The Gerontologist Advance Access published February 16, 2016
The Gerontologist cite as: Gerontologist, 2016, Vol. 00, No. 00, 1–5 doi:10.1093/geront/gnw007 Advance Access publication February 16, 2016
International Spotlight
Aging in Russia Olga Strizhitskaya, PhD Address correspondence to Olga Strizhitskaya, PhD, Department of Psychology, Saint Petersburg State University, nab. Makarova, 6, Saint Petersburg 199034, Russia. E-mail: [email protected] Received June 23, 2015; Accepted November 3, 2015 Decision Editor: Rachel Pruchno, PhD
Abstract Russia has always been at an intersection of Western and Eastern cultures, with its dozens of ethnic groups and different religions. The federal structure of the country also encompasses a variety of differences in socioeconomic status across its regions. This diversity yields complexity in aging research; aging people in Russia differ in terms of nationality, religion, political beliefs, social and economic status, access to health care, income, living conditions, etc. Thus, it is difficult to control for all these factors or to draw a picture of an “average” Russian older adult. Nevertheless, there is a great deal of research on aging in Russia, mainly focusing on biomedical and social aspects of aging. Most such research is based in the Central and Western regions, whereas the Siberian and Far East regions are underrepresented. There is also a lack of secondary databases and representative nationwide studies. Social policy and legislation address the needs of older adults by providing social services, support, and protection. The retirement system in Russia enables adults to retire at relatively young ages—55 and 60 years for women and men, respectively—but also to maintain the option of continuing their professional career or re-establishing a career after a “vocation” period. Though in recent years the government has faced a range of political issues, affecting the country’s economy in general, budget funds for support of aging people have been maintained. Key Words: Russia, Aging, Demography, Retirement
Being one of the largest territories in the world, the Russian Federation unites many nationalities, cultures, and religions, each of which impacts the country’s overall picture of aging (Dobrokhleb, 2010; Safarova, Kosolapenko, & Atutionov, 2005). In this article, we address the complexity of the specifics of aging and aging research in Russia. Russia has always been a home to a mixture of Western and Eastern values, and these values affect attitudes toward aging. Traditional Western values, such as freedom and independence, may foster well-being in terms of independence from children and other relatives, as well as financial and material independence; in contrast, Eastern values tell us it would be inappropriate to leave parents and grandparents on their own. In Southern Republics, having an older person in your family commands respect and honor from
society; an older person is the head of the family and is treated well by his relatives. On the other hand, Central and Western regions of the country are more influenced by European values, goals, and stereotypes, including negative ones (Shagidaeva, 2015). In these regions, fears about the aging process and the desire to avoid aging issues among youth and adults are much stronger, and older adults fear becoming a burden for their families. Because Russia has been a multinational country since its beginning, there has always been intercultural exchange: Western regions incorporated Eastern values (to some extent) and vice versa. Thus, it is likely that most older adults in Russia are receptive to a mixture of Western and Eastern values that combine a desire for independence and involvement at the same time.
© The Author 2016. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of The Gerontological Society of America. All rights reserved. For permissions, please e-mail: [email protected].
1
Downloaded from http://gerontologist.oxfordjournals.org/ at York University Libraries on March 15, 2016
Department of Psychology, Saint Petersburg State University, Russia.
The Gerontologist, 2016, Vol. 00, No. 00
2
women who always wanted to devote themselves to their homes and families, but could not afford to do so and had to work in their younger years to ease their financial burdens. On the other hand, there can be disadvantages for older workers when employers who are more interested in young employees have an officially sanctioned reason to fire those who reach retirement age. According to RosStat data, 12.3% of adults aged 55–59 years, 6.7% of adults aged 60–64 years, and 3.2% of adults aged 65 and older continue their careers. Nevertheless, as they approach formal retirement age, people start to consider themselves “somewhat” aging. Because they benefit from social policies for older adults, they are already seen as older adults or aging people by society and the government. Thus, in most Russian research samples, women aged 55 and older and men aged 60 and older are considered to be aging people.
Demography of Aging
Elderly Poverty
The very notion of an aging person in Russia is different from that of an aging person in Western countries. Western researchers usually think of older adults as those who are aged 65 and older, based on a retirement age of about 65 years.
The problem of poverty in Russia in general and elderly poverty in particular is complicated. According to sociologists and economists, the rate in the entire population may vary between 18% and 50%. These differences may be due to a variety of factors. First, regions differ in incomes and expenses. Someone living in Moscow may have higher income than someone living in a Siberian city, but expenses in Moscow will be also higher and thus the economic status of the Muscovite could be lower. Second, differences can be found between people living in the cities and in the villages. Though those living in the villages usually have lower income, products from their own farms provide them with substantial resources. The general trend from 1992 to 2013 was a decrease in poverty rates due to national economic growth. There are no recent data available about the effects of crisis of 2014–2015, however. Data about poverty rates among aging people in Russia are also contradictory. In publications from 1992 to 2006 (Poverty in Russia, 2014), we can see disappointingly high levels of poverty; some authors even claim that up to 70% of aging couples can be considered as poor. On the other hand, the director of the institute for social and economic studies of the population of the Russian Science Academy, A. Shevyakov, reported that aging people are not the poorest category in the Russian society (RIA News, 2010). He proposed that poverty has two components or dimensions: direct income and access to health and social services. From this perspective, on the first dimension, the poorest categories are children and adults with low salaries, and on the second dimension, aging people are the poorest category. One question that arises with regard to the retirement age in Russia is whether it is reasonable or if the retirement system should be revamped. This question cannot be easily answered, and there are often public discussions about it in the Russian society. In our opinion, the retirement system needs to be more flexible; there are people at age 50 who are not capable of carrying out their professional functions
Retirement Retirement in the Russian Federation is a unique phenomenon. Based on the World Health Organization (WHO) classification, formal retirement age in 2015 was 55 years for women and 60 years for men. Formal retirement means that if a person who reaches the appropriate age wants to retire, he/she can do so, although it is not mandatory. A person can continue his/her career after reaching the retirement age, while also acquiring the social status of a retiree and receiving a retirement allowance from the government. The system of retirement allowances or pensions has two subsystems: a system for calculating retirement pensions for those who have already retired or will do so soon (born in 1966 or earlier) and a system for those who can still plan for their retirement savings (Eich, Soto, & Gust, 2012). For those already retired, the pension amount depends on a variety of factors, including age (there is a small increase in pension after age 80 years), work experience, special conditions (e.g., extra pension payments for participants in the Great Patriotic War [1941–1945] and individuals born during those years), region (most regions provide their own extra payments to increase the income of older adults), and special health conditions. Taking all these factors into account, pension amounts can range from hardly enough to live on to that comparable with the salary of a middle-class specialist. Retirement legislation confers both advantages and disadvantages on retirees. On one hand, a person can retire at comparatively young age if he/she wishes and/or has financial resources to do so. This might be the case for
Downloaded from http://gerontologist.oxfordjournals.org/ at York University Libraries on March 15, 2016
Another perspective that affects aging in Russia is historical and political context. For example, communism (and the USSR) has shaped the lives of many Russian people who are now older adults. This influence was diverse, however, and could have affected a variety of outcomes during the recent period of transition. Some people were greatly influenced and stigmatized by the communist system, whereas the lives of those with power and financial resources were not limited at all. Yet both these groups (and in reality there may be many more) may cope with transition and reach retirement age with both negative and positive outcomes. In addition, various factors that could impact their adaptation to the fall of the USSR and transition to a new economic and political system must also be considered. To test any of these hypotheses, a complex study of a representative sample is needed.
The Gerontologist, 2016, Vol. 00, No. 00
effectively, whereas others could be productive until the age 80 or older. The retirement system, in our opinion, should provide support for both types of people.
Demographic Profile
Research in Aging Research on aging in Russia began in the mid-1960s and has developed in two global directions: biomedical aspects of aging (I.V. Davydovskii, V.V. Frolkis, etc.) and social gerontology (M.D. Alexandrova). Since the beginning of the 20th century, there has been active development of the biological, medical, and pharmaceutical aspects of gerontological
research (Anisimov, Khavinson, & Mikhailova, 2011). World-class research in this area includes studies of the role of genes in aging and age-related pathology (Baranov & Baranova, 2007; Moskalev, 2008), novel design for molecular epidemiologic studies introduced by Imyanitov (2009), and the relationship between cancer and aging (Anisimov, 2005, 2007, 2009). Starting in the 1960s, research in social gerontology focused on the problems of professional functioning of aging people, their adaptation to retirement, and their capacity in terms of neurological and personality functioning (Alexandrova, 1974, 2014a, 2014b). A lot of researchers currently study psychological resources and potential, particularly subjective ones. As stated by M.D. Alexandrova and acknowledged by many other scientists, all the aging processes show great variability that makes them hard to study and interpret. Considering the significant role of subjective factors, personality activity, and resources in aging, the concept of self-determination (Deci & Vansteenkiste, 2004) has been applied to aging in Russia (and particularly to Saint Petersburg as one of the most “aging” regions). A study on self-determination in aging (Strizhitskaya, 2013; Strizhitskaya & Davedyuk, 2014) showed that the theory’s most age-sensitive component is positive social relationships, which plays an important role in both formally and actually retired older adults. Moreover, the study found that all the components of self-determination theory have positive effects on life satisfaction and psychological well-being in aging. The “Crystal” study, also conducted in Saint Petersburg (Gurina, Frolova, & Degryse, 2011), showed that a comparatively high proportion of older adults suffered from mild or moderate cognitive impairment (17% and 25% for men and women aged 65–74 years, respectively, and 45.2% and 47.2% for men and women aged 75 and older, respectively). Interestingly, Karpenko, Kachalova, Budilova, and Teriokhin (2009) propose a novel hypothesis on the role of the age-related changes in cognitive functioning: Declines in neural correlations related to age can improve the process of situation processing in general. One of the most important issues in Russian gerontological research is the lack of complex multidisciplinary studies that would unite biomedical studies and social and psychological research. Often their paradigms are seen as contradictory, so much more collaboration is needed to devise a complex research approach to aging in Russia. Another challenge is that not all the domains of aging are covered in current research in Russia. This trend appears both in internal science studies (e.g., a dearth of research on emotional processes of healthy older adults in psychology) and multidisciplinary research.
Data About Aging As in other developing countries, Russia lacks national representative studies on aging. However, secondary datasets,
Downloaded from http://gerontologist.oxfordjournals.org/ at York University Libraries on March 15, 2016
In 2014, there were 33,788,600 adults over the retirement age, constituting 23.5% of the national population (143,666,900), according to the Russian Federation Federal State Statistics Service (RosStat, 2015). If we look more closely at these statistics, we find that the proportion of people aged 65 and older would be just 13%, with a greater proportion of those aged 70 and older. Comparing the percentage of the population over retirement age in Russia and other countries (e.g., Europe or the United States), we need to remember that the aging population in Russia includes younger people than in other countries and to specify sample ages. Examination of the government’s policy on aging, however, would still focus on the number of those who are officially retired according to Russia’s legal retirement age. The proportion of the “retirement age” population is expected to grow to 28.5% by 2030, with men and women proportions of 20.4% and 35.8%, respectively. Due to the “young” retirement age in the Russian Federation, these proportions are higher than those in Europe; still, the older adult population aged 65 and older in 2015 is estimated to be 19.6% of the population, with 15.1% and 23.6% of men and women, respectively. The distribution of the aging population among the regions also demonstrates wide variation, with the proportion ranging from 8.7% to 29.1%, which makes it difficult to compare demographic data from different regions. This can be partly explained by immigration processes, though a more in-depth analysis is still needed. Life expectancy is another challenge affecting aging research in Russia. In 2014, life expectancy was 79 years for women and 64 years for men. Although the general pattern—a huge difference in life expectancy between men and women—remains, from a longer perspective, it increased from 74 years for women and 59 years for men in 2010, just 4 years earlier. This difference causes another research problem—a gender issue. Shorter life expectancy for men leads to unequal numbers of men and women in the elderly population and fewer men available for research in general; thus, male and female sample sizes may not be comparable. As a result, the majority of data collected on aging in Russia is based on samples of women, especially when it comes to ages 85 and older.
3
4
available to researchers interested in the study of aging, include the WHO’s Study on Global AGEing and Adult Health (SAGE) in six SAGE countries: China, Ghana, India, Mexico, Russia, and South Africa (WHO, 2015). For the Russian Federation, a Wave 0 (2002–2004) sample of 4,422 people were surveyed, of whom 50.4% were aged 50 and older (2,308 participants). At Wave 1 (2007–2010), data on 4,355 participants were collected, and Wave 2 started in 2014. The survey includes household and individual questionnaires that provide data about a variety of health-related issues.
Policy Issues
for elderly.” Due to traditional and quite conservative values in Russia, “homes for elderly” are associated with a variety of negative stereotypes, and most people, both young and old, are afraid of such institutions. Unfortunately, with an increasingly aging population, the availability of some services can be limited or require a waiting period. Social support includes help of a material nature, both monetary and goods, and of a non-material nature, such as special services and benefits (e.g., discounts for certain services). There is also a list of free medications that people can receive in certain pharmacies, which has provoked some public discussion about the medications that are included in the list, and the availability and provision of these medications in the pharmacies. The theoretical model of Russia’s social policy (as stated in official documents) has great potential for improving older adults’ lives, but the realization of this policy, especially in regions far from the “capitals” (Moscow and Saint Petersburg) needs to be improved.
Emerging Issues and Conclusions The increase in Russia’s aging population demands new approaches to understanding and addressing aging issues. Among the areas that need further research are the cognitive sphere, including cognitive reserve, indicators of cognitive impairment, and protective factors, such as education, physical activity, and healthy lifestyle. Application of Western research findings to Russian samples is complicated by the country’s diversity and the variety of factors influencing the aging process. To address these issues, factors such as region, employment, education, gender, religious beliefs, and cultural values have to be taken into account. Demographic changes, such as increasing life expectancy, birthrates, and number of generations living concurrently, are leading to growing demands for intergenerational research. Presently, with most intergenerational research focused on parent–child relationships or grandparent/grandchild communication, it seems necessary to explore new models that consider at least three generations at a time. Methodological issues are most challenging in the field of social sciences. Although biological and medical studies are somewhat comparable with those in the West in terms of methods, social sciences use a set of originally Russiandeveloped methods and questionnaires or translated versions of Western questionnaires. The methodological problem with the translated versions is that sometimes during adaptation and validation, investigators do not follow all the procedures accurately or do not adequately explain the procedures they used in their publications. Russiandeveloped methods also often lack clear validation data in publications and may not offer alternative variants in Western studies, thus making international comparison and discussion difficult for some concepts. Finally, one of the most complicated challenges in Russian research in aging is the motivation of older adults.
Downloaded from http://gerontologist.oxfordjournals.org/ at York University Libraries on March 15, 2016
In Russia, as in many other countries, aging issues are considered to be a policy priority. The increase in the aging population leads to the need for more social protection of older adults, by way of government policies on social services (including health services) and social support. Health care services comprise a large part of social services in Russia. Health care is provided for those of all ages, including older adults, through the Health Ministry (Health Care in Russia, 2006). Every person has a medical insurance policy, regardless of age and/or employment, which covers a wide range of medical services. Health care improvement continues to be one of the priorities of the current government, and there is concern about how health care quality differs tremendously depending on the region. Central regions, especially Moscow and Saint Petersburg, have more high-quality specialized clinics with modern equipment and world-class doctors, whereas in sparsely populated distant and rural regions, the closest hospital or policlinic may be very far away. In fact, in some distant villages, people may not even know where the closest health care facility is. It is important to note that these health care system problems affect not only older adults but the entire population. In addition to health care, social services for aging people in Russia include a variety of options. There are educational centers, so called “third age schools,” where aging people can learn different subjects and skills. Some of these are purely applied, such as computer or language courses, whereas others provide opportunities for personality and creativity development. For example, the “Third Age School” in Saint Petersburg (Third Age School, 2015) aims to go beyond developing specific skills in aging people, to helping improve their social position and activity. For those who need social or medical assistance, there are “social houses” and “homes for elderly.” “Social houses” provide temporary care for aging people and are supported by the government. Aging people live in their own apartments for a limited time (usually several weeks) supported by doctors, nurses, social workers, and psychologists. “Homes for elderly” are a permanent residence, staffed by social workers, doctors and nurses, where residents receive everything they need for their health conditions. There are both public and private “homes
The Gerontologist, 2016, Vol. 00, No. 00
The Gerontologist, 2016, Vol. 00, No. 00
Most research being conducted and published is based on studies of those who are somewhat socially active—who want to learn something new, to know something about themselves, to improve their health; but there are still a large number of older adults who don’t want to participate in any kind of research and about whom science knows very little. It is critical to encourage those people to participate in research and initiate social and self-directed activity. Given Russia’s geographic and demographic diversity, historical and political context, and unique retirement system, there is great potential for further research about the Russian aging population. It offers abundant opportunities to study the effects on aging of a variety of cultural, social, psychological, spiritual, and biological factors.
The article is a part of a research project funded by Grant Council of President of Russian Federation (MK-3345.2015.6).
References Alexandrova, M. D. (2014a). Aging and its individual manifestations (Vestnik of Saint-Petersburg University, Series 16: Psychology). Education, 2, 81–86. Alexandrova, M. D. (2014b). The aging person and problems of professional employment: To the history of a question (Vestnik of Saint-Petersburg University, Series 16: Psychology). Education, 2, 87–96. Alexandrova, M. D. (1974). Problemysocialnoi I psikhologicheskoigerontologii [Problems of social and psychological gerontology]. Leningrad, Russia: Leningrad State University Press. Anisimov, V. N. (2007). Biology of aging and cancer. Cancer Control, 14, 23–31. Anisimov, V. N. (2005). Biological interactions of aging and carcinogenesis. Cancer Treatment and Research, 124, 17–50. Anisimov, V. N. (2009). Carcinogenesis and aging 20 years after: Escaping horizon. Mechanisms of Ageing and Development, 130, 105–121. doi:10.1016/j.mad.2008.02.004 Anisimov, V. N., Khavinson, V. K. h., & Mikhailova, O. N. (2011). Biogerontology in Russia: From past to future. Biogerontology, 12, 47–60. doi:10.1007/s10522-010-9307-2 Baranov, V. S., & Baranova, E. V. (2007). Genetic aspects of ageing. Advances in Gerontology, 20, 26–34. Chernysheva, S. P. (2015). Shkola Tretego Vosrasta [Third Age School]. Retrieved August 18, 2015, from http://www.seniorschool.ru/ Deci, E. L., & Vansteenkiste, M. (2004). Self-determination theory and basic need satisfaction: Understanding human development in positive psychology. Ricerche di Psichologia, 27, 17–34.
Dobrokhleb, V. G. (2010). The resource potential of Russia’s older population. Sociological Research, 49, 3–14. doi:10.2753/ SOR1061-0154490101 Eich, F., Soto, M., & Gust, C. (2012). Reforming the public pension system in the Russian Federation. IMF Working Papers, 12, 1. doi:10.5089/9781475505511.001 Federal State Statistic Service. (2015). Older generation. Retrieved June 5, 2015, from www.gks.ru/free_doc/new_site/population/ demo/progn3a.xls Gurina, N. A., Frolova, E. V., & Degryse, J. M. (2011). A roadmap of aging in Russia: The prevalence of frailty in community-dwelling older adults in the St. Petersburg district—the “Crystal” study. Journal of the American Geriatrics Society, 59, 980–988. doi:10.1111/j.1532-5415.2011.03448.x Health Care in Russia. (2006). National Health care systems: Healthcare in Russia. Retrieved from http://www.allianzworldwidecare.com/healthcare-in-russia Imyanitov, E. N. (2009). Use of elderly tumor-free subjects as a ‘‘supercontrol’’ for cancer epidemiological studies: Pros and cons. Mechanisms of Ageing and Development, 130, 122–127. doi:10.1016/j.mad.2008.03.005 Karpenko, M. P., Kachalova, L. M., Budilova, E. V., & Teriokhin, A. T. (2009). Cognitive advantages of the third age: A neural network model of brain aging. Neuroscience and Behavioral Physiology, 59, 252–256. Kolesova, V. P. (2014). Bednost v Rossii [Poverty in Russia]. Retrieved August 20, 2015, from http://economy-ru.com/ekonomicheskaya-teoriya-rf/bednost-rossii-28823.html Moskalev, A. A. (2008). About genetic determinants of aging pathways. Advances in Gerontology, 21, 463–469. RIA News. (2010). Sem’i s detmi v RF bednee pensionerov v 4 rasa. [Families with children are four times poorer than retired older adults]. Retrieved from https://news.mail.ru/ society/4517654/ Safarova, G. L., Kosolapenko, N. V., & Atutionov, V. A. (2005). Regional differentiation of ageing in Russia. Advances in Gerontology, 16, 7–13. Shagidaeva, A. (2015). Lichnostno-smyslovaya sfera pozhilykh ludei, perezhivaushikh starost v rasnykh usloviyakh. [Personality and meaning spheres of older adults, experiencing aging in different conditions] (Doctoral Thesis, Moscow City Psychology and Pedagogics Institute, Moscow, Russia). Retrieved from http:// new.search.rsl.ru/ru/record/005567643 Strizhitskaya, O. (2013). Self-determination as a resource for sustainable work and mental health. Barents Newsletter on Occupational Health and Safety, 16, 88–91. Strizhitskaya, O. Y., & Davedyuk, E. P. (2014). Self-determination structure in aging: From theory to practice. Proceedings of the 3rd Annual International Conference on Cognitive and Behavioral Psychology (CBP 2014), 56–59. doi:10.1037/ e507412014-012 WHO. (2015). SAGE longitudinal multi-country study. Retrieved from http://www.who.int/healthinfo/sage/cohorts/en/index1.html
Downloaded from http://gerontologist.oxfordjournals.org/ at York University Libraries on March 15, 2016
Funding
5
The Gerontologist cite as: Gerontologist, 2016, Vol. 00, No. 00, 1–5 doi:10.1093/geront/gnw007 Advance Access publication February 16, 2016
International Spotlight
Aging in Russia Olga Strizhitskaya, PhD Address correspondence to Olga Strizhitskaya, PhD, Department of Psychology, Saint Petersburg State University, nab. Makarova, 6, Saint Petersburg 199034, Russia. E-mail: [email protected] Received June 23, 2015; Accepted November 3, 2015 Decision Editor: Rachel Pruchno, PhD
Abstract Russia has always been at an intersection of Western and Eastern cultures, with its dozens of ethnic groups and different religions. The federal structure of the country also encompasses a variety of differences in socioeconomic status across its regions. This diversity yields complexity in aging research; aging people in Russia differ in terms of nationality, religion, political beliefs, social and economic status, access to health care, income, living conditions, etc. Thus, it is difficult to control for all these factors or to draw a picture of an “average” Russian older adult. Nevertheless, there is a great deal of research on aging in Russia, mainly focusing on biomedical and social aspects of aging. Most such research is based in the Central and Western regions, whereas the Siberian and Far East regions are underrepresented. There is also a lack of secondary databases and representative nationwide studies. Social policy and legislation address the needs of older adults by providing social services, support, and protection. The retirement system in Russia enables adults to retire at relatively young ages—55 and 60 years for women and men, respectively—but also to maintain the option of continuing their professional career or re-establishing a career after a “vocation” period. Though in recent years the government has faced a range of political issues, affecting the country’s economy in general, budget funds for support of aging people have been maintained. Key Words: Russia, Aging, Demography, Retirement
Being one of the largest territories in the world, the Russian Federation unites many nationalities, cultures, and religions, each of which impacts the country’s overall picture of aging (Dobrokhleb, 2010; Safarova, Kosolapenko, & Atutionov, 2005). In this article, we address the complexity of the specifics of aging and aging research in Russia. Russia has always been a home to a mixture of Western and Eastern values, and these values affect attitudes toward aging. Traditional Western values, such as freedom and independence, may foster well-being in terms of independence from children and other relatives, as well as financial and material independence; in contrast, Eastern values tell us it would be inappropriate to leave parents and grandparents on their own. In Southern Republics, having an older person in your family commands respect and honor from
society; an older person is the head of the family and is treated well by his relatives. On the other hand, Central and Western regions of the country are more influenced by European values, goals, and stereotypes, including negative ones (Shagidaeva, 2015). In these regions, fears about the aging process and the desire to avoid aging issues among youth and adults are much stronger, and older adults fear becoming a burden for their families. Because Russia has been a multinational country since its beginning, there has always been intercultural exchange: Western regions incorporated Eastern values (to some extent) and vice versa. Thus, it is likely that most older adults in Russia are receptive to a mixture of Western and Eastern values that combine a desire for independence and involvement at the same time.
© The Author 2016. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of The Gerontological Society of America. All rights reserved. For permissions, please e-mail: [email protected].
1
Downloaded from http://gerontologist.oxfordjournals.org/ at York University Libraries on March 15, 2016
Department of Psychology, Saint Petersburg State University, Russia.
The Gerontologist, 2016, Vol. 00, No. 00
2
women who always wanted to devote themselves to their homes and families, but could not afford to do so and had to work in their younger years to ease their financial burdens. On the other hand, there can be disadvantages for older workers when employers who are more interested in young employees have an officially sanctioned reason to fire those who reach retirement age. According to RosStat data, 12.3% of adults aged 55–59 years, 6.7% of adults aged 60–64 years, and 3.2% of adults aged 65 and older continue their careers. Nevertheless, as they approach formal retirement age, people start to consider themselves “somewhat” aging. Because they benefit from social policies for older adults, they are already seen as older adults or aging people by society and the government. Thus, in most Russian research samples, women aged 55 and older and men aged 60 and older are considered to be aging people.
Demography of Aging
Elderly Poverty
The very notion of an aging person in Russia is different from that of an aging person in Western countries. Western researchers usually think of older adults as those who are aged 65 and older, based on a retirement age of about 65 years.
The problem of poverty in Russia in general and elderly poverty in particular is complicated. According to sociologists and economists, the rate in the entire population may vary between 18% and 50%. These differences may be due to a variety of factors. First, regions differ in incomes and expenses. Someone living in Moscow may have higher income than someone living in a Siberian city, but expenses in Moscow will be also higher and thus the economic status of the Muscovite could be lower. Second, differences can be found between people living in the cities and in the villages. Though those living in the villages usually have lower income, products from their own farms provide them with substantial resources. The general trend from 1992 to 2013 was a decrease in poverty rates due to national economic growth. There are no recent data available about the effects of crisis of 2014–2015, however. Data about poverty rates among aging people in Russia are also contradictory. In publications from 1992 to 2006 (Poverty in Russia, 2014), we can see disappointingly high levels of poverty; some authors even claim that up to 70% of aging couples can be considered as poor. On the other hand, the director of the institute for social and economic studies of the population of the Russian Science Academy, A. Shevyakov, reported that aging people are not the poorest category in the Russian society (RIA News, 2010). He proposed that poverty has two components or dimensions: direct income and access to health and social services. From this perspective, on the first dimension, the poorest categories are children and adults with low salaries, and on the second dimension, aging people are the poorest category. One question that arises with regard to the retirement age in Russia is whether it is reasonable or if the retirement system should be revamped. This question cannot be easily answered, and there are often public discussions about it in the Russian society. In our opinion, the retirement system needs to be more flexible; there are people at age 50 who are not capable of carrying out their professional functions
Retirement Retirement in the Russian Federation is a unique phenomenon. Based on the World Health Organization (WHO) classification, formal retirement age in 2015 was 55 years for women and 60 years for men. Formal retirement means that if a person who reaches the appropriate age wants to retire, he/she can do so, although it is not mandatory. A person can continue his/her career after reaching the retirement age, while also acquiring the social status of a retiree and receiving a retirement allowance from the government. The system of retirement allowances or pensions has two subsystems: a system for calculating retirement pensions for those who have already retired or will do so soon (born in 1966 or earlier) and a system for those who can still plan for their retirement savings (Eich, Soto, & Gust, 2012). For those already retired, the pension amount depends on a variety of factors, including age (there is a small increase in pension after age 80 years), work experience, special conditions (e.g., extra pension payments for participants in the Great Patriotic War [1941–1945] and individuals born during those years), region (most regions provide their own extra payments to increase the income of older adults), and special health conditions. Taking all these factors into account, pension amounts can range from hardly enough to live on to that comparable with the salary of a middle-class specialist. Retirement legislation confers both advantages and disadvantages on retirees. On one hand, a person can retire at comparatively young age if he/she wishes and/or has financial resources to do so. This might be the case for
Downloaded from http://gerontologist.oxfordjournals.org/ at York University Libraries on March 15, 2016
Another perspective that affects aging in Russia is historical and political context. For example, communism (and the USSR) has shaped the lives of many Russian people who are now older adults. This influence was diverse, however, and could have affected a variety of outcomes during the recent period of transition. Some people were greatly influenced and stigmatized by the communist system, whereas the lives of those with power and financial resources were not limited at all. Yet both these groups (and in reality there may be many more) may cope with transition and reach retirement age with both negative and positive outcomes. In addition, various factors that could impact their adaptation to the fall of the USSR and transition to a new economic and political system must also be considered. To test any of these hypotheses, a complex study of a representative sample is needed.
The Gerontologist, 2016, Vol. 00, No. 00
effectively, whereas others could be productive until the age 80 or older. The retirement system, in our opinion, should provide support for both types of people.
Demographic Profile
Research in Aging Research on aging in Russia began in the mid-1960s and has developed in two global directions: biomedical aspects of aging (I.V. Davydovskii, V.V. Frolkis, etc.) and social gerontology (M.D. Alexandrova). Since the beginning of the 20th century, there has been active development of the biological, medical, and pharmaceutical aspects of gerontological
research (Anisimov, Khavinson, & Mikhailova, 2011). World-class research in this area includes studies of the role of genes in aging and age-related pathology (Baranov & Baranova, 2007; Moskalev, 2008), novel design for molecular epidemiologic studies introduced by Imyanitov (2009), and the relationship between cancer and aging (Anisimov, 2005, 2007, 2009). Starting in the 1960s, research in social gerontology focused on the problems of professional functioning of aging people, their adaptation to retirement, and their capacity in terms of neurological and personality functioning (Alexandrova, 1974, 2014a, 2014b). A lot of researchers currently study psychological resources and potential, particularly subjective ones. As stated by M.D. Alexandrova and acknowledged by many other scientists, all the aging processes show great variability that makes them hard to study and interpret. Considering the significant role of subjective factors, personality activity, and resources in aging, the concept of self-determination (Deci & Vansteenkiste, 2004) has been applied to aging in Russia (and particularly to Saint Petersburg as one of the most “aging” regions). A study on self-determination in aging (Strizhitskaya, 2013; Strizhitskaya & Davedyuk, 2014) showed that the theory’s most age-sensitive component is positive social relationships, which plays an important role in both formally and actually retired older adults. Moreover, the study found that all the components of self-determination theory have positive effects on life satisfaction and psychological well-being in aging. The “Crystal” study, also conducted in Saint Petersburg (Gurina, Frolova, & Degryse, 2011), showed that a comparatively high proportion of older adults suffered from mild or moderate cognitive impairment (17% and 25% for men and women aged 65–74 years, respectively, and 45.2% and 47.2% for men and women aged 75 and older, respectively). Interestingly, Karpenko, Kachalova, Budilova, and Teriokhin (2009) propose a novel hypothesis on the role of the age-related changes in cognitive functioning: Declines in neural correlations related to age can improve the process of situation processing in general. One of the most important issues in Russian gerontological research is the lack of complex multidisciplinary studies that would unite biomedical studies and social and psychological research. Often their paradigms are seen as contradictory, so much more collaboration is needed to devise a complex research approach to aging in Russia. Another challenge is that not all the domains of aging are covered in current research in Russia. This trend appears both in internal science studies (e.g., a dearth of research on emotional processes of healthy older adults in psychology) and multidisciplinary research.
Data About Aging As in other developing countries, Russia lacks national representative studies on aging. However, secondary datasets,
Downloaded from http://gerontologist.oxfordjournals.org/ at York University Libraries on March 15, 2016
In 2014, there were 33,788,600 adults over the retirement age, constituting 23.5% of the national population (143,666,900), according to the Russian Federation Federal State Statistics Service (RosStat, 2015). If we look more closely at these statistics, we find that the proportion of people aged 65 and older would be just 13%, with a greater proportion of those aged 70 and older. Comparing the percentage of the population over retirement age in Russia and other countries (e.g., Europe or the United States), we need to remember that the aging population in Russia includes younger people than in other countries and to specify sample ages. Examination of the government’s policy on aging, however, would still focus on the number of those who are officially retired according to Russia’s legal retirement age. The proportion of the “retirement age” population is expected to grow to 28.5% by 2030, with men and women proportions of 20.4% and 35.8%, respectively. Due to the “young” retirement age in the Russian Federation, these proportions are higher than those in Europe; still, the older adult population aged 65 and older in 2015 is estimated to be 19.6% of the population, with 15.1% and 23.6% of men and women, respectively. The distribution of the aging population among the regions also demonstrates wide variation, with the proportion ranging from 8.7% to 29.1%, which makes it difficult to compare demographic data from different regions. This can be partly explained by immigration processes, though a more in-depth analysis is still needed. Life expectancy is another challenge affecting aging research in Russia. In 2014, life expectancy was 79 years for women and 64 years for men. Although the general pattern—a huge difference in life expectancy between men and women—remains, from a longer perspective, it increased from 74 years for women and 59 years for men in 2010, just 4 years earlier. This difference causes another research problem—a gender issue. Shorter life expectancy for men leads to unequal numbers of men and women in the elderly population and fewer men available for research in general; thus, male and female sample sizes may not be comparable. As a result, the majority of data collected on aging in Russia is based on samples of women, especially when it comes to ages 85 and older.
3
4
available to researchers interested in the study of aging, include the WHO’s Study on Global AGEing and Adult Health (SAGE) in six SAGE countries: China, Ghana, India, Mexico, Russia, and South Africa (WHO, 2015). For the Russian Federation, a Wave 0 (2002–2004) sample of 4,422 people were surveyed, of whom 50.4% were aged 50 and older (2,308 participants). At Wave 1 (2007–2010), data on 4,355 participants were collected, and Wave 2 started in 2014. The survey includes household and individual questionnaires that provide data about a variety of health-related issues.
Policy Issues
for elderly.” Due to traditional and quite conservative values in Russia, “homes for elderly” are associated with a variety of negative stereotypes, and most people, both young and old, are afraid of such institutions. Unfortunately, with an increasingly aging population, the availability of some services can be limited or require a waiting period. Social support includes help of a material nature, both monetary and goods, and of a non-material nature, such as special services and benefits (e.g., discounts for certain services). There is also a list of free medications that people can receive in certain pharmacies, which has provoked some public discussion about the medications that are included in the list, and the availability and provision of these medications in the pharmacies. The theoretical model of Russia’s social policy (as stated in official documents) has great potential for improving older adults’ lives, but the realization of this policy, especially in regions far from the “capitals” (Moscow and Saint Petersburg) needs to be improved.
Emerging Issues and Conclusions The increase in Russia’s aging population demands new approaches to understanding and addressing aging issues. Among the areas that need further research are the cognitive sphere, including cognitive reserve, indicators of cognitive impairment, and protective factors, such as education, physical activity, and healthy lifestyle. Application of Western research findings to Russian samples is complicated by the country’s diversity and the variety of factors influencing the aging process. To address these issues, factors such as region, employment, education, gender, religious beliefs, and cultural values have to be taken into account. Demographic changes, such as increasing life expectancy, birthrates, and number of generations living concurrently, are leading to growing demands for intergenerational research. Presently, with most intergenerational research focused on parent–child relationships or grandparent/grandchild communication, it seems necessary to explore new models that consider at least three generations at a time. Methodological issues are most challenging in the field of social sciences. Although biological and medical studies are somewhat comparable with those in the West in terms of methods, social sciences use a set of originally Russiandeveloped methods and questionnaires or translated versions of Western questionnaires. The methodological problem with the translated versions is that sometimes during adaptation and validation, investigators do not follow all the procedures accurately or do not adequately explain the procedures they used in their publications. Russiandeveloped methods also often lack clear validation data in publications and may not offer alternative variants in Western studies, thus making international comparison and discussion difficult for some concepts. Finally, one of the most complicated challenges in Russian research in aging is the motivation of older adults.
Downloaded from http://gerontologist.oxfordjournals.org/ at York University Libraries on March 15, 2016
In Russia, as in many other countries, aging issues are considered to be a policy priority. The increase in the aging population leads to the need for more social protection of older adults, by way of government policies on social services (including health services) and social support. Health care services comprise a large part of social services in Russia. Health care is provided for those of all ages, including older adults, through the Health Ministry (Health Care in Russia, 2006). Every person has a medical insurance policy, regardless of age and/or employment, which covers a wide range of medical services. Health care improvement continues to be one of the priorities of the current government, and there is concern about how health care quality differs tremendously depending on the region. Central regions, especially Moscow and Saint Petersburg, have more high-quality specialized clinics with modern equipment and world-class doctors, whereas in sparsely populated distant and rural regions, the closest hospital or policlinic may be very far away. In fact, in some distant villages, people may not even know where the closest health care facility is. It is important to note that these health care system problems affect not only older adults but the entire population. In addition to health care, social services for aging people in Russia include a variety of options. There are educational centers, so called “third age schools,” where aging people can learn different subjects and skills. Some of these are purely applied, such as computer or language courses, whereas others provide opportunities for personality and creativity development. For example, the “Third Age School” in Saint Petersburg (Third Age School, 2015) aims to go beyond developing specific skills in aging people, to helping improve their social position and activity. For those who need social or medical assistance, there are “social houses” and “homes for elderly.” “Social houses” provide temporary care for aging people and are supported by the government. Aging people live in their own apartments for a limited time (usually several weeks) supported by doctors, nurses, social workers, and psychologists. “Homes for elderly” are a permanent residence, staffed by social workers, doctors and nurses, where residents receive everything they need for their health conditions. There are both public and private “homes
The Gerontologist, 2016, Vol. 00, No. 00
The Gerontologist, 2016, Vol. 00, No. 00
Most research being conducted and published is based on studies of those who are somewhat socially active—who want to learn something new, to know something about themselves, to improve their health; but there are still a large number of older adults who don’t want to participate in any kind of research and about whom science knows very little. It is critical to encourage those people to participate in research and initiate social and self-directed activity. Given Russia’s geographic and demographic diversity, historical and political context, and unique retirement system, there is great potential for further research about the Russian aging population. It offers abundant opportunities to study the effects on aging of a variety of cultural, social, psychological, spiritual, and biological factors.
The article is a part of a research project funded by Grant Council of President of Russian Federation (MK-3345.2015.6).
References Alexandrova, M. D. (2014a). Aging and its individual manifestations (Vestnik of Saint-Petersburg University, Series 16: Psychology). Education, 2, 81–86. Alexandrova, M. D. (2014b). The aging person and problems of professional employment: To the history of a question (Vestnik of Saint-Petersburg University, Series 16: Psychology). Education, 2, 87–96. Alexandrova, M. D. (1974). Problemysocialnoi I psikhologicheskoigerontologii [Problems of social and psychological gerontology]. Leningrad, Russia: Leningrad State University Press. Anisimov, V. N. (2007). Biology of aging and cancer. Cancer Control, 14, 23–31. Anisimov, V. N. (2005). Biological interactions of aging and carcinogenesis. Cancer Treatment and Research, 124, 17–50. Anisimov, V. N. (2009). Carcinogenesis and aging 20 years after: Escaping horizon. Mechanisms of Ageing and Development, 130, 105–121. doi:10.1016/j.mad.2008.02.004 Anisimov, V. N., Khavinson, V. K. h., & Mikhailova, O. N. (2011). Biogerontology in Russia: From past to future. Biogerontology, 12, 47–60. doi:10.1007/s10522-010-9307-2 Baranov, V. S., & Baranova, E. V. (2007). Genetic aspects of ageing. Advances in Gerontology, 20, 26–34. Chernysheva, S. P. (2015). Shkola Tretego Vosrasta [Third Age School]. Retrieved August 18, 2015, from http://www.seniorschool.ru/ Deci, E. L., & Vansteenkiste, M. (2004). Self-determination theory and basic need satisfaction: Understanding human development in positive psychology. Ricerche di Psichologia, 27, 17–34.
Dobrokhleb, V. G. (2010). The resource potential of Russia’s older population. Sociological Research, 49, 3–14. doi:10.2753/ SOR1061-0154490101 Eich, F., Soto, M., & Gust, C. (2012). Reforming the public pension system in the Russian Federation. IMF Working Papers, 12, 1. doi:10.5089/9781475505511.001 Federal State Statistic Service. (2015). Older generation. Retrieved June 5, 2015, from www.gks.ru/free_doc/new_site/population/ demo/progn3a.xls Gurina, N. A., Frolova, E. V., & Degryse, J. M. (2011). A roadmap of aging in Russia: The prevalence of frailty in community-dwelling older adults in the St. Petersburg district—the “Crystal” study. Journal of the American Geriatrics Society, 59, 980–988. doi:10.1111/j.1532-5415.2011.03448.x Health Care in Russia. (2006). National Health care systems: Healthcare in Russia. Retrieved from http://www.allianzworldwidecare.com/healthcare-in-russia Imyanitov, E. N. (2009). Use of elderly tumor-free subjects as a ‘‘supercontrol’’ for cancer epidemiological studies: Pros and cons. Mechanisms of Ageing and Development, 130, 122–127. doi:10.1016/j.mad.2008.03.005 Karpenko, M. P., Kachalova, L. M., Budilova, E. V., & Teriokhin, A. T. (2009). Cognitive advantages of the third age: A neural network model of brain aging. Neuroscience and Behavioral Physiology, 59, 252–256. Kolesova, V. P. (2014). Bednost v Rossii [Poverty in Russia]. Retrieved August 20, 2015, from http://economy-ru.com/ekonomicheskaya-teoriya-rf/bednost-rossii-28823.html Moskalev, A. A. (2008). About genetic determinants of aging pathways. Advances in Gerontology, 21, 463–469. RIA News. (2010). Sem’i s detmi v RF bednee pensionerov v 4 rasa. [Families with children are four times poorer than retired older adults]. Retrieved from https://news.mail.ru/ society/4517654/ Safarova, G. L., Kosolapenko, N. V., & Atutionov, V. A. (2005). Regional differentiation of ageing in Russia. Advances in Gerontology, 16, 7–13. Shagidaeva, A. (2015). Lichnostno-smyslovaya sfera pozhilykh ludei, perezhivaushikh starost v rasnykh usloviyakh. [Personality and meaning spheres of older adults, experiencing aging in different conditions] (Doctoral Thesis, Moscow City Psychology and Pedagogics Institute, Moscow, Russia). Retrieved from http:// new.search.rsl.ru/ru/record/005567643 Strizhitskaya, O. (2013). Self-determination as a resource for sustainable work and mental health. Barents Newsletter on Occupational Health and Safety, 16, 88–91. Strizhitskaya, O. Y., & Davedyuk, E. P. (2014). Self-determination structure in aging: From theory to practice. Proceedings of the 3rd Annual International Conference on Cognitive and Behavioral Psychology (CBP 2014), 56–59. doi:10.1037/ e507412014-012 WHO. (2015). SAGE longitudinal multi-country study. Retrieved from http://www.who.int/healthinfo/sage/cohorts/en/index1.html
Downloaded from http://gerontologist.oxfordjournals.org/ at York University Libraries on March 15, 2016
Funding
5
