A Qualitative Study of Intimate Partner Violence Among Women in Nigeria.

553112 research-article2014

JIVXXX10.1177/0886260514553112Journal of Interpersonal ViolenceBalogun and John-Akinola

Article

A Qualitative Study of Intimate Partner Violence Among Women in Nigeria

Journal of Interpersonal Violence 1–18 © The Author(s) 2014 Reprints and permissions: sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0886260514553112 jiv.sagepub.com

Mary O. Balogun, MBBS, MPH, FWACP, DOccMed1 and Yetunde O. John-Akinola, BSc, MPH1

Abstract Negative health outcomes caused by intimate partner violence (IPV) have been recognized as a public health problem with extensive effects on the society. Cultural and traditional beliefs that reinforce IPV in Nigeria need to be understood to guide public health approaches aimed at preventing IPV. The purpose of this study was to determine women’s attitudes and societal norms that support IPV, causes and consequences of IPV, and coping strategies, and to document suggested measures to prevent it. Six focus group discussions (FGDs) were conducted among 56 women aged 15 to 49 years purposively selected from rural and urban communities in Akinyele Local Government Area (LGA) of Oyo State, Nigeria. The FGDs were conducted in Yoruba language, translated to English, and analyzed using thematic approach. Findings were grouped into six major themes: triggers, societal norms, attitude, consequences, coping strategies, and preventive measures. Women reported experience of physical, psychological, and sexual violence and controlling behavior. Major causes of IPV reported by the women were having more money than partner, and building a house or having a business without partner’s knowledge. Most participants reported that social norms dictate that a woman should have full regard for in-laws, and submit to and agree with all that the partner says and does. Most of 1University

of Ibadan, Nigeria

Corresponding Author: Mary O Balogun, Department of Preventive Medicine and Primary Care, College of Medicine, University of Ibadan, Ibadan PMB 5116, Nigeria. Email: [email protected]

Downloaded from jiv.sagepub.com at UNIV OF PITTSBURGH on August 18, 2015

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Journal of Interpersonal Violence

the discussants in both the urban and rural areas reported that violence in any form is not justifiable or acceptable. Participants mentioned various ways through which IPV negatively impacted on women’s health such as depression, hypertension, and damage to the reproductive system. They were however willing to endure suffering because of their children. Women who experienced IPV reported to close relatives but did not seek legal redress because these were unavailable. Ending IPV requires long-term commitment and strategies involving contributions from the government, community, and the family. Keywords intimate partner violence, attitude, consequences, coping strategies, focus group discussion

Introduction Intimate partner violence (IPV) is one of the most common forms of violence against women that is performed by a husband or male partner (World Health Organization [WHO], 2013). IPV is a major public health and human rights problem occurring worldwide and has profound implications for health but is often ignored (WHO, 2012). The negative effects of IPV on women’s health are serious enough to be recognized as a public health crisis with considerable consequence on society (Antai & Antai, 2008). IPV refers to any behavior within an intimate relationship that causes physical, psychological, or sexual harm to those in the relationship. Such behavior includes acts of physical aggression—such as slapping, hitting, kicking, and beating; psychological abuse—such as intimidation, constant belittling, and humiliating; forced intercourse and other forms of sexual coercion; various controlling behaviors—such as isolating a person from their family and friends, monitoring their movements, and restricting their access to information or assistance (Garcia-Moreno, Jansen, Ellsberg, Heise, & Watts, 2005). Several studies have documented the prevalence of several forms of IPV in Africa. Gass, Stein, Williams, and Seedat (2010) reported physical violence prevalence of 31% among South African women. In urban Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, estimates of lifetime prevalence were 33% for physical and 23% for sexual violence against women and Verduin, Engelhard, Rutayisire, Stronks, and Scholte (2013) reported a prevalence of 30% among women in Rwanda. The prevalence of physical IPV in Zimbabwe was 38.1% (Alio, Daley, Nana, Duan, & Salihu, 2009) and 34% in Egypt (Diop-Sidibé, Campbell, & Becker,


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2006). In Nigeria, the National Demographic Health Survey (NDHS) of 2008 reported lifetime prevalence of physical violence was 27.7%, ranging from 13.1% in north-west to 52% in the south-south zone. Balogun, Owoaje, and Fawole (2012) reported lifetime IPV prevalence of 64% among rural women and 70% among urban women in south-western Nigeria. Nigeria is a multi-ethnic nation with very rich customs and traditions, both indigenous and modern. However, despite the modernity in traditions, the cultural context is still marked by patriarchy (Olayanju, Naguib, Nguyen, Bali, & Vung, 2013). Cultural and traditional beliefs influence IPV in the country. For example, the 2003 NDHS showed that 66.4% of ever married women agreed that a man is justified in beating or hitting his wife (NDHS, 2003). Women have been reported to overlook IPV, perceiving it as a cultural and religious norm which is difficult to change (Ilika, 2005). Women accept reprimands, beating, and forced sex which affects their physical, mental, and reproductive well-being as part of inevitable challenges in marriage (Ilika, 2005). In addition, discriminatory laws that condone certain forms of violence against women, perception that victims are to be blamed for IPV, an inaccessible justice system, and a perception that IPV belongs in the private sphere are contributory factors to high prevalence of IPV in Nigeria (Antai & Antai, 2009). Violence against women is a complex, multi-faceted phenomenon, occurring within a social context that is influenced by gender norms and interpersonal relationships (Testa, Livingston, & VanZile-Tamsen, 2011). Use of qualitative research methods provide important insight into the subjective experience of violence and a greater understanding of the context and meanings associated with it (Testa et al., 2011). It reveals the reasons for the problem under study, getting deeper into the world of the subjects’ meanings, beliefs, and values (Costa & Lopes, 2012). Various studies on IPV in Nigeria are quantitative researches lacking contextual information on IPV from women’s perspective. This article aims to provide information on women’s attitudes and social norms that support IPV which are difficult to determine using quantitative methods of data collection such as questionnaires. Triggers and consequences of IPV, coping strategies, and suggested measures to stop or reduce IPV were also explored among women in rural and urban communities.

Method This article reports the findings of the qualitative component of a mixedmethods research study. Focus group discussions (FGDs) were conducted to provide formative data for the development of an instrument


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(survey questionnaire) for the quantitative study (Balogun et al., 2012). The qualitative data were analyzed to expound personal and cultural perspectives and experiences of IPV among Nigerian women.

Study Area The study was carried out in rural and urban wards of Akinyele Local Government Area (LGA) in Ibadan, Oyo State, south-western region of Nigeria. The LGA covers an area of 575 square kilometers and consists of a small urban area surrounded by many rural settlements. It has a total population of 342,626 people (National Population Commission, 2006). The majority of the people are of the Yoruba ethnic group. The majority of those living in the urban areas are traders and artisans, while residents of the rural areas are mostly farmers.

Sample A purposive sampling technique (Robson, 2011) was used for selecting participants for the FGDs. The FGD participants consisted of women of reproductive age (women aged 15-49 years) living in the rural and urban communities in the LGA. All the women were of Yoruba origin and could speak the Yoruba language. Participants in the FGDs were recruited and selected from both rural (Ijaiye) and urban (Ojoo) communities. The participants were recruited for the FGD with the assistance of health workers from the respective communities and were invited to participate in the FGDs after the purpose of the study had been explained to them. A total of 56 women were recruited for the six FGDs conducted; three FGDs each were conducted in the rural and urban communities. Each group consisted of 8 to 10 participants. Homogeneity of participants is recommended in FGD (Krueger & Casey, 2000); therefore, participants were women of reproductive age subdivided into similar age groups comprising of women aged 15 to 20 years, 21 to 35 years, and 36 to 49 years in the three groups in each site; the youngest women group were not married while the middle and oldest women group were married based on the assumption that young and single women may have different perspectives and experiences from married women with regard to IPV. Women were grouped by age categories to ensure uniformity and because the Nigerian culture does not expect younger women to express their opinions in the presence of older women as a mark of respect for them. This issue was taken into consideration in delineating the age categories of the FGD participants.



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Data Collection The women were invited to the health centers in their communities and a FGD guide was used to obtain information on types and causes of IPV, perception of wife beating, consequences of IPV, societal norms causing IPV, coping strategies, reasons why women stay in abusive relationship, and best ways of preventing IPV (see the appendix). A team of three persons were involved in conducting the FGD: a moderator (the principal investigator); an assistant moderator, who also served as an observer (a Health Promotion and Education researcher); and a recorder (a junior resident doctor) who documented the discussion and operated the tape recorder during the discussion. Each FGD session lasted about 1.5 hrs.

Data Management The FGDs were recorded on audiotape after the moderator had obtained permission from the women to do so. Recorded audiotapes were played back and discussions were transcribed. The data gathered provided contextual information on Nigerian women’s experiences and perspectives on societal norms, attitude, coping strategies, and prevention measures related to IPV.

Data Analysis A thematic analysis (Robson, 2011) was undertaken to ascertain women’s knowledge about the cause and their experience of IPV, their perception toward IPV, consequences of IPV, coping strategies, reasons why women stay in abusive relationship, and ways of preventing IPV.

Ethical Considerations The WHO Guidelines on Ethics and Gender Based Violence was used as a guide to implementing the study (WHO, 2001). Ethical approval was obtained from the Joint University of Ibadan and University College Hospital Institutional Review Committee. Verbal informed consent was obtained after explaining the purpose of the study to the respondents. Before the FGDs commenced, for both ethical and safety reasons the study was introduced to the wider community as a survey on women’s health and not on IPV. When the FGDs commenced, the respondents were informed that the study was on IPV. Women were assured of confidentiality of all the information given; they were informed that they were free to leave at any period during the FGD, and do not have to respond to any question they were uncomfortable with.


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None of the women opted out of the FGD throughout the duration of the discussion.

Findings From the FGDs The findings from the FGDs are grouped based on similar themes: awareness of types of IPV, causes and experiences of IPV, societal norms that contribute to IPV, attitude to physical violence, consequences of IPV, coping strategies and reasons for staying in abusive relationship, and ways of preventing IPV. Quotes are used to illustrate and illuminate the themes identified.

Participants A total of 56 women participated in the FGDs; 28 participants each, with 8 participants aged between 15 and 20 years, 10 aged 21 to 35 years, and 10 aged 36 to 49 years, in both the rural and urban communities participated in the study.

Awareness of Types of IPV All the women across all the age groups in both the rural and urban areas felt that IPV was very common, especially among married women or partners; women were reported to be mostly victims. The major types of IPV mentioned by majority of women participants included physical, sexual, psychological/emotional IPV, and controlling behaviors. Women reported being ignored, denied sex, and beaten by partners. Some complained their partners always insisted on knowing their whereabouts. One participant stated, IPV is very common. Some men actually beat their wives. (FGD 36-49, U)

Another woman stated, A form of violence we often experience is when the man monitors the wife everywhere she goes. He wants to know about her whereabouts at every point in time and must ask for his permission before she goes anywhere. (FGD 36-49, R)

Causes and Experiences of IPV Generally, the women felt that relatives from the husbands’ families are very intolerant especially when women marry from other tribes, due to



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cultural differences, they are at risk of experiencing IPV from relatives. Another major cause of IPV reported by most of the participants was situation in which women were more financially empowered than their partners and possessed lands, built houses, or owned businesses without the partner’s knowledge. According to the women, the level of prosperity of the partners was an issue that could trigger violence, as identified in some of their responses. When a woman has more money than the husband, violence can occur. (FGD 21-35, R) When husbands don’t want their wives to prosper: they believe they are their servants, part of their properties; and should not be prospering. (FGD 36-49, U)

Some of the women also related IPV to having a higher level of education than their partners. One of the women stated, When the woman is more educated than the partner, it could lead to violence. (FGD 15-20, R)

The women in both the rural and urban communities, across the different age groups, also attributed the causes of IPV to other factors. The older women (36-49 years; in both the urban and rural areas) stated that women’s stubborn attitude, men’s irresponsibility, and having extramarital affairs by either partner were causes of IPV. However, among the women aged 21 to 35 years in the rural areas, the major causes of IPV mentioned by most of the participants were women denying the partner sex, not obeying his instructions, disobedience, and non-submission to the partner. These reasons were corroborated by all the FGD participants in the same age group in the urban area. In addition, women aged 21 to 35 years in the urban area reported that infertility, late food preparation, men regarding women as inferior and thus “considering women as men’s possession” were also causes of IPV. Furthermore, younger women group (15-20 years) in the urban area indicated that inappropriate dressing and keeping friends that the partner does not approve of were causes of IPV. This was also mentioned by one of the women aged 21 to 35 years. For example, women indicated that Sometimes the responsibility of the upkeep of the children is left alone for the wife and this result in violence when the man refuses to give her what she needs for taking care of the family. (FGD 36-49, U)


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Journal of Interpersonal Violence Violence can occur when a woman is not submissive and disobeys her husband’s instructions. (FGD 21-35, R) When a woman dresses inappropriately, in a way that her husband does not approve of, it results in violence. (FGD 15-20, U) Violence can occur when partners don’t want their wives to dress well, and don’t want their wives to go out, especially to social clubs. (FGD 21-35, U)

Societal Norms That Contribute to IPV Generally, all the women participants in both the rural and urban communities felt that there were social norms which favored IPV. Women across all age groups in the rural area reported that societal norms dictate that a woman be submissive to her partner to ensure peace in the home and prevent IPV. However, among women in the urban area, it was highlighted that the issue of in-laws was a societal norm that could trigger IPV. Examples of some of the quotations include the following: A woman is expected to be submissive to and in agreement with what the partner says or does. He should always have the final say and when a woman chooses not to comply with these norms, she will have problems, which usually lead to violence. (FGD 36-49, R)

A woman reported: A newly married woman is expected to respect every member of her husband’s family whether they are younger than her or not. Her in-laws must not be called by their first names. A woman must call her husband’s 6 year old brother “uncle” and “auntie” if she is a girl. (FGD 36-49, U)

Attitude to Physical Violence (Physical IPV) Overall, most of the women in both the urban and rural areas said violence in any form is not justifiable or acceptable. A man should not physically abuse his partner whatever she might have done. Some women reported as follows: Women are weaker vessels and they should be honoured and never be beaten; it is not biblical. (FGD 36-49, R)



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It is not justifiable for a man to beat his wife. Even if what the woman did was wrong, if the man should beat her then the man too is wrong. (FGD 36-49, R)

However, a few of the women especially among the rural younger women (15-20 years) and urban older women (35-49 years) held a different view. One of the FGD participants indicated that Sometimes the woman does something that the partner does not want her to do especially after she has been seriously warned not to do it, then the man can beat the wife; it is just that the beating should be moderate. (FGD 15-20, R)

In addition, another woman (FGD 36-49, U) highlighted that when women are negligent of their duties, are unfaithful to their marital vows, and the man becomes aware of these, he is justified to physically abuse his wife.

Consequences of IPV Various effects of IPV on women’s well-being were mentioned. The women in both rural and urban areas stated that IPV could affect women’s ability to carry out their daily activities efficiently, lead to health problems, and cause women to age fast. For example, the older women (35-49 years) in the rural area specifically mentioned that IPV could lead to mental disorder or madness. Women in the urban area said forcing a woman to have sex daily or frequently can damage her reproductive system. The women reported that It is when a woman is happy and satisfied that she can work; if the woman is not happy she won’t have the strength to carry out her activities. (FGD 36-49, R) The woman will be sad, depressed, and can have hypertension. (FGD 15-20, R) Having sex everyday can cause vaginal tears, ulcers or erosions. (FGD 21-35, U)

A woman recounted her experience: There was a time my husband and I were not talking to each other in the house; we were like enemies even though we were living in the same house; in fact our clothes must not touch each other on the bed, it was that serious. Then one day I heard a bad news about some money I was expecting and because I was already stressed emotionally, I fainted and was admitted in the hospital. (FGD 36-49, R)


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Coping Strategies and Reasons for Staying in Abusive Relationship for IPV The FGD participants reported that the main reason why women stayed with their abusive partners and endure the suffering was because of their children. Women believed that their children would suffer if they left the relationship. The older women reiterated that it was unacceptable for a woman to leave her husband’s home once she is married. They also highlighted that leaving an abusive marriage does not guarantee that the next relationship will be better and that it is inappropriate for a woman to move from one relationship to another. The majority of the younger women said that if a man “disvirgins” (i.e., her first sexual partner) a girl, she will not want to leave the relationship in spite of experiencing IPV. A woman in the urban area said, In Yoruba land, we believe our children are our husbands. It is usually because of them we don’t leave when situations (like IPV) occur; so we don’t leave because of the children, we would rather endure. (FGD 21-35, U)

Another woman stated, In my family, you cannot leave your husband’s house. If a woman does not stay in her husband’s house but goes about having children for different men; by the time she dies they will not know where to bury her since she had children for different husbands. (FGD 21-35, U)

A younger woman stated, Some girls believe that if a man “disvirgins” them he should be the one to marry them so even if the man should beat them, they will not leave the relationship. (FGD 15-20, R)

Furthermore, the women in both the rural and urban communities also reported that most women stay in abusive relationships because efficient social services that could support victims of IPV or legal services that address issues related to IPV were not available. In the rural area, women reported that the police station was the only existing social service that helped to address IPV, while the urban participants said elders in the neighborhood sometimes helped to solve IPV-related problems. However, most of the women said IPV can be reported to in-laws but some said this might not always be helpful. Women stated about reporting IPV,



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Some women don’t report as this may worsen the situation on ground. (FGD 36-49, R) Sometimes the woman might have been warned not to go into the relationship, so when she starts having problems, there is usually nobody to turn to. (FGD 21-35, R)

Prevention of IPV Although women in both urban and rural communities believed IPV was not acceptable, they also felt the responsibility of preventing it rested mostly with the women. Various ways of preventing or reducing IPV were highlighted by the women. Women stated that prayers, counseling sessions with pastors or other religious leaders, good character of the woman, sexual satisfaction, among others were ways through which IPV could be prevented. Some suggested ways of preventing IPV include Women should be submissive, honest, have a good character, and be patient. (FGD 21-35, R) Women should have forbearance and longsuffering. It is he that endureth to the end that shall be saved. Women should forbear because of their children. (FGD 36-49, U) Women should know their partners, what they want and do not want before they get married; when they get married, there won’t be many problems. (FGD 15-20, U)

All the women however stated that leaving the relationship may be considered as a last option if the woman’s experience of IPV may lead to her death. Some of the women reported that If the violence gets too much, the woman will leave. (FGD 15-20, R) It is better for her to leave and be separated from her partner than to die staying with him. (FGD 36-49, U)

Discussion The present study sought to explore women’s attitude and societal norms that triggers IPV in rural and urban settings. The findings in this study suggest


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that IPV is prevalent among women in Nigeria and has been corroborated by other researchers (Fawole, Aderonmu, & Fawole, 2005; NDHS, 2008). Balogun et al. (2012) reported lifetime prevalences of 64% and 70% in rural and urban communities respectively in south-western communities of Nigeria. Women in Nigeria also experience different forms of IPV including physical violence, sexual violence, physiological violence, and controlling behaviors (Balogun et al., 2012; NDHS, 2008). This indicates that IPV is a pervasive public health issue in Nigeria which needs to be addressed. Married women reported more IPV than the single women probably because they were more likely to be in relationships for an extended period long enough to be exposed to different forms of IPV compared with the single participants. Women in this study attributed IPV to various causes that are consistent with prior literature. These include not obeying husband, failure to care adequately for the children or home, questioning about money or girlfriends, going somewhere without husband’s permission, refusal to have sex when the husband wants, or expressing suspicions of infidelity. Issues related to in-laws and being more financially empowered than the partner were two major causes of IPV identified in this study. In Nigeria, especially in the south-west zone, the culture of the extended family system where mother-inlaws sometimes live with their sons or daughters in their matrimonial homes is quite ingrained leading to quarrels among couples, and consequently IPV. Raj, Livramento, Santana, Gupta, and Silverman (2006) also reported that the problem of in-laws was one of the triggers of IPV among South Asian women in the United States. However, women in this study reported that IPV arising from issues related to in-laws were more prevalent in intertribal marriages. Nigeria has six geopolitical zones with Igbo, Hausa, and Yoruba as major ethnic groups having distinct cultural traits (NDHS, 2008). Differences in culture may lead to IPV in intertribal marriages or relationships. With an intertribal marriage, the network of family and friends can either be supportive making the marriage smoother or contradictory putting unnecessary pressure on the couple because of cultural differences and creating conflict within the marriage. The role of intertribal marriage and relationships in IPV needs to be further researched. It was also reported in this study that women having more financial power than their partner triggered IPV. Increased domestic power of a woman as a result of earned income has been found to result in violence from partners (Krug, Dahlberg, Mercy, Zwi, & Lozano, 2002; Lamichhane, Puri, Tamang, & Dulal, 2011). Partner violence has been reported to be highest at the point where women begin to assume non-traditional roles or enter the workforce (Krug et al., 2002). This is probably because women who have greater economic responsibilities will have a high status and achieve sufficient power to change their traditional gender roles and their



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partners may be less able to fulfill their culturally expected roles as providers (Krug et al., 2002), thus leading to conflict of roles and consequently violence. Lack of submission to partner was reported by participants as a major societal norm that contributes to IPV. Submission to one’s husband is a cultural and religious norm in Nigeria where the patriarchal system is observed and such norms that assert men’s inherent superiority over women have been found to increase the likelihood of violence (Antai & Antai, 2008; Rocca, Rathod, Falle, Pande, & Krishnan, 2009). In the Nigerian culture, especially in south-western region, the husband has the final say in the home which must not be disputed. A woman who goes contrary to her partner’s instruction and does not submit is at risk of IPV. In addition, almost all women in Nigeria are religious; they are either Christians or Muslims (NDHS, 2008). Both religions support women’s submission to their husbands. Financial empowerment of women reduces their economic dependence on their husbands or partners and may reduce their level of submission and consequently triggering violence. Majority of participants did not justify physical violence. This finding is in contrast to reports by researchers in Nigeria (Antai & Antai, 2008; Fawole et al., 2005; Oyediran & Isiugo-Abanihe, 2005; Owoaje & Olaolorun, 20052006), Africa (El-Zanaty & Ann, 2006), and other countries around the world (Garcia-Moreno et al., 2005) that women accept IPV as justifiable punishment for a woman’s transgression of her normative roles in society, as well as for disobedience, adultery, and disrespecting her husband’s relatives. The reason could be that women were more aware of the consequences of IPV and thus did not justify physical violence for any reason. Being unfaithful and having extramarital affairs were the major reason for which physical IPV was justified among the few women that supported physical IPV. This is similar to reports by Garcia-Moreno et al. (2005) and reflects the culture and societal norm in Nigeria especially in south-western Nigeria where it is considered abominable for a woman to have extramarital affairs. Results from this study support the findings that IPV has effects which can manifest as poor health status, poor quality of life, and high use of health services (WHO, 2012). IPV has been reported as one of the most common causes of injury in women with long-term negative health consequences even after the abuse has ended (Krug et al., 2002). Women actually believe that IPV affects their health physically, mentally, and socially and may be the reason why they did not justify IPV. Women would rather stay in an abusive relationship rather than leave because of their children. This is corroborated by other researchers (Alper, Ergin, Selimoglu, & Bilgel, 2005; Ilika, 2005). In addition, in Nigeria,


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cultural and religious beliefs do not permit a woman to leave her husband as such a woman can be stigmatized (Ilika, 2005). This makes it difficult for women to leave an abusive relationship. They would rather endure the suffering of IPV rather than bear the shame of being separated from their partners. This study supports the findings that women report IPV mostly to relatives especially their parents as social and legal services are not available (Ilika, 2005; Ilika, Okonkwo, & Adogu, 2002). Unavailability of these services makes it even more unbearable for women experiencing IPV as they do not have any form of support except for that which they get from relatives. Women believe they have a role to play in preventing or reducing IPV by being prayerful, patient, obedient, and submissive. This reflects the cultural and religious norms of Nigerian women who generally condone and are complicit with IPV (NDHS, 2003). In conclusion, this study explored experience, causes, and societal norms that support IPV among women in Nigeria. IPV is perceived to be pervasive in south-western Nigeria. Issues related to in-laws in intertribal marriages and women’s greater financial empowerment than their partners were major causes of IPV. Lack of submission to husband or partner was a major societal norm that triggered IPV. In addition, women believe they should be submissive to their partners even though they do not support IPV in any form and would prefer to stay in an abusive relationship and forbear. They also report IPV to relatives as social and legal services are not available. IPV could have long-lasting consequences on a woman’s general health. There is need to commit to long-term strategies at local, national, and global levels that will help to understand and effectively deal with cultural and societal norms reinforcing IPV to put an end to it. Changing social, cultural, and religious norms would require using formal (legislature, law enforcement) and informal (community, traditional, and religious leader) strategies (Antai & Antai, 2008). The government should put in place interventions that will promote gender equality and confront the entrenched beliefs and cultural norms from which gender inequalities develop (WHO, 2009). National legislation and supportive policies that will contribute to creating cultural shifts by changing the norms, attitude, and beliefs that support IPV and also create a climate of non-tolerance for IPV (WHO, 2010) should be put in place and implemented. Parents and teachers should teach children, especially the young men, to respect their partners and themselves and encourage non-violent ways to resolve conflicts (WHO, 2010). The mass media can develop socially responsible radio and television programs that depict equitable and non-violent relationships between men and women (WHO, 2010).


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Limitations of the Study The study was qualitative in design thus prevalence of IPV could not be ascertained and data may not be representative. The study was on a sensitive topic and thus there were cultural biases in disclosure of physical and sexual violence. We overcame these by ensuring privacy and assuring respondents of confidentiality of information given.

Appendix Examples of Questions on IPV in the FGD Guide.

Types of IPV

Societal Norms That Cause IPV

Attitude Toward IPV

Triggers of IPV

IPV Coping Consequences Prevention Strategies of IPV of IPV

Do you think What sexual Causes of There are Do you and legal IPV has any IPV cases of think effect on the service some IPV is exist woman’s women justifiable? to help well-being? who stay address with their IPV? abusive Best ways of spouses or preventing partners. or Why is Reducing that? IPV

Physical Sexual Psychological Others

Note. IPV = intimate partner violence; FGD = focus group discussions.

Acknowledgments The authors thank Professor Ademola Ajuwon of the Department of Health Promotion and Education, University of Ibadan, and Dr. Jane Sixsmith of the Discipline of Health Promotion School of Health Sciences, National University of Ireland, Galway, Ireland, for the valuable suggestions with regard to the writing up of the article.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.


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Author Biographies Mary O. Balogun holds a MBBS degree from the University of Ibadan, Nigeria; a Masters degree in Public Health; and is a fellow of the West African College of Physicians. She also has a diploma in Occupational Medicine of the Faculty of Occupational Medicine, United Kingdom. She is a lecturer in the Department of Preventive Medicine and Primary Care, College of Medicine, University of Ibadan, and a Consultant Community Physician at the University College Hospital, Nigeria. She is currently conducting research in the field of Women’s health, domestic violence, and occupational health especially health of workers in the informal sector. Yetunde O. John-Akinola, BSc, MPH, has her degrees in physiology and health promotion and education from the University of Ibadan, Nigeria. She is a lecturer in the Department of Health Promotion and Education, College of Medicine, University of Ibadan, Nigeria. She is currently a PhD student in the Health Promotion Department of the School of Health Sciences, National University of Ireland, Galway. Her current research interests include school health promotion and health promoting schools, children and parents’ participation, adolescent, young people, and women’s health.


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