ABNORMAL BIRTHS A N D OTHER "ILL OMENS" The Adaptive Case for Infanticide

C a t h e r i n e M. Hill a n d H e l e n L. Ball

University of Durham

We summarize the ethnographic literature illustrating that "abnormal birth" circumstances and "ill omens" operate as cues to terminate parental investment. A review of the medical literature provides evidence to support our assertion that ill omens serve as markers of biological conditions that will threaten the survival of infants. Daly and Wilson (1984) tested the prediction that children of demonstrably poor phenotypic quality will be common victims of infanticide. We take this hypothesis one stage further and argue that some children will be poor vehicles for parental investment yet are not of demonstrably poor quality at birth. We conclude that when people dispose of infants due to "superstitious beliefs" they are pursuing an adaptive strategy in eliminating infants who are poor vehicles for parental investment. KEYWORDS: Breech birth; Infanticide; Multiple birth; Natal teeth; Parental investment.

T h e practice of b o t h active a n d p a s s i v e infanticide in h u m a n s a n d o t h e r a n i m a l s has received significant a t t e n t i o n in the p a s t d e c a d e (e.g., H a u s fater a n d H r d y 1984; Parmigiani a n d v o m Saal 1994; S c h e p e r - H u g h e s

Received October 11, 1995; accepted December 15, 1995.

Address all correspondence to Catherine M. Hill, Department of Anthropology, University of Durham, 43 Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HN, United Kingdom. E-maih C.M.Hill @durham.ac.uk, H.L,[email protected] Copyright 9 1996 by Walter de Gruyter, Inc., New York Human Nature, Vol. 7, No. 4, pp. 381-401. 381

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1992). In human societies infanticidal practices have been widely documented in the ethnographic and historical literature (e.g., Dickemann 1975; Langer 1974; Montag and Montag 1979; Oliverio 1994; Scrimshaw 1984). Reasons given for the killing of infants include 1.

they are unlikely to survive or will require disproportionate parental care, for example because they are deformed, ill, or nonviable (e.g., the !Kung, Howell 1979; Yanomama, Early and Peters 1990; Munduructi Indians, Murphy and Murphy 1985); 2. resources are not available to support them, either within the family, for example as a result of lack of paternal support (e.g., Ayoreo Indians, Perez and Salzano 1978), or within the population (e.g., the Tikopia, Firth 1957; Tapirap6, Wagley 1977); 3. they are twins (e.g., Benafiab of Ghana, Manonkian 1951; Tepehuan of Mexico, Service 1969; Aranda of Oceania, Daly and Wilson 1984); 4. they are not of the "desired" gender (e.g., Netsilik Eskimos, Freeman 1971; Eipo of New Guinea, Schiefenhovel 1989; Ache of Paraguay, Hill and Hurtado 1995). 5. they are the products of "abnormal" births and/or are considered bad omens (e.g., Bariba of Benin, Sargent 1987; Tonga, Colson 1958; Kikuyu, Middleton and Kershaw 1972). Reviews of infanticide propose a variety of explanations, both biological and cultural, for its practice under different circumstances (Masters 1989). Daly and Wilson (1984, 1988), Dickernann (1975), Hrdy (1992), and Scrimshaw (1984) present evolutionary explanations for the adaptive significance of the killing of infants who lack paternal support, for whom there are inadequate resources, because of gender bias, and in response to the death of the mother. Furthermore, we have recently examined the adaptive significance of the infanticide of twin infants and conclude that, in general, twins (one or both) are the victims of infanticide because they are poorer quality infants than singletons and therefore less likely to survive to reproductive maturity. Consequently, investment in (both) twins is likely to represent wasted parental effort (Ball and Hill 1996; Hill and Ball 1995). Strategies for maximizing reproductive success also explain why other "poor-quality" infants are killed at or around birth, such as deformed and premature infants. Several researchers have proposed a sociocultural explanation for cases of infanticide whereby infants, because of their particular birth circumstances, are perceived as being ill omens, and cultural proscriptions require them to be killed (see Minturn and Stashak 1982). This has been explained as a "fear response" (Karsten 1932)--unusual birth cir-

Abnormal Births and Other "Ili Omens"

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cumstances signify an "evil child" (Schapera 1938 cited in Otlhogile 1990), and their inauspiciousness causes such infants to be killed (Colson 1958). Often referred to as "abnormal" or "anomalous" births, these circumstances also include the development of unusual traits in older infants (see below) 9 Superficially, these characteristics appear to be fairly bizarre reasons upon which to base a decision regarding the death of an infant. We propose, however, that these ill omens serve as markers of serious biological conditions that may threaten the survival of infants. Thus, from an evolutionary perspective, ill omens operate as proximate cues that serve to terminate parental investment (rather than ultimately wasting it). We will argue that, far from being haphazard, killing such infants is an adaptive strategy. In this paper we address two points: 1.

2.

Within the ethnographic literature, w h e n infanticide has been explained as a consequence of abnormal or anomalous features of an infant or its birth, what circumstances are considered to be ill omens? Irrespective of w h y people in any particular society say they kill infants, can this behavioral strategy be explained within an evolutionary paradigm?

A survey of the ethnographic literature reveals some inauspicious circumstances under which people kill infants: babies born feet first, babies born with teeth, multiple births, birth anomalies such as red hair in black-haired populations,1 unusual birth size, 2 and albinism (Table 1). African ethnographies also occasionally report that infants w h o s e upper teeth erupt before their lower teeth are killed because such developmental anomalies are thought to be ill omens; some reports even suggest this indicates "witch children" (e.g., the Bariba of Benin, Sargent 1987). Colson writes of the Tonga, "if a child was born abnormally, i.e. feet first, 9 . . if it cuts its upper teeth first, these were considered malweza9 The child was therefore destroyed to save the matrilineal group from the disaster which threatened it. Twins were also matweza and destroyed" (1958:161). Likewise with reference to the Ijaw, Leis (1972:32) notes, "In the past, twins and breech presentations were killed by throwing them in the river or placing them in fish traps and exposing them in the forest." A recent survey of Nigerian villagers' beliefs regarding premature tooth eruption in babies demonstrates that more than half of the people questioned felt that premature eruption of teeth (first deciduous tooth appearing at 5-7 months) 3 was an indication of an evil child. More than 4% (26 of 622) said that they would "get rid of the child" (Oyejide and Aderinokun 1992).

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Abnormal births and other "ill omens" : The adaptive case for infanticide.

We summarize the ethnographic literature illustrating that "abnormal birth" circumstances and "ill omens" operate as cues to terminate parental invest...
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