and 7% stated that they felt sorry for the relative. On the other hand, despite their attachment to their elderly relatives and their general satisfaction of living together with them, the in-home group did not seem to view the family functions of these relatives in very positive terms. When asked whether their elderly relative functioned as a source of affection and harmony in the home, only 18% of the group responded in the affirmative. When asked whether the relative served as a source of conflict in the family, 73% responded affirmatively. This negative view was partially offset by the perception in 40% of the in-home group that the elderly relative makes positive contributions to family affairs and by 29% that the relative does not interfere. 31% of the group perceived the relative as interfering in family affairs.
Attitudes toward Aging and the Elderly All respondents, regardless of whether they had an elderly relative in the home, were asked to list what they believed to be the positive and negative points of having an elderly relative in the home. Responses to these and other attitude questions will be presented separately for the in-home group and the remainder of the sample. The most frequently mentioned positive point was the opportunity to benefit from the relative's knowledge and experience. 50% of the in-home group mentioned this benefit, as did 69% of the others. Other positive points mentioned were: affection for the relative (29% of the in-home group and 28% of others); opportunity to be of help to the relative (9% of
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the in-home group and 14% of others); opportunity to learn about the past (10% of in-home group and 23% of others); and maintaining tradition (9% of the in-home group and 6% of others). Very small numbers of respondents mentioned various other possible benefits. 14% of the inhome group and 4% of the others stated that, for them, the negative aspects of living with an elderly relative would outweigh any possible positive aspects. The most frequently mentioned negative points had to do with the "generation gap" or with the different attitudes and values held by older and younger generations. 52% of the in-home group and 65% of others mentioned this drawback. Other negative points mentioned were: restrictive, critical attitudes of the relative (38% of the in-home group and 31% of others); old-age crotchetiness (24% of the in-home group and 30% of others); and the need to care for the relative (19% of the in-home group and 21% of others). 16% of the in-home respondents, and 4% of others, stated that there were no negative aspects to having an elderly relative in the home. When asked whether they asked the advice of their elderly relatives, 57% of the in-home group and 48% of others stated that they did so, at least upon occasion. 36% of the in-home group and 21% of others said that they asked advice on certain subjects but not on others. In response to the question of why they consulted their elderly relatives for advice, 10% of the in-home group and 13% of others stated that they wished to benefit from the experience of the relative. Others (7% of the in-home group and 5% of others) said they did so in order to have someone to tell their problems to, or to maintain a close relationship with the relative (2% of the in-home group and 3% of others). 40% of the in-home group and 49% of others stated that they never asked for advice. 24% of the in-home group, and 19% of others, said that they did not seek advice because they could not communicate with their elderly relatives. Others stated that they did not seek advice because others met their needs better (12% of the in-home group and 14% of others). A large majority of the respondents (74% of the in-home group and 88% of others) stated that they followed their elderly relative's advice when they found it appropriate. On the other hand, 24% of the in-home group, but only 7% of others, claimed that they did not follow their relative's advice.
Plansfor Respondent's Old Age Respondents were asked whether they believed that they would prefer to live with their children when they reach old age. A large majority (76% of the in-home group and 75% of others) responded that they will not prefer to live with their children, while 19% of the in-home group and 16% of others stated that they will prefer to do so.
TURKISH STUDENT
ATTITUDES
49
The most frequent reason offered for the preference not to live with their children was the desire to be free or independent (35% of the in-home group and 50% of others). Other frequently-mentioned reasons were the wish for the children to be free (14% of the in-home group and 25% of others) and the desire not to be a burden to others (17% of the in-home group and 18% of others). A number of respondents (5% of the in-home group and 14% of others) pointed out that, while they would like to maintain separate homes, they would hope to maintain close relations with their children. Only one reason was given with any frequency for the desire to live with one's children: not to be alone in old age. 10% of the in-home group and 12% others gave this response. Another small group (10% of the in-home group and 6% of others) preferred not to commit themselves, but said that what they will do and their reasons for doing it will depend on the situation. If any pattern can be discerned here, it is that the experience of having an elderly relative in the home made a considerable difference in the perception of the positive and negative aspects of such living arrangements. In general, those who had not had such experience were more likely than the in-home group to mention positive aspects such as benefitting from the relative's knowledge and experience, learning about the past, and being able to help the relative, and they were more likely to point to generation gap problems and old-age crotchetiness as negative aspects. These views seem to reflect a more or less stereotypical conception of old people. The in-home group gave what might be interpreted as more realistic, behavior-oriented responses. They were more likely to regard restrictive, critical attitudes as a drawback and to mention communication difficulties. They were also more likely to have extremely positive or extremely negative attitudes toward living with an elderly relative. While the in-home group were more likely than others to say that negative aspects of living with an elderly relative would outweigh any possible positive aspects, they were also more likely to say that there were no negative aspects.
Additional Comments The final item on the questionnaire asked respondents in an open-ended fashion for further comments on their feelings and attitudes with regard to older relatives. Although the answers were quite varied, a few themes were repeated often enough to deserve note here. The first of these themes had to do with respect. A number of respondents wrote that older people deserve respect, and several commented that they should be made to feel respected whether or not their ideas were truly taken seriously. A related theme had to do with gratitude. Several respondents wrote that the earlier accomplishments and sacrifices of older relatives should be remembered
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with gratitude and respect. A certain amount of ambivalence showed itself in these comments, with the young people somewhat torn between their impatience with their older relatives' outmoded ideas and attitudes (implied in the suggestion that young people may not take the ideas of the elderly seriously, and in their emphasis on "generation gap" problems) and their affection and sense of responsibility toward them.
Sex Differences For supplementary information, responses to the items concerning attitudes toward having elderly relatives in the home, relations with elderly relatives and plans for the respondent's old age were analyzed by sex of the respondent. Male and female respondents gave surprisingly similar responses to many of the items, but there were a few interesting differences. In their listing of good aspects of having an elderly relative in the home, males were more likely than females to mention the opportunity to help the relative (15% vs. 10%) and maintenance of tradition (10% vs. 6%), and were more likely to say that the negative points of living with an elderly relative would outweigh the positive (10% vs. 5%). Females, on the other hand, were more likely than males to mention benefitting from the knowledge and experience of the relative (69% vs. 50%), learning about the past (23% vs. 12%), and affection for the relative (24% vs. 15%). In their listing of negative aspects, females were more likely than males to mention restrictive and critical attitudes of the relative (36% vs. 27%) and old-age crotchetiness (31 vs. 23%). Female respondents were somewhat more likely than male respondents to say that they asked advice of their elderly relatives, at least sometimes (54% vs. 48%), and that they followed the advice if they thought it appropriate (85% vs. 79%). Male respondents were more likely than female respondents to state a preference for living with their children in their own old age (29% vs. 10%), and more likely to offer as their reason that they will not want to be alone (21% vs. 6%). In contrast, females were more likely to state that they will want to be free in old age (53% vs. 31%), that they will want their children to be free (24% vs. 15%), and that they will not want to be a burden to others (23% vs. 8%). This pattern of responses follows quite closely the instrumental vs. expressive orientations that are commonly suggested as characterizing male and female sex roles, as well as reflecting something of the power differential between men and women in the Turkish family. Males put more emphasis on helping and tradition, both of which can be interpreted in terms of (male) power and differential resources. They are less satisfied with living with an elderly relative and less likely to see any good aspects
TURKISH STUDENT ATTITUDES
51
to it at all, which may imply a self- rather than an other-orientation. On the other hand, they are more likely to plan to live with their own children, in order not to be alone in old age, and less likely to worry about their children's freedom or about being a burden on others. In contrast, females put more emphasis on affection, interdependence (benefitting from others' experience, seeking and taking advice), and ease of interaction (or lack of it, in the case of crotchetiness), while being sensitive to criticism and restriction. While males may fear loneliness in old age, females appear to fear restriction. Living alone in old age may appear to the young women of this sample to be one prospect for legitimate independence. CONCLUSION
This paper has attempted to portray the attitudes of a sample of Turkish university students of urban, relatively high SES origin toward their elderly relatives and toward living in the same household with them, in the context of a tradition of the extended-family household as the ideal family type and a trend, with urbanization and industrialization, toward nuclear family residence. On the one hand, tradition seems to maintain itself, as three-quarters of those who are currently living in a three-generation household claim to be satisfied with the arrangement, and there is frequent mention of ties of affection and respect, as well as the virtues of family sharing and cooperation. On the other hand, the forces of "modernization," which have greatly reduced the incidence of extended family households in Turkish cities (Duben 1982), seem also to be reflected in the attitudes and plans of young people, as three quarters of the present sample reject the idea of living with their children when they grow old. It would appear that, at least in the current sample, the extended family household has lost its status as the preferred or ideal family type. Nevertheless, there are many signs of the "culture of relatedness," and little indication that the stated desire for freedom and independence would extend as far as the generational isolation found so often in American middle class families. NOTE * An earlier version of this paper, based on a smaller sample of respondents, was presented at the 41st Annual Convention of the International Council of Psychologists, San Francisco, August 1983. The author wishes to thank Duygu Oztuzcu, who translated the original questionnaire into Turkish, and [lkay Sunar, who did the back-translation. Thanks are also due to Handan Levent, Candan Duran Genq, Sami Giilg6z, and Nilgiin Uras Sa~lam for their assistance in other phases of the project.
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Collette-Pratt, C. 1976 Attitudinal Predictors of Devaluation of Old Age in a Multigenerational Sample. Journal of Gerontology 31 (2): 193--197. Culbertson, F. and E. A. Margaona 1981 A Study of Attitudes and Values Toward the Aged, Cross-cultural Comparisons. Paper presented at the 39th Annual Convention of the InternationalCouncil of Psychologists, Los Angeles. Duben, A. 1982 The Significance of Family and Kinship in Urban Turkey. In ~. Kgt~it~ibali, ed. Sex Roles, Family and Community in Turkey. Bloomington: Indiana University Turkish Studies 3. Fandetti, D. V. and D. E. Gelfand 1976 Care of the Aged: Attitudes of White Ethnic Families. Gerontologist 16(6): 344--549. Gordon, S. D. and D. S. Hallaner 1976 Impact of a Friendly Visiting Program on the Attitudes of College Students Toward the Aged: A Pedagogical Note. Gerontologist 16(4): 371--376. Hicks, D. A., J. Rogers, and K. Shemberg 1976 Attitudes Toward the Elderly: A Comparison of Measures. Experimental Aging Research 2(2): 119--124. lkels, C. 1975 Old Age in Hong Kong. Gerontologist 15(3): 230--235. K~it~iba§i, ~. 1982 Sex Roles, Value of Children and Fertility. In (~. K~itgiba~i, ed. Sex Roles, Family and Community in Turkey. Bloomington: Indiana University Turkish Studies 3. K~it~iba~i, (~. 1984 Socialization in Traditional Society: A Challenge to Psychology. InternationalJournal of Psychology 19, 145-- 157. Salter, C. A. and C. D. Salter 1976 Attitudes Toward Aging and Behaviors Toward the Elderly Among Young People as a Function of Death Anxiety. Gerontologist 16(3): 232--236. Sunar, D. G., i. Sunar, E. Pamuk, and S. Pamuk 1979 Briefing Paper for the UNFPA Basic Needs Mission: Turkey. Ankara: UNFPA. Thomas, E. C. and K. Yamamoto 1975 Attitudes Toward Age: An Exploration in School Age Children. International Journal of Aging and Human Development 6(2): 117-119. Thorson, J. A. 1975 Attitudes Toward the Aged as a Function of Race and Social Class. Gerontologist 15(4): 343--344. Timur, S. 1979 The Turkish Household. Hacettepe University Population Studies Institute Publications.
Bogazici University, Istanbul, Turkey
