He was president of the successful quadrennial 30th In­ ternational Congress of Psychology (ICP2012), the first time this flagship event in international psychology was held in Africa since its inception in Paris in 1889. He served on the Board of the International Association for Applied Psychol­ ogy (2008-2012). He is chair of the South African ICSU Board at the National Research Foundation, and he was elected ISSC vice president in October 2013. He is extraor­ dinary professor at the University of Pretoria and honorary professor at the University of Limpopo. A clinical psychologist for over 25 years, Cooper was the last vice chancellor and principal of the University of Durban-Westville (now merged in the University of KwaZuluNatal). He works in the health, education, and training sectors and comments regularly in national and international media on a variety of sociopolitical-economic issues.

Cooper, S., & Ratele, K. (2014). Psychology serving humanity: Proceedings

o f the 30th International Congress o f Psychology: Vol. 1. Majority world psychology. Surrey, United Kingdom: Routledge. Nicholas, L. J., & Cooper, S. (1999). Status o f psychology in South Africa. Pretoria. South Africa: Foundation for Research and Development. Nicholas, L. J., & Cooper, S. (1990). (Eds.). Psychology and apartheid:

Essays on the struggle fo r psychology and the mind in South Africa. Johannesburg, South Africa: Vision. Nobles, W. W., & Cooper, S. (2013). Bridging forward to African/Black psychology. Journal o f Black Psychology, 39(3), 345-349. http://dx.doi .org/10.1177/0095798413480675 Tyson, G. A., Schlachter, A., & Cooper, S. (1988). G am e playing strategy as an indicator o f racial prejudice am ong South A frican students. Journal o f Social Psychology, 128(4), 4 7 3 -4 8 5 . http://dx.doi.org/10 . 1080/00224545.1988.9713767

A Synopsis of South African Psychology From Apartheid to Democracy

S e le c te d B i b l io g r a p h y Cooper, S. (1986). Participation is playing with toy telephones. In J. A. Du Pisani (Ed.), Divided or united power: Views on the new constitutional dispensation by prominent South African political leaders (pp. 339-344). Johannesburg, South Africa: Lex Patria. Cooper, S. (1987). Azanian People’s Organisation. In M. Albeldas & A. Fischer (Eds.), A question o f survival: Conversations with key South Africans (pp. 194-205). Johannesburg, South Africa: Jonathan Ball. Cooper, S. (1988). A psychosocial perspective o f the culture o f resistance. In C. M eillassoux (Ed.), Cultural implications o f the South African politics o f separate development. Paris, France: French Academy of Social Sciences. Cooper, S. (1990). Correlates o f violence among weapon-carrying adoles­ cents. Boston, MA: Boston U niversity Press. Cooper, S. (1990). The psychological im pact o f political im prisonm ent and the role of the psychologist. In L. J. Nicholas & S. Cooper (Eds.),

Psychology and apartheid: Essays on the struggle fo r psychology and the mind in South Africa (pp. 1-21). Johannesburg, South Africa: Vision. Cooper, S. (1994). Political violence in South Africa: The role o f youth. Issue: A Journal o f Opinion, 22(2), 27-29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/ 1166729 Cooper, S. (2000). (Ed.). Perspectives on the Truth and Reconciliation Com m ission [Special issue]. South African Journal o f Psychology, 30(1). Cooper, S. (2007). Psychotherapy in South Africa: The case o f Mrs. A. Journal o f Clinical Psychology, 63(8), 773-776. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ jclp.20392 Cooper, S. (2012). Ethics and South African psychology. In M. M. Leach, M . J. Stevens, G. Lindsay, A. Ferrero, & Y. Korkut (Eds.), The Oxford handbook o f international psychological ethics (pp. 299-307). New York, NY: Oxford U niversity Press. Cooper, S. (2013). A fricanizing South African psychology, Journal o f Black Psychology, 39(3), 212-222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095798413478070 Cooper, S. (2014). (Ed.). South African psychology since dem ocracy [Spe­ cial issue]. South African Journal o f Psychology, 44(3). Cooper, S., & Nicholas, L. (2012). An overview o f South African psychol­ ogy. International Journal o f Psychology, 47(2), 89 -1 0 1 . http://dx.doi .org/10.1080/00207594.2012.660160 Cooper, S., & Nicholas, L. (2013). C ounseling and psychotherapy in South A frica: R esponding to post-apartheid counseling needs. In R. M oodley, U. P. Gielen, & R. W u (Eds.), Handbook o f counseling and psychotherapy in an international context (pp. 61-71). New York, NY: Routledge. Cooper, S., Nicholas, L. J., Seedat, M., & Statman, J. M . (1990). Psychol­ ogy and apartheid: The struggle for psychology in South Africa. In L. J. Nicholas & S. Cooper (Eds.), Psychology and apartheid: Essays on the struggle fo r psychology and the mind in South Africa (pp. 1-21). Johan­ nesburg, South Africa: Vision. Cooper, S., & Nobles, W. W . (Eds.). (2013). Pan-African discussion of African Psychology [Special issue]. Journal o f Black Psychology, 39(3).

November 2014 • American Psychologist

Saths Cooper University of Limpopo, University of Pretoria, and International Union of Psychological Science http://dx.d 0i. 0rg/l 0.1037/a0037569

In this concatenated overview, the development o f psychol­ ogy in South Africa is traced from its origins in the late 19th century to the present. The seminal influences on the science and practice o f psychology o f the racialized polity and the responses to the prevailing regimen are also explored. The significant events in the patinated layers o f psychological discourse and consequent policies in these constrained cir­ cumstances are traversed. Despite the nonracial era occa­ sioned by the formation o f the Psychological Society o f South Africa three months before the advent o f democracy under Nelson Mandela in 1994, the profession o f psychology re­ mains demographically skewed. Nevertheless, psychology in the current democratic dispensation enjoys a high profile and is actively engaged in ongoing and reflexive self-examination to ensure that it is more accessible and truly serves humanity. If Africa is psychology’s last frontier, the critical denouement o f the various issues confronting psychology in the southern

Editor's note.

Saths Cooper received the Award for Distinguished Contributions to the International Advancement of Psychology. Award winners are invited to deliver an award address at the APA’s annual convention. This article is based on the award address presented at the 122nd annual meeting, held August 7-10,2014, in Washington, DC. Articles based on award addresses are reviewed, but they differ from unsolicited articles in that they are expressions of the winners’ reflections on their work and their views of the field.

Author’s note. This article relies on and quotes from Cooper and Nicholas (2012a) and Cooper (2013). Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Saths Cooper, Psychological Society of South Africa, P.O. Box 989, Houghton 2041, South Africa. E-mail: [email protected]

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tip o f the African continent will provide a positive growth path that is likely to merit attention beyond its borders. Keywords: South Africa, apartheid and psychology, democ­ racy and psychology, psychology in Africa, history of psychology Despite its checkered nexus with the inhumane system of apartheid, psychology in South Africa (SA) enjoys an upward trajectory in the current democratic ethos. Psychology is a very popular subject at universities (Academy of Science of South Africa, 2011). It is established as a social science and is recognized and afforded legal protection as a profession. Notwithstanding its role in the apartheid era that favored the White minority, its skewed demographic profile, and its rel­ atively limited size, psychology is increasingly relied on across all levels of South African society. The country and its psychology may often appear to be anomalies. Although SA was created only in 1910 (South African History Online, n.d.-b) out of the two British protectorates (the Cape and Natal) and the two Boer republics (the Trans­ vaal and the Orange Free State), it has become commonplace for the southern tip of the African continent to be referred to as SA and to regard the advent of Dutch settlement in 1652 as the beginning of the colonial conquest of SA and much of the southern African region. Political power was claimed through colonial conquest and entrenched in the hands of the White minority—who comprise 1.2 million people, or 2.5% of the population (Statistics South Africa, 2012)—for well over three centuries, ensuring almost complete racial segre­ gation in almost all facets of life, including scientific en­ deavor, education, and professional training. After the Whites-only general election of 1948, apartheid1 began to be implemented and was the prevailing political and social sys­ tem until the first nonracial general election on April 27, 1994, when Nelson Mandela became president. While the country is an indelible part of the African continent, the resonant culture appears to be more Western, impacting nearly all areas of human endeavor, especially its psychol­ ogy, which has traditionally been European and more re­ cently, American (Cooper, 2013). T h e O r ig in s o f S o u th A f r ic a n P s y c h o lo g y

The origins of higher education in SA can be substantively located in the formation of the South African College in 1829 in Cape Town to prepare students to matriculate and take the University of London examinations (de la Rey, 2001). As was the case in many countries, psychology in SA was subsumed under philosophy until 1917, when R. W. Wilcocks—fresh from acquiring a doctorate in the analysis of productive thought from the University of Berlin—was ap­ pointed professor of logic and psychology at the newly formed University of Stellenbosch. He established the first experimental psychology laboratory, which was modeled

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along the lines of Wilhelm Wundt’s laboratory (Louw & Foster, 1991). Hugh Reyburn’s appointment in 1920 as chair of psychology at the University of Cape Town was followed by the creation of psychology departments at other public universities. University education was largely a preserve of Whites, in keeping with their domination of all spheres of life in SA. While the University of Cape Town retained English as its language of instruction, the University of Stellenbosch essentially retained Afrikaans, a largely Dutch-derived lan­ guage positioning itself as “African,” which was an entitle­ ment to lay claim to SA. Just as it was in the United States (Capshew, 1986), the development of psychology in SA was accelerated by the two world wars, and the latter conflagration thrust psychology into prominence in SA. Unlike the United States, but like Canada, SA had two major religious (Dutch Reformed and Anglican) and language (Afrikaans and English) traditions. Mirroring the larger sociopolitical dynamics in SA, under­ pinned by the apartheid ethic of racial separateness, the predominantly Dutch Reformed Afrikaans group and the mainly Anglican English group essentially went their own ways. However, when it came to the issues of the Black majority and the two groups’ mutual guild concerns in psy­ chology, the connections persisted. Cooper and Nicholas (2012a) maintained that “the English tradition in psychology generally opposed the cruder racist exhortations of some leading Afrikaner psychologists, while remaining largely segregated from blacks and enjoying the fruits of apartheid, with Afrikaners left shouldering the blame for managing the iniquitous system” (p. 93). The Dutch and German philosophical traditions of ratio­ nalism and idealism may have influenced Afrikaans univer­ sities, while the British empiricist and Lockean liberal tradi­ tion may have influenced English universities (Bohmke & Tlali, 2008). Although SA has a multilingual and multicul­ tural political history dating from its early Dutch and later British colonial occupation, its psychology is firmly en­ sconced in the Western tradition, especially during the last four decades of psychology’s statutory recognition as a pro­ fession. Although early interaction with psychology in SA was with prominent European psychological theorists (such as Wilhelm Wundt, Alfred Adler, Fritz Peris, Sigmund Freud, and Hans Eysenck), most textbooks and teaching of psychol­ ogy have been influenced by North American research. Psy­ chology dissemination at Afrikaans universities was acceler­ ated through the stratagem of translating huge chunks of established work into Afrikaans and prescribing these for study at undergraduate levels, dominating the field (Cooper

1 A coined Afrikaans word, literally meaning “separateness.”

November 2014 • American Psychologist

& Nicholas, 2012a). English universities generally followed suit. Prominent South African psychologists, such as Joseph Wolpe, Stanley J. Rachman, and Arnold A. Lazarus, have contributed significantly to the development of psychology internationally, with Gestalt and individual psychology in the early 1930s and behavior and Gestalt therapy in the 1940s and 1950s being positively impacted (Cooper & Nicholas, 2012b). Kurt Danziger, who was born in Breslau, Germany, in 1926, emigrated to SA at the age of 11 but left on an “exit”2 permit in 1965 and was only allowed to return at the dawn of democracy (Brock, 1994). It is noteworthy that since apartheid began to be entrenched, South African psycholo­ gists who emigrated to Australia, Canada, Ireland, Israel, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, the United States, and other countries have done well in their adopted countries as academics, practitioners, or consultants. It is also worth men­ tioning that renowned international psychologists such as Fritz Peris, Otto Klineberg, Gordon Allport, Viktor Frankl, Reuven Feuerstein, and Carl Rogers engaged with psychol­ ogy in SA despite the academic boycott during the apartheid era (Cooper, 2013).

S o u th A fr ic a n P s y c h o lo g y in th e A p a r t h e id E ra The assertion by Suffla, Stevens, and Seedat (2001) that “organised psychology’s historical role and evolution has often mimicked and mirrored socio-historical developments within the South African social formation at different histor­ ical junctures, thus acting as a microcosm of South African society at different periods” (p. 28) seems true. There has been a close nexus between the apartheid system and psy­ chology, with the former seeking to subsume the latter in support of its tendentious agenda, always seeking to affirm White rights at the grievous expense of the Black majority (Painter, Terre Blanche, & Henderson, 2006). When the Whites-only apartheid government came to power in May 1948, this was followed within two months by the formation of the South African Psychological Association (SAPA; Coo­ per & Nicholas, 2012b), the first national psychology orga­ nization. With a membership of 34, SAPA was led by A. J. le Grange (Nicholas, 1990), who was a protege of Hendrik F. Verwoerd,3 one of the chief architects of apartheid (South African History Online, n.d.-a), who in turn was a protege of Wilcocks and was SA’s first professor of sociology and social work in 1934 at the University of Stellenbosch (Seekings, 2006), where his racial engineering flourished. W h i t e P r e f e r e n c e P o lic y

SAPA believed in White exclusivity, rejecting in July 1957 the first application for membership by a Black psychologist, Josephine C. Naidoo. When SAPA eventually agreed after five years and much debate to admit Naidoo into member­ ship, she had withdrawn her application and emigrated to

November 2014 • American Psychologist

Canada in frustration (Cooper & Nicholas, 2012b). In reac­ tion to this decision to admit Blacks as members, there was a breakaway of 44 psychologists, resulting in the formation of the Psychological Institute of the Republic of South Africa (PIRSA). Verwoerd, who had by then become a prominent apartheid politician, resigned his honorary membership in SAPA. The first full Black member of SAPA, Chunderdas Ramfol, PhD— chair of psychology at University College, Durban—taught me first-year psychology in 1968. SAPA’s first associate Black member was Ben N. Mokoatle, one of the first Black industrial/organizational (IO) psychologists. PIRSA pursued a steadfast agenda of White exclusivity and was openly aligned with apartheid policies. Between 1970 and 1983, these two organizations collaborated on mutual issues, holding joint conferences, publishing in the South African Journal o f Psychology, and pushing for the regula­ tion of the profession, which took effect when the Medical and Dental Council Act was amended in 1974 to include psychology. When the effects of the academic boycott of apartheid SA took its toll, PIRSA initiated a rapprochement with SAPA, resulting in the formation in 1983 of the Psy­ chological Association of South Africa (PASA), which re­ tained an essentially White male Afrikaner leadership (Dun­ can, Stevens, & Bowman 2004; Seedat & Mackenzie, 2008). During apartheid, the needs of the White middle class and the powered elite, who sought to arrogate psychology to justify its narrow political agenda, were served (Painter et al., 2006). Psychology’s apartheid trajectory was influenced by Wilcocks, Verwoerd, Malherbe, and Biesheuvel, who, at the request of the Smuts government, started the Aptitude Tests Section of the South African Air Force during the Second World War, which was to become the National Institute for Personnel Research (NIPR). While the NIPR was not overtly racist (Painter & Terre Blanche, 2004), it tended to provide the “scientific” basis for the inferiorization of Blacks through suspect test development (Cooper, Nicholas, Seedat, & Statman, 1990), in which biased and unstandardized tests were indiscriminately administered to diverse population groups (Reeves, 2014), providing succor for White supremacists who wished to prove that Blacks were subhuman. The NIPR, which closed in 1996 as it was an oddity during a democratic era, accounted for some 26.1 % of the output of the seven SA psychology journals that Seedat (1998) contentanalyzed for the four decades since apartheid, spanning 1948 to 1988. As argued by Cooper (2013),

2 The apartheid government permitted certain citizens to exit the coun­ try, with no right of return or SA citizenship. 3 Verwoerd, who earned his doctorate at Stellenbosch under Wilcocks and studied at the Universities of Hamburg, Berlin, and Leipzig, appears to have been more influenced by the American doctrine of “separate but equal” than he was by Nazism. On his return to Stellenbosch from the United States, he was appointed chair of applied psychology. Surviving an assas­ sination attempt in April 1961, when he was shot twice in the face, he succumbed to a fatal stabbing in Parliament in September 1966 (South African History Online, n.d.-a).

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Great pains were taken by most apartheid-sponsored scientists to differentiate between the various racial groups, with white being accepted at the apex of intelligence and black African being con­ signed to the base, underscoring apartheid’s conviction in the inherent superiority of whites, (p. 218)

Steve Biko pointed out that “white people on the whole have come to believe in the inferiority” of Blacks and that they “despise black people, not because they need to rein­ force their attitude and so justify their position of privilege but simply because they actually believe that black is inferior and bad” (Biko, 2009, p. 97). This acceptance of White superiority on the one hand and Black inferiority on the other underlines the complexity of the challenges confronting not only the scientific, education, and professional training envi­ ronment but most of South African society as a whole, requiring clarity of vision, the willingness to be part of the transformation of an embedded racist sociocultural history, and the ability to transcend narrow antediluvian thinking and belief and offer a more African face to SA (pace Biko). Universities and internship sites were completely segre­ gated along color lines. All resourced institutions catered to the White minority, with almost all graduate training pro­ grams being reserved for Whites, thus ensuring that Whites continued to comprise the vast majority of psychologists long after the demise of apartheid. While this racial skewing was true for all professions, “in apartheid South Africa, the ex­ perience of becoming a psychologist held its own unique challenges, especially if you were a person of Colour” (Manganyi, 2013, p. 278). Besides being subjected to various indignities, including numerous obstacles to gaining entry to graduate training programs and, when fortunate enough to be selected and eventually graduate, earning less than fellow White interns who accepted this apartheid norm of higher pay for the same work, “it was as if Africans were not expected to train as clinical psychologists” (Manganyi, 2013, p. 280). The somewhat “normal” developments over the last two decades suggest that despite the almost inextricable inter­ weaving of psychology with the oppressive and exploitative apartheid system, psychology as a science and crucial source of application to society’s problems has largely managed to overcome its bedeviled legacy and has firmly started the long journey to full redemption. P ro m in e n t A p a rth e id Psychologists

Psychologists in SA have played prominent roles in society from the time that psychology became a distinct discipline, a trend that has continued in the democratic era. Jan C. Smuts, prime minister of SA during World War II and part of Churchill’s War Cabinet, probably produced the first psy­ chology work, a psychobiography of Walt Whitman in 1895. Wilcocks became the University of Stellenbosch principal from 1935 to 1954. Verwoerd became prime minister of SA in 1958. Ernst G. Malherbe, another Stellenbosch product who was an educational psychologist, was the University of 840

Natal principal from 1945 to 1965, head of intelligence during World War II, and before that was director of the Council for Humanities Research. A key member of the Carnegie Commission of Inquiry Into the Poor White Prob­ lem in South Africa, 1928-1932, and chief editor of its report, which gave birth to Afrikaner empowerment and was the basis of apartheid racial policies, he was instrumental in getting autonomy for the University of Natal after the apart­ heid government came into power in 1948 (Stellenbosch Writers, n.d.). Generally, psychologists were very repressive, rigid, hier­ archical, and fixed in their views on the uses of psychology; they were unquestioning, were uncritical, and served a nar­ row racial and political ideology (Cavill, 2000). Psycholo­ gists played roles in the military, in the police force, in the prisons, and in the secret police and intelligence structures and participated in the evaluation of anti-apartheid detainees (Nicholas, 2014), believing that Whites were under all man­ ner of threat from the inferior Black majority.

S o u th A fr ic a n P s y c h o lo g y in th e D e m o c r a tic E ra H ig h e r Education

Serving a population of 51.8 million people (Statistics South Africa, 2012), there are 25 public and some 115 private colleges and universities in SA (Council on Higher Educa­ tion, 2010), many with affiliations to universities in the United Kingdom and the United States. Many offer psychol­ ogy at the undergraduate level, but only the following 17 public universities offer accredited programs in graduate psychology that lead to statutory registration and licensure: Cape Town, Free State, Fort Hare, Johannesburg, KwaZulu/ Natal, Limpopo, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan, North-West, Pretoria, Rhodes, South Africa, Stellenbosch, Walter Sisulu, Western Cape, Venda, Witwatersrand, and Zululand. While all these publicly funded universities have graduate programs in clinical, counseling, and research psychology within psy­ chology departments (usually located in humanities and so­ cial sciences faculties), most have separate departments of educational psychology (located within the faculty of educa­ tion) and industrial psychology (located within commerce and business faculties). The separation of industrial psychol­ ogy and the separation of educational psychology from gen­ eral psychology departments at universities are unfortunate “reminders of our fractured past” (Cooper & Nicholas, 2012a, p. 92) and have led to contestation over the last decade. The Psychological Society o f South A fric a a n d the A a v e n t o f D em o c ra c y

The advent of democracy in SA on April 27, 1994—with Nelson Mandela as president—was preceded by the forma­ tion of the Psychological Society of South Africa (PsySSA) some three months earlier, unlike the formation of SAPA in November 2014 • American Psychologist

July 1948, which followed the accession to power of the apartheid regime in May 1948. Earnest discussions ensued in the early 1990ss between progressive White and emerging Black figures in psychology on the one hand and the White Afrikaner leadership of PASA and the regulatory Profes­ sional Board for Psychology (Board) on the other, which culminated in the formation of the PsySSA on January 28, 1994. This breakthrough mirrored the political negotiations that were underway between the last apartheid government of F. W. de Klerk and the anti-apartheid forces led by Nelson R. Mandela and constituted the most significant attempt from within psychology to free itself from the apartheid shackles of “racially skewed systems of knowledge production, re­ search and service provision” (Seedat & Lazarus, 2011, p. 242), which sought to find “scientific” justification for the racist belief in White superiority and Black inferiority (Painter et al., 2006; Van de Vijver & Rothman, 2004). Remnants of the White “laager” (i.e., camp) attempted to sideline the more forceful Black leadership at PsySSA’s inauguration and attempted in the early 2000s to undermine PsySSA’s growth and influence. Objecting to the opening statement in the PsySSA Constitution, which acknowledges “psychology’s historical complicity in supporting and per­ petuating colonialism and the apartheid system” (Psycho­ logical Society of South Africa, 2012, p. xxx), and to the transformation and redress imperatives that were being pursued, a group consisting of the largely White Afrikaner IO division engineered a breakaway, leading to threatened and actual legal battles. Certain traditional bases of the former White leadership in psychology who were unable to escape the marks of their privileged origin as supporters and beneficiaries of apartheid almost succeeded in turning back the gains made in opening up and making the pro­ fession more accessible through a campaign to undermine and unseat PsySSA’s female and Black leadership. Fortu­ nately, the majority of psychologists refused to be led back to any recidivism, confirming that the past was firmly ensconced in history. Indubitably, over the last 20 years since the formation of PsySSA, psychology in SA has been avowedly nonracist, nonsexist, and nonpolitical, which principles are reflected in leadership election patterns, the entry of many more Blacks into the profession, and the provision of services in parts of the country where such services historically did not exist, for example, through community service (mentioned below) and the United Nations award-winning Phelophepa4 Health Care Trains, where PsySSA runs counseling clinics that serve remote rural areas. PsySSA’s vision “aspires to advance South African psychology as a science and profession of global stature and promote psychological praxis as relevant, proactive and responsive to societal needs and well-being” (PsySSA, 2014, p. xxx), and it grapples with social issues that confront society, without fear or favor to the ruling political elite. Its mission, “to actively represent and promote the

November 2014 • American Psychologist

interests of members and develop psychology nationally and internationally as a means of enhancing human well-being” (PsySSA, 2014, p. xxx) is underscored by the core values of excellence, integrity, people-centeredness, human rights orien­ tation, social relevance, and democratic, transparent and ac­ countable governance (PsySSA, 2014). Despite their biology, the current PsySSA president and president-elect are both White male Afrikaners who enjoy widespread respect. PsySSA ended the ignominious period of psychology be­ ing spumed at home and abroad as a convenient and often willing alter ego of an oppressive and exclusionary system, where the very science and its applications were suborned to serve narrow political interests at the expense of the greater majority in South African society. Its task for the next decade is to put the emphasis on issues of equity (e.g., in terms of demographics in the profession), fairness (e.g., with respect to psychometric testing, culture, and language), and increas­ ing scientific underpinnings— away from the erstwhile fo­ cus on racial and guild concerns— so that psychology’s usefulness in SA is much more apparent and socioeco­ nomic policies are predicated on psychological insights that benefit all in the country. PsySSA must ensure that it retains its robust independence from any sectarian consid­ eration, remaining “an organ of civil society without an overt or covert loyalty to any political party” that actively strives for “social justice, opposing policies that deny individuals or groups access to the material and psycho­ logical conditions necessary for optimal human develop­ ment, and protesting against any violations of basic human rights” while it advances “psychology as a science, pro­ fession and as a means of promoting human well-being” (PsySSA, 2012, p. 1) in SA. T ru th a n d R e c o n c ilia tio n

The terrible memory of what was done under the psycholog­ ical rubric had consequences in SA’s Truth and Reconcilia­ tion Commission (TRC), which was chaired by Nobel Peace Laureate and Emeritus Archbishop Desmond M. Tutu, al­ though PsySSA effectively formed the basis for a more honest psychology from 1991 when the leadership of all psychology organizations grappled with psychology’s collec­ tive past and decided to search for a common understanding of psychology and its larger role in society, setting the tone for psychology’s future. The health professions, especially medicine and psychology, did not fare well in the TRC’s findings, despite submissions made by the then Medical and Dental Council, which subsumed psychology. I, then the first Black psychologist to serve on the regulatory Professional Board for Psychology, made submissions on behalf of psy­ chology to the TRC Reparations Committee—which was chaired by clinical psychologist Hlengiwe Mkhize— on the 4 Phelophepa is a seSotho and seTswana phrase meaning “good, clean health.”

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transformation plans of the psychology profession in SA, indicating psychology’s willingness to be both introspective and reflexive and committed to the greater good of all the people of SA, despite festering wounds occasioned by psy­ chology’s complicity with apartheid and denial of entry to most Blacks who had sought to be psychologists. Those who were opposed to apartheid were confronted by statements like “Psychology is a bourgeois profession—you would be of better service doing other things” (Cavill, 2000, p. 15) and were told that the profession would be “taking a chance” on those who would bring the profession “into disrepute” and who couldn’t be “let loose” on the public. The antipathy to 10 psychology, which had been co-opted into fairly widespread discriminatory practices in the work­ place, was evidenced in the submissions to the TRC made by the largest trade union federation, which also attempted to have any form of psychological testing declared unlawful (Cooper, 2013). However, PsySSA’s intervention resulted in the following revision of the Employment Equity Act (1998): 8. Psychological testing and other similar assessments of an employee are prohibited unless the test or assessment being used (a) Has been scientifically shown to be valid and reliable; (b) Can be applied fairly to all employees; and (c) Is not biased against any employee or group.

in doctrine and propaganda” (Chapman & Rubinstein, 1998, p. 75) while trying to eschew individual and collective re­ sponsibility for serving apartheid policies. Yet the complicity and common purpose which those entrusted with shaping the educational and professional training policy, including that of psychology, had with the apartheid mission is patent, largely accounting for the racially skewed distribution of professionals. This is one of the most significant challenges that psychology continues to confront, despite the positive measures adopted since the turn of the century to remediate the effects of apartheid in psychology. Given the TRC’s pronouncements on psychology, and as there was no national regulated code of ethics for psychol­ ogy, PsySSA decided to offer its ethical code to the Profes­ sional Board for Psychology for promulgation into law soon after the 6th Board took office. Eventually, the first national ethics code for psychology became part of the law in 2006,5 and a more explicit and collegial disciplinary environment, eschewing the erstwhile subjective and punitive dispensation, is now firmly in place. Another positive consequence of the TRC is that practitioners also have to abide by a generic ethical code applicable to all health professionals. T h e H e a lt h P r o fe s s io n s A c t a n d t h e L e g a l S ta tu s o f P s y c h o lo g y

mental health professionals are not required to take any sort of pledge or oath on qualifying or registering; their statutory obliga­ tions are outlined in the Mental Health Act. Although the Psychol­ ogy Board . . . has a code of conduct, psychologists are only made aware of this (that is, sent a copy of it) when they register to practice. Issues of ethics and human rights are not usually included in the teaching curriculum of psychology master’s degree students . . . ethics was taught on an ad hoc basis and, for the most part, students were not examined on these topics. There was, therefore, no uniformity in the way in which health professionals were made aware of, or given guidance on, incorporating issues of medical ethics and human rights into daily practice, (p. 109)

While medicine, dentistry, and pharmacy were statutorily recognized in SA from 1928, it was only after the South African Medical and Dental Council Act was amended in 1974 (Health Professions Act, 1974) that the title of psychol­ ogist was afforded legislative protection. Save for a bona fide academic who is entitled to use the title of psychologist, any other person doing so without being registered and licensed as such is guilty of an offense in law. Numerous acts are cataloged as those that only a registered and licensed psy­ chologist may perform. The period from 1994 to 1997 saw intense engagement amongst the various role players, led by the National Medical and Dental Association of South Africa and PsySSA, on transforming the Medical and Dental Council into the Health Professions Council of South Africa (HPCSA), to create greater independence from government and to afford statu­ tory equality to all health professions. In the apartheid era, medicine reigned supreme and the Medical and Dental Coun­ cil regarded psychology as a lesser “supplementary profes­ sion.” The drastically amended Health Professions Act (which retains the previous Health Professions Act No. 56 of 1974) has seen each health profession enjoying full indepen­ dence and the Medical and Dental Council reduced to being another professional board, like psychology’s, answerable to the HPCSA. I was elected vice president of the HPCSA in 2002, and the current chair of the Professional Board for

In its submission to the TRC, the then South African Medical and Dental Council acknowledged that “virtually every member of the politically-dominant class was steeped

5 Rules of Conduct pertaining specifically to the Profession of Psy­ chology (Annexure 12, No 29079, August 4, 2006).

Nevertheless, tests that have been normed on U.S. and European populations continue to be used. The Professional Board for Psychology, which had previously outsourced test accreditation to a Test Commission of SA (formed as a ruse to bypass the academic boycott and sanctions against apart­ heid SA), had in the late 1990s empowered its own Psycho­ metrics Committee to review and accredit all tests in line with relevant legislation and the Bill of Rights. PsySSA has formed a Standing Committee on Psychological Testing and Assessment to consider a more appropriate, accessible, and fair testing dispensation “so that the diverse South African popula­ tion may enjoy more valid and reliable instruments” (PsySSA, 2012, p. 11). Amongst other damning findings, the TRC (1998) re­ ported that during apartheid

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November 2014 • American Psychologist

Psychology, Tholene Sodi, PhD, is the second psychologist to be elected as vice president of the HPCSA, which would have been unthinkable before. R elationship W ith P s y c h ia try

Despite statutory equality, a residue of psychiatry’s erstwhile power over psychology in clinical settings remains, with continuing attempts to prevent psychologists from hospital­ izing patients, which is now firmly part of the health dispen­ sation in SA. When the issue of prescription privileges was mooted in the early 2000s, the American and British psychi­ atric leadership used the scare of “patient safety” to thwart the effort. Psychology has not responded in kind by refusing to allow psychiatrists to engage in psychotherapy and coun­ seling, which are specific acts reserved for psychologists. Indeed, psychologists train psychiatrists in psychotherapy at many universities. Other professions have been accorded prescription privileges after appropriate training, and there is widespread acknowledgment that it would be more effica­ cious and less costly for psychologists who are appropriately trained to prescribe relevant medications where indicated. Although the smallest register in psychology surpasses that of psychiatry—which forms part of the Medical and Dental Board—such protectionist tendencies in a democratic dispen­ sation will require concerted effort to eradicate. PsySSA actively lobbied for the Criminal Procedure Act to be amended (Criminal Matters Amendment Act, 1998) to enable the courts to also make referrals to clinical psychologists in criminal proceedings to determine capacity to stand trial. Previously, this was reserved for psychiatry. R eg istratio n a n d Licensing

While accredited training programs were geared to the needs of the White minority until the 1990s, internships were seg­ regated by race, and there were huge discrepancies between Blacks and Whites in terms of salaries and conditions of service, the dispensation has completely changed over the last 20 years, offering equality of opportunity to all who seek to enter the profession. The minimum requirements for reg­ istration and licensing as a psychologist have remained an accredited master’s degree in the relevant field (i.e., clinical, counseling, educational, industrial, and research psychol­ ogy)6 and a minimum one-year full-time internship in an accredited internship site in the relevant category of registra­ tion. Since the turn of the century, an additional requirement has been a national Professional Board for Psychology ex­ amination to test understanding of ethics (a direct conse­ quence of the TRC findings), fast-transforming legislation (mandated by the Constitution, which requires moving away from apartheid affirmation of the White minority to enable­ ment of all SA’s population), and applied knowledge of major social issues like culture and violence. This “fitness to practice” examination requires a minimum 70% correct7 to pass and does not retest content knowledge, which remains

November 2014 • American Psychologist

the preserve of universities, but provides benchmarks to assure greater public protection. Since 2003 anyone wishing to practice independently as a clinical psychologist has to also complete a year’s community service in a public health facility.8 Plans are underway for community service to in­ clude all registration categories. Furthermore, a psychologist must meet continuing education requirements in a rolling two-year cycle to retain licensure, with at least 25% credits in ethics, largely to ensure that apartheid-era human rights abuses remain limited to the past. To ensure international benchmarking of standards and that pre-master’s degree study in psychology plays a con­ structive role in society, honors psychology graduates (in the fourth year of focused study in applied psychology) may enter the profession as registered counselors after meeting internship requirements and taking a board examination. This discernible benefit of providing entry-level services in under­ served parts of the country has resulted in psychology be­ coming more demographically representative, has made psy­ chology more accessible and known where it otherwise would not be, and is an incentive for more psychology majors to enter the profession. A significant number of registered counselors apply to master’s degree training programs. As of March 11, 2014, there were 12,316 professionals licensed in the various registers of the Psychology Board at the Health Professions Council of South Africa (HPCSA, 2014). Of the 7,733 licensed psychologists, 37% were clini­ cal psychologists, 21% were counseling psychologists, 19% were educational psychologists, 19.6% were industrial psy­ chologists, and 3% were research psychologists. There were 951 master’s-level interns (HPCSA, 2014), 909 master’slevel students (HPCSA, 2010), 1,688 registered counselors (HPCSA, 2014), and 1,944 psychometrists (HPCSA, 2014). Although some 75% of the profession is female (HPCSA, 2009, 2010), Black professionals make up only 25% of the profession. This is a significant improvement on the figures of the early 1990s, when Blacks constituted less than 10% of the profession (Cooper et al., 1990). The vast majority of Black African clinical psychologists 6 Two further categories, neuropsychology and forensic psychology, were added in September 2011, amid serious concern that scopes of practice of each of the various categories of psychologist were becoming more blurred (PsySSA, 2011), with advancing creep into clinical domains. These registers are not yet active. 7 Board exams in the apartheid era required a passing grade of only 50%. 8 The Department of Health intended “to ensure improved provision of health services to all the citizens of our country” (Department of Health, South Africa, 2000) thus reducing the inherited apartheid inequities. The Department’s desire to expose “young professionals with an opportunity to develop skills, acquire knowledge, behaviour patterns and critical thinking that will help them in their professional development” (Department of Health, South Africa, 2000), seems to be borne out by accounts of the ingenuity of these professionals in extending the base for psychological interventions to rural and outlying areas of the country, where such services were unheard of or nonexistent before.

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(more than 80%) have been licensed since the advent of democracy (Pillay & Siyothula, 2008) and the advent of PsySSA in 1994 (Cooper, 2012). While Black African psychologists comprise the smallest of the four population groups that are registered and licensed (HPCSA, 2010), Black African master’s student numbers (26.4%) have increased dramatically. This is a positive trend, accompa­ nying increases in “Coloured” (9%) and “Indian” (7.9%) master’s student enrollments (HPCSA, 2010), and indi­ cates that the enabling measures put into place by the sixth Professional Board for Psychology at the turn of this century—moving away from apartheid White preference selection practices— are proving fruitful. This increasingly representative demographic profile is likely to “normalize” professional psychology, making the discipline more publicly known and accessible and expand­ ing its role in South African society, thus ensuring a very positive future for the science and profession of psychology. Although White professional domination still persists 20 years after the demise of apartheid, which impacted the form and content of psychology in SA (Cooper & Nicholas, 2012b), there is a steadily growing Black presence in psy­ chology in terms of public visibility, scholarship, and lead­ ership. For instance, psychological issues are variously dis­ cussed by resident and guest psychologists almost daily on nearly all the numerous commercial and community radio stations, as well as on television and in the print media, a major departure from what occurred during apartheid.

subject areas with interesting localized subject matter; it would be unusual “to find courses where foreign texts are primarily prescribed” (Cooper & Nicholas, 2012a, p. 94). Textbook publication now reflects a more distinct South African flavor and involves faculty from almost all the uni­ versities offering psychology. The dominant past practices of Afrikaans textbook translation and publication have ended, and all universities offer undergraduate courses in English, with a smaller number offering such courses in Afrikaans, with very few postgraduate courses offered in Afrikaans. Psychology courses are not offered in any of the other Afri­ can languages. Every university offers courses that are rele­ vant to SA’s multicultural needs and students. Scholarship in areas like community and critical psychology are cuttingedge and stand out globally. Psychology has remained popular at both the undergrad­ uate and postgraduate levels, and all graduate programs are oversubscribed, with many more applicants than available places, which are highly competitive and sought after. In the humanities and social sciences, undergraduate enrollment in psychology (11.9%) is surpassed only by law (20.8%) and public administration (16.9%) (Academy of Science of South Africa, 2011). In a climate of exceedingly high unemploy­ ment where the official unemployment rate is 14.1% (Trading Economics, n.d.), the latter two fields are attractive for po­ tential job-seekers within the state and related sectors, while the vast majority of psychologists are in private practice. C h an g in g E m p lo y m e n t P attern s

P ub lication s, L a n g u a g e , a n d S tu d en t E n ro llm e n t

The South African Journal o f Psychology, originally Psygram (1959-1969), is the largest psychology research journal in Africa and is now owned by PsySSA and published by an international publisher, a development that was resisted by nationalist concerns previously. It is generalist, has special editions, and has been continuously published over the past 55 years, eventually incorporating the White-controlled Jour­ nal o f Behavioural Sciences (1969-1979), Psychologia Africana (1962-1983), and the South African Psychologist (1962-1979). Of late, the South African Journal o f Psychol­ ogy has published articles by eminent researchers such as Elizabeth F. Loftus, John W. Berry, Alan E. Kazdin, Isaac Prilleltensky, Emil Rodolfa, Barbara A. Wilson, and Carol A. Falender. Significantly, over the last 20 years the editorship of the South African Journal o f Psychology has been under two women, Linda Richter and Cheryl de la Rey, four Blacks,9 and just two White male Afrikaners.10 During apart­ heid there were no Black or female editors. The SA Journal o f Industrial Psychology (which still includes Afrikaans) and the electronic Journal o f Psychology in Africa are privately published and, unfortunately, remain White-controlled. Over the last 20 years, there has been a dramatic increase in a more contextual textbook publication aimed at most undergraduate 844

In the apartheid era, many psychologists were employed in the public sector in various government departments, but this number has declined dramatically since 1994, when the focus of government changed to majoritarian concerns and to equalizing service to all instead of a small minority. When government in the late 1990s declared that psychology was a “scarce and priority resource,” it was an indication of the esteem and recognition that psychology enjoys and the ac­ knowledgement of the need for more psychological services. In an attempt to attract more psychologists to public service, the government in 2010 introduced an “occupational specific dispensation” that offers a vastly superior salary package to medical practitioners, dentists, and psychologists. A direct consequence is that over the next decade or so there will be fewer psychologists in private practice, who have been bill­ ing middle-class individuals (Painter et al., 2006) and private health insurance for psychological services rendered, against the national health insurance that is currently being piloted. An unintended consequence is that universities may continue to lose out to government as an employer of choice for recently registered and licensed psychologists, who can com9 Lionel Nicholas, Cheryl de la Rey, Norman Duncan, and Anthony Pillay. 10 Martin Terre-Blanche and Kobus Maree.

November 2014 • American Psychologist

mand a lucrative salary in government service that is higher than that of a university lecturer and the majority of start-up practices. SA is probably the only country in the world where psychologists in the public sector enjoy the same salaries as medical practitioners and dentists, a significant PsySSA gain. Little wonder that doctoral enrollments in psychology (10.3%) are surpassed only by those in politics (18.3%) and religion (17.2%) (Academy of Science of South Africa, 2011). With widespread knowledge of the usefulness of psy­ chology— engendered by its visibility in the media, by new psychologists having to do a one-year community service in a variety of health settings, and by the numerous quality psychology conferences regularly being organized in SA— psychologists can look forward to greater employment pos­ sibilities in areas and workplaces where psychology may not have previously been otherwise highly regarded. Research

The quest to prove White supremacy and undergird separatist policies witnessed the vast majority of research being directly funded by erstwhile government institutions. The democratic era has seen an avowed shift toward competitive funding in which merit and benefit to society— determined largely through objective assessment like blind review—prevail. Be­ sides research which is conducted at private institutions and universities, psychological research—largely problem-fo­ cused and quantitative—is also supported by the National Research Foundation (NRF) and the Human Sciences Re­ search Council (HSRC), which receive their budgets from parliamentary allocations to the Department of Science and Technology from taxpayers’ contributions and are also the main sources of research funding. The NRF rates scientists, including psychologists, according to their research produc­ tivity and quality and then funds their research projects. The NRF successfully rated over 60 academic psychologists dur­ ing 2006 and 2011, including those at the HSRC, and funded 403 researchers in psychology: 175 White women, 109 White men, 74 Black women, and 45 Black men (Cooper & Nich­ olas, 2012a). Research productivity at universities is re­ warded by the Department of Higher Education and Training, which awards the university approximately U.S. $18,000 on notification of a publication in an accredited journal; the money is usually used to facilitate further research within the program or department and for tax-free conference participa­ tion. Both blue skies and high-profile problems confronting rapid social transformation in SA get funding on merit, with the more successful psychology research intersecting policy and intervention imperatives, with human quality of life and well-being issues that underpin social cohesion being central. Psychological “research covers the major traditional and re­ cent problem areas studied internationally” (Cooper & Nich­ olas, 2012a, p. 98), and it is becoming increasingly rare for policy research into human development to exclude psycho­ logical insights. November 2014 • American Psychologist

There have been steady and progressive attempts to con­ textualize and make psychology more accessible to the ma­ jority in SA, rendering it more relevant to one of the most multicultural societies in the world, but much more needs to be done to establish the imprimatur of a truly South African or African psychology that really makes its mark. H e ig h te n e d V is ib ility

Since 1994, psychologists have been overrepresented within the leadership of higher education, as exemplified by the following: Roux Botha (last Rand Afrikaans University prin­ cipal), Saths Cooper (last University of Durban-Westville principal), Cheryl de la Rey (current University of Pretoria principal, former Council on Higher Education CEO, former University of Cape Town deputy principal), Noel Manganyi (first Director-General of Education under President Man­ dela, former University of the North principal), Neo Mathabe (former University of South Africa vice principal, former Technikon SA principal, former University of Bophuthatswana vice principal), Ricky Mauer (former Univer­ sity of South Africa registrar), Thoko Mayekiso (current Nel­ son Mandela Metropolitan University vice principal), Nhlanhla Mkhize (University of KwaZulu/Natal deputy vice principal), Lionel Nicholas (former University of Durban-Westville vice principal), Bonginkosi Emmanuel “Blade” Nzimande (current Minister of Higher Education and Training), Angina Parekh (current University of Johannesburg vice principal), Cheryl Potgieter (University of KwaZulu/Natal deputy vice principal), Connie Pretorius (last Technikon Witwatersrand principal), Ty­ rone Pretorius (University of the Western Cape principal, former University of Pretoria vice principal, former Monash SA prin­ cipal, former University of the Western Cape vice principal), Zonke Z. Majodina (Human Rights Committee chair, Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, former South Africa Human Rights Commissioner), Mapule Ramashala (former Medical University of South Africa and University of Durban-Westville principal, former TRC Com­ missioner), and Patrick Sibaya (former University of Zululand vice principal). Under PsySSA’s leadership, South African psychology successfully hosted the quadrennial 30th International Con­ gress of Psychology, July 22-27, 2012, in Cape Town, at­ tracting delegates from 103 countries. This was the first time that this flagship event in international scientific psychology was held on African soil since the first congress was held in Paris, France, in August 1889, and it has thrust psychology in this country and the continent into renewed prominence and even greater bilateral and multilateral engagements with psy­ chology globally. The leadership of psychology from the rest of Africa joined the psychology leadership in SA in announc­ ing the Cape Town Declaration to form the Pan-African Psychology Union (PAPU), which will be inaugurated at the time of the PsySSA 20th Anniversary Congress in September 2014. This is a further significant development in psychology 845

in a continent whose psychology is woefully underrepre­ sented as a discipline even where it exists.

Q u o V a d is ? The challenge for psychology in SA in the next 20y years is to address majority concerns in a society where, as in most of the world, psychology is considered a luxury and often be­ lieved to lack utilitarian and economic usefulness (Cooper, 2012). The patent previous “attempts to thwart black entry into the profession in a country where blacks are in the majority” have failed, and the “justification and defense of apartheid, even selectively interpreting psychology in the service of apartheid, have made new generations of psychol­ ogists sensitive to the subversion of ethical principles and conduct” (Cooper, 2012, p. 304). What is now required is for psychology to be open to all realities, to eschew the contrived convenience of any singular truth, and to refuse to allow itself to be subservient to the narrow prejudices and partisan po­ litical interests that dominated it during apartheid (Cooper, 2012). Psychologists who have witnessed or otherwise expe­ rienced the shameful consequences of apartheid believe that universal ethical precepts should always reside in psycholog­ ical conduct and should not succumb to tendentious political considerations, however democratic the latter may appear to be. Cooper and Nicholas (2012b, p. 91) maintained that “the greatest challenge facing this ‘rainbow nation’ of many col­ ors and cultures is reducing the historical imbalances of the past” and bestowing “upon South Africa the greatest gift possible—a more humane face” (Biko, 2009, p. 108). I be­ lieve that “to do otherwise would constitute the slippery slope of returning to the past, where conflictual and multiple rela­ tionships were acceptable, thus providing succor to oppres­ sive and exploitative practices and systems against which psychology will be unfortunately judged in the public do­ main” (Cooper, 2012, p. 304). I also maintain that “a mark of any discipline’s relevance is its ability to keep pace with social dynamics and emerge competent to describe its pur­ view in terms of social relevance” (Cooper, cited in Cavill, 2000, p. 15). The inauguration of PAPU, which recognizes psychology’s “potential to serve as a key driver in human development in our communities, countries, Africa and the World” and its strength “as an agent for change, development, and empow­ erment of individuals and communities” (PAPU, 2013, Arti­ cles 3.1 and 3.3), augurs well for future continental African collaboration and mutual understanding of the legacies that have limited the greater development of psychology, both of which may lead to psychology rightfully playing a more enabling role in society. South African psychology is playing a critical role with other members of PAPU to revision psychology to truly represent all of humanity, thus signifi­ cantly altering “the perceived and received psychology agenda that begs its essential African identity location” (Coo­ 846

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